Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific
Monograph 1: The Philippines at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century

Malcolm W. Mintz


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Chapter 14

CONSTRUCTION AND INFRASTRUCTURE


OVERVIEW
 
Two of the physical aspects of village life are the focus of this chapter: infrastructure and construction. In Section 1, 'Infrastructure', is a discussion of roads and trails, where they existed, what role they played, and why they were fairly inconsequential in the overall transportation system of the region. Springs and wells forms the second part of this section, where they were found, how they were protected, and what were the alternatives when these proved unreliable. Subsequent sections relate to 'Construction'.

In Section 2 is a presentation of all the available tools, from saws, lathes and planes, through hammers, mallets and nails, to pulleys and wedges. Section 3 in on wood, looking at the hardwood trees that provided posts for the houses and beams for the frames. A discussion of shelters follows in Section 4, examining those which were temporary, used on the hunt or in the field, for defense and for religious purposes, and those which were more permanent, such as markets and hostels.

The house is the topic of Section 5, its main divisions, the specifics of its entry steps and ladders, its doors and windows and the accompanying enclosures found also on the property. In Section 6 begins the details of house construction, the planning and measurement, the preparation of the wood, the building of the frame, the roof, the walls and the floor, and how all this was clad with local grasses, palm fronds and bamboo, and held together with ties, lashes and pegs. Concluding the section is a discussion of quality and finish, followed by the possibilities of ruin and disrepair where the effects of climate, abetted by indifference, bring about collapse of the building.


1. INFRASTRUCTURE
 
The majority of lowland Philippine towns was located along the seashore, on the banks of rivers, or between creeks and streams.[1] While a location on the edge of the sea exposed them to raids, and along the river systems to periodic flooding,[2] it also offered them access to their dominant mode of transport, the boat.

1. INFRASTRUCTURE
(i) Roads and Trails
 
With an orientation to water sources, it is not surprising that transportation between major towns was by river or sea, not land. Roads, where they existed, would have been found within these towns. Well-travelled roads may have also led from town centres to the water's edge, into agricultural fields or to nearby settlements with no immediate access to water. Further afield, roads would have turned more basic, to paths and trails leading to more isolated settlements which became more difficult and more time-consuming to reach.

A need for roads would have also been circumscribed by the lack of vehicles to use them. Early references to wheeled vehicles is hard to find, with such references only becoming more common in dictionaries from the mid seventeenth century onward. With the coming of the Spanish, such vehicles began to appear in the Philippines and their service as a means of transportation became increasingly more common. Better roads and land access to more remote communities would no doubt have followed.

References to wheeled vehicles in the dictionaries of the central Philippine languages have been included in the endnotes for those who wish to pursue this further. There is a single reference to carreta 'cart' in Bikol (Bárag-bárag na iníng mamaˈmán Anda por ahi rodando esta carreta de los buyos 'The cart with betel nut is going from place to place') but this may not necessarily refer to a wheeled vehicle. Mamaˈmán is simply a container for betel nut, and as the Tagalog entry, paragos, shows, not all carreta had wheels.[3]

Within towns of the Bikol region, roads were referred to as lansángan, a term shared with all of the central Philippine languages with the exception of Waray.[4] Where reference to roads was made in song or verse, the term used was palkátan, a term whose root, lakat, can be found in Cebuano where the meaning is 'to walk'. This use of terms in the songs and narratives of Bikol which have been borrowed from Cebuano is a common pattern in the language.[5]
    lansángan street, road in a village [MDL]

    palkátan road, used only in song and verse [MDL]
As for the main road, the thoroughfare where most people passed, this was referred to as kabaróyan. It was obviously a road leading to a frequently accessed destination, probably in the lowlands as this would be the most likely place to find a road with infrequent bends. The term is clearly complex, and there are places in the Philippines which bear names showing the full form of the word or its root, baroy, with variant spellings, but I have not yet been able to determine either a reasonable meaning or source.
    kabaróyan the main road; the right-of-way where most people pass; a straight stretch of road; MANG-, PANG--AN to go via the main road; MANG-, PANG--ON to travel the main road to get s/t; MANG-, IPANG- to carry s/t when on such a road; (fig-) Kabaróyan an buˈót ni kuyán That person is straightforward and honest [MDL]
Daratángan, with its attendant meanings of 'roadhouse' and 'lingua franca' depending on the phrase or derivation, appears to refer to a road or trail that leads to somewhere distant. The root itself, dátang 'to arrive', again indicates that it would be along this trail that people came into town. This root, however, cannot have had its origin in Bikol, where the relevant form is datóng, nor can it be from Cebuano or Waray which shares the same form as Bikol, nor from Tagalog where the form is dating. Of the central Philippine languages, only Kapampangan has the form datang. A more likely source, however, is the Malay datang as Bikol has borrowed other terms from this language and a term carrying elements of distance and foreign tongues may very well have come from there.[6]

The modern term for road or highway, tinampó, is not found in the Lisboa dictionary proper. It appears only in the index of the 1754 edition where it is defined as a 'raised roadway', equivalent to dinagáˈ, a derivation of the root dagáˈ 'soil' or 'earth', which does appear in the dictionary. This must have been a roadway built in low-lying areas prone to flooding enabling access to areas otherwise cut off during the annual rains.
    daratángan road, path or trail where everyone walks; the route taken by all, or the house where everyone stays when on the road; a roadhouse; (fig-) daratángan na úlay lingua franca, a common language [MDL]

    tinampó street, road, roadway, highway

    dinagáˈ a raised roadway, built on filled-in ground [MDL]
The point at which roads or trails came together or crossed was referred to as símat or baralágat. The root for baralágat, after the plural and, possibly, frequentitive infixes -ar- and -al- (see Chapter 11, 'Fibre, Cloth and Clothing,' Section 7(ii)) have been stripped out, is bágat. While there has been a change in meaning over time, reference to the joining of routes can be seen as one of the affix possibilities of the Lisboa entry.
    símat MAG- to be crossed by other roads or trails (a road); to intersect with other roads: nagsímat na dálan a road crossed by other roads [MDL]


    baralágat describing a road crossed by many trails or a line crossed by many other lines; MA- or MAG- to cross a road, line (trails, other lines); to intersect (roads, trails); (PAG-)-ON to be crossed or intersected in such a way [MDL]

    bágat MAG-, -ON to block s/o; to stand in the way of s/o; to stop s/t (by being an obstruction); MAG-, -AN to obstruct, bar, or block off a particular area [MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go out of the house to meet s/o; to call to s/o passing by on a road or river; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to call s/t out or take s/t to s/o passing by; MAGKA- to meet, come together (two routes, people); (fig-) Binágat akó niyáng langhadán She greeted me with an insult when I was passing by her house]
When a road crossed into a populated area, one of the terms referring to this entry point was dadatngán, a term based on the root form of 'to arrive', here clearly the Bikol datóng. A second term, also referring to what must have been a clearing or marked opening as one enters a town, made even more explicit by its translation as 'plaza', is luluwángan. This is a derivation based on one of two clearly related roots, lúˈang referring to the generous width of a hole or opening, or luwáng where reference is to the hole itself.
    datóng MAG- to arrive [+MDL: Baˈgóng datóng gíkan sa Manila Newly arrived from Manila; MA-, -AN: datngán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagdatngán to arrive at a particular place; to find s/t upon arrival; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to come by a particular mode of transport; to bring s/t on arrival; -AN: dadatngán entry to a town; headman of a town who has passed through an entryway; KA--AN: kadatngán place of arrival, destination: Índa kon saˈín an kadadatngán I don't know where I'll end up; (fig-) MA- to come to pass (s/t prophesied)]

    luluwángan plaza; entry road to a town; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to enter a town, village by the main entry road; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to take s/t into a town by this route [MDL]
The general term for all thoroughfares whether wide or narrow, long or short, or used primarily for the passage of humans or created by the passage of animals, is dálan. This term, having the same form, is found in all of the central Philippine languages with the exception of Tagalog, where the cognate form, daan, appears.[7] There are, however, more specific references depending on how a trail was formed or in what way it was used.
    dálan path, track, trail; road; thoroughfare, way; sangáng dálan side road, feeder road; dalán-dálan path, trail [+MDL: MANGI-: mangingindálan to make a journey; to be the reason for a trip or journey; PANGI-: pangingindálan to be the route of a trip, journey; PAG--ON to make a trip for s/t; to travel to get s/t; PAG--AN to journey over a particular area; IPAG- to carry s/t on a journey]
A trail created naturally by the passage of humans or animals continually moving over the same place was danáˈ. Such trails were likely formed from village houses to areas along a river's edge where individuals would daily bathe or depart for destinations up or downstream, or into the forest where fruits or firewood were regularly collected, or to the rice fields during times of planting, maintenance or harvest.

A track formed strictly by birds or animals (anóg) would certainly be noticed, but it would draw comment only when a trail for passage by humans seemed very narrow and equally impassable. And then there were the paths through areas of reeds or tall grass (ranggás). These would undoubtedly be harder to keep open, requiring periodic clearing and cutting (gatás).
    danáˈ trail or pathway formed by people or animals continually passing over the same place; MAKA-, MA- to form a trail in this way; MAKA-, MA--AN to form such a trail across a particular area [MDL]

    anóg path or trail of a bird or animal; (fig-) Paˈanó kitá an umági kainíng dálan na garó na lámang anóg nin tiklíng? How are we going to pass on a trail that is like that of a tiklíng (Said when a trail is very narrow) [MDL]

    ranggás a road or trail through a thicket or an area of dense growth; MAG-, -AN to walk along such a trail or travel such a road [MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to walk through an area of tall grass or dense growth; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go to get s/t which requires passing through such an area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to carry s/t through such an area]

    gatás MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to clear and maintain a road or trail through an area of tall grass or reeds by cutting when required; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to clean and maintain a trail through such an area [MDL]
A number of terms referred to the clearing of land, some more general, referring to land that was opened for roads, trails or canals (háwan), some more specific, referring to land cleared of shrubs and trees to accommodate a house or trail (bádas), and those even more narrow referring to the clearing of an area only to make way for a trail (bátaw).
    háwan MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to clear land for roads, trails or canals; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to clear plants, shrubs for a road, trail or canal [MDL]

    bádas MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut shrubs and trees in clearing land for a house or trail; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to clear land for a trail, a house [MDL]

    bátaw MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to clear a new trail; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to clear a new trail through a particular area [MDL]
Trails also cycled through varying conditions depending on their employment; densely packed due to continuous use (tagudtód), worn into ruts from the passage of carts that travelled not on wheels, but on parallel logs pulled by carabao (luhób), or muddy (tunák), stirred up not only by the seasonal rains, but by constant and heavy use.
    tagudtód packed (as the soil on a well-traveled dirt road); MA- or MAG- to become packed down [MDL]

    luhób MA- or MAG- to be worn away; to develop ruts or grooves (as a well-traveled trail); to develop a depression; MAKA-, MA- to get worn down [MDL]

    tunák muddy (a road, trail); MA- to become muddy (a road, trail due to constant or heavy use) [MDL]
Unlike the kabaróyan which was a straight stretch of road, roads which followed the line of a river or the contours of a hill would twist and curve (likóˈ), at times leading a traveller in a long roundabout way to a destination (salángiˈ).
    likóˈ bend in a road or river; MAG- to curve, bend (a road, river); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to take a curve, bend in a river, road; KA--AN a bend, curve; PAGKA- the bending, curving of a road, river; líkoˈ-líkoˈ having many bends: líko-líkong dálan a road with many bends; a winding road; (fig-) Kalíko-líkoˈ mong magtarám You talk in a roundabout way [MDL]

    salángiˈ a winding road; a roundabout way; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to travel a winding road; to take the long way around; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go to get s/t via a roundabout route; (fig-) Kasalánging buˈót iyán ni kuyán That person is a non-conformist (going where other people are going, but taking the long way around) [MDL]
There are two entries in Lisboa which refer to stakes or spikes placed along a road, sugyáng and taruktók. The reason for their presence is not explained although they were clearly positioned there to cause injury and would have served at least a deterrent if not a protective function.
    sugyáng a pointed stake or spike; MAG-, I- to place or position such stakes or spikes; -ON or MA- to be wounded by such a stake or spike [+MDL: MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place pointed stakes or spikes on a path or roadway with the intent of causing injury to those passing by; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to plant a road with such stakes; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to injure s/o with such stakes; MA- to injure o/s when falling or stepping on such spikes or stakes]

    taruktók referring to the occurrence of many things stuck in the ground (such as spikes, posts or stakes along a road); also refers to the remaining parts of a broken grill or bars; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to drive in a large number of such spikes, posts; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to drive such stakes or posts into the ground; (fig-) used as a curse or insult: Pinagtaruktokán ka May you be impaled on many spikes [MDL]
In an example of the situation of travel outside the main centres of population, Diego de Aduarte cites the experience of the Dominicans, and before them, the Franciscans and Augustinians. To reach the approximate 700 individuals in the 30 towns spread across the rural areas of what is now the province of Bataan, the friars would have to travel to areas at the slopes of mountains as well as flood-prone areas near rivers and creeks. Traversable roads between the villages were non-existent. There were also no bridges across the numerous waterways. Due to the time it would take to reach villages of barely 25 people, each of these religious orders decided, in turn, to abandon such areas to concentrate their labours in centres of greater population.[8]

While there are references to bridges in Bikol, these clearly refer to constructions which are impermanent: logs or tree trunks placed across a river or stream (bátang), or planks of wood used to the same purpose (tuytóy). These are constructions which would be washed eventually away in the heavy rains of the season, to be rebuilt as needed in a subsequent year.
    bátang logs or palm trunks used as a bridge on a road or trail; also used to refer to wood or logs strewn about on land or water; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to bridge a road or trail with such logs; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use particular wood or logs as a bridge; (fig-) Nagbátang-bátang na kamó You're stretched out on the ground like a log [MDL]

    tuytóy MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to cross a river or stream by means of a bridge; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cross for a particular reason or to get s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t such a plank or log as a bridge; MAGPA-, PA--ON to encourage s/o to cross; to talk s/o across; also: to encourage s/o to say or confess s/t they have done; MAPA-, IPA- to say s/t in encouragement so s/o will cross; -AN: a bridge [MDL]
Rivers and streams were plentiful and these needed to be crossed. Where there were no bridges, these could be crossed by boat (dákit), and where there was no boat, then they could be crossed by wading from one bank to the other (sugsóg). Where a creek or stream, or a constricted point is a river, was narrow, then these might be crossed by vaulting over the water by using a long staff or pole (abíˈog).
    dákit MAG-, -ON to ford or cross a stream [MDL: MA- or MAG- to cross a river or stream; to cross from one point or promontory to another; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to cross a river over a bridge; to cross from one promontory to another by boat; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cross a river or cross from one point to another to get s/t or for a particular reason; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to carry s/t across a river or transport s/t from one point to another; -AN: dadakítan a boat, bridge]

    sugsóg MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to wade through a river; to ford a river by wading through the water; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to ford or wade through a river to get s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to carry s/t through a ford or when wading across a river [MDL]

    abíˈog MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to vault over a ford in a river by using a long staff or pole; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to vault over a river to get s/t or for a particular reason; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a staff or long pole for vaulting a ford [MDL]

1. INFRASTRUCTURE
(ii) Springs and Wells
 
For survival, any community would need access to fresh water (taˈbáng, labsáy). The water of rivers provided a means for transport and a place for bathing, but rarely water pure enough for drinking. The waters of creeks and streams (tangód) may have been suitable for washing, but lacked the cleanliness for cooking and consumption.
    taˈbáng MA- bland, flat, insipid, tasteless; lacking in salt or other spices ... taˈbáng na túbig freshwater (not salt) [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to become tasteless; to turn fresh or sweet (water that was originally salty); MAKA- to make s/t tasteless; to cause a reduction in salt ...]

    labsáy MA- tasteless ... MAG- to become tasteless [+MDL: labsáy na túbig fresh water; MA- or MAG- to become less salty (s/t which is preserved); malabsáy na árak weak liquor; malabsáy na tubáˈ weak tubáˈ]

    tangód the murky water of rivulets and streams used for washing, but not clean enough for drinking or for use in cooking [MDL]
For communities along the coast, ground water could be brackish with such high levels of salt (tayám) as to make it undrinkable. At times of need when water was scarce, it might be sourced from hill crevices which had an accumulation of rain (busdák), but failing that, a community would again turn to the coast, searching for brackish water with a low salt content for their consumption (basiáw).
    táyam MA- referring to the taste of hard water or mineral water; MAG- to develop such a taste (water) [MDL: tayám MA- brackish; water near the sea which contains a higher salt content than most freshwater; MA- or MAG- to turn brackish (water)]

    busdák fresh water found near the coast in hill crevices with no inlet nor outlet [MDL]

    basiáw brackish water found near the coast which may be drunk at times when no other water is available [MDL]
Readily available sources of fresh water would have provided the community with the stability it needed to prosper. Communities would have chosen their permanent sites near natural springs (bukál, burábod) where a natural flow of fresh water would have been guaranteed (bárong, tubód).
    bukál spring, a natural flow of water; MAG- to bubble up or flow from the ground (water) [+MDL: bukál-bukál MA- or MAG- to bubble up from the ground (water); to be bubbling (as boiling water); Bukál-bukál na That is really bubbling]

    burábod spring, a natural flow of water; buró-burábod a small spring [+MDL]

    bárong water which flows from a spring or is found in a well; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to flow from a spring or be found in a well (water); to draw water from a spring or well for s/o [MDL]

    tubód MA- or MAG- to gush, flow (as a spring from the ground); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to gush, flow from a well, a spring (water); to draw water from a spring or well for s/o; MAPA- to wait for the water to flow; Daˈíng tubód iníng bubón This well is dry [MDL]
Where natural springs did not exist, wells would have been dug to access the water which lay relatively close to the surface (bubón). Bubón is the term which is found in identical form in all of the central Philippine languages except for Kapampangan. In Kapampangan the term is talaga which is also an alternative found in Tagalog and still listed in modern dictionaries. This is undoubtedly a borrowing of the Malay telaga which Winstedt attributes to an origin in Sanskrit. The relevant Sanskrit form is most likely taḍaga 'pond'.[9]
    bubón well; MAG- to dig a well; MAG-, -AN to dig a well in a particular area [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dig a well; MA- to fall into a well]
Once wells were constructed they would have to be maintained. Water would be drained so that the well could be cleaned (waswás) or so that it may be deepened once consumption or seasonal variation caused the levels to drop (húgad).
    waswás MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to drain off water or remove mud from a well for the purpose of cleaning it; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to empty a well of water, mud; (fig-) Waswasón ko na iníng sakóng pároy sa abáng I'm going to empty my granary of rice [MDL]

    húgad MA-, -AN: hugáran or MAG-, PAG--AN: paghugáran to drain a well so that it may be deepened; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to drain or clean mud, sand from a well [MDL]
Wells would also have to be protected or secured. A hollow tree trunk (pansól) would have served the purpose of protecting the well from contamination, as well as securing it against accidental intrusion from animals or humans who might inadvertently fall into the depression. The well would also be covered by a piece of timber which had a hole bored in the centre (gusád) enabling water to be drawn without exposing the complete opening.
    pansól hollow tree trunk serving as a surround for a well, or as a still for the making of liquor; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to surround the outside of a well with a hollow tree trunk; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a hollow tree trunk for this purpose [MDL]

    gusád MA-, -AN: gusarán or MAG-, PAG--AN: paggusarán to bore a hole in the middle of a piece of timber, such as that later used for the cover of a well, planing it to a smooth finish; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove a piece of wood in the process of boring [MDL]
Once a well was established, it would become a site of frequent visitation. Water would be drawn for everyday household needs (sárok, sakdó) and then poured into the various containers needed to transport it back to the household (busóg).
    sárok MAG- to dip (as a kite); MAG-, -ON to dip for water [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to fetch water (from a river, well); to dip for water (with a bowl, coconut shell); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fetch water from a river, a well]

    sakdó MAG-, -ON to fetch water; MAG-, -AN to fetch water from a river, stream or well [+MDL: sakdóˈ MA-, -ON or MAG-, PA--ON to fetch water; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fetch water from a well, a river]

    busóg MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to pour water or another liquid from one container into another; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fill one container with water poured from another; used on Holy Thursday as part of the Maundy Thursday Mass [MDL]
The containers used to carry water differed in size and composition, from bamboo tubes (bungbóng) whose size could be altered by removal of a set number of internal nodes, to handleless pottery pitchers (duláy) and smaller vessels of varying materials (haˈsóg).
    bungbóng hollowed bamboo tube used for transporting water; (fig-) Garó na iníng mga bungbóng iyán bitís ni kuyán That person's feet are like bungbóng (Said when one's feet are swollen) [MDL]

    duláy an earthenware or pottery jar or pitcher without handles, commonly used to carry water [+MDL duláy-duláy small pottery jar or pitcher]

    haˈsóg MA- or MAG- to carry water in small containers for the purpose of filling large water urns; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fill large urns from smaller containers; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use small containers for this purpose [MDL]
When reaching their destination, this water would then be stored in larger containers to be available when needed, typically the balangá, but also the wanyíng which was described to Liboa as a receptacle once so large that individuals could swim in it.
    balangá large pitcher or urn for storing water [MDL]

    wanyíng a large earthen jar, said in ancient times to be so large that one could swim in it [MDL]

2. TOOLS
 
There was a varied set of tools available to the craftsman for all wood-working tasks, from carpentry to the construction of houses. In all of the central Philippine languages such a craftsman was the pandáy, although the scope of such a term differed. At its most general level, it referred to anyone with a particular expertise, for the most part in working with the hands. The most restricted meaning is found in Bergaño's definition for Kampampangan where the pandáy is described as a 'blacksmith'.[10]
    pandáy craftsman, smith; blacksmith, carpenter, electrician; MÁGIN to become a craftsman; -AN workshop, blacksmith's shop, forge [+MDL: someone skilled in a particular trade; MA- or MAG- to work at one's trade; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to work on or produce s/t following one's trade; MAGKAHING- to be an expert; to be accomplished at one's trade]
A craftsman would need the proper tools for a particular task (datpót), and one lacking this would come in for criticism (kuwó). Tools would be stored in a small, square box where they could be easily found and accessed (paˈwáhan). Paˈwáhan is a complex entry built, most likely, on the root áwaˈ which carries the meanings of 'cautiousness' or 'prudence' and can be applied to someone looking after and caring for their belongings.
    datpót things which are required to complete a task (such as those needed by a carpenter to build a house or a blacksmith to forge metal); set of tools or implements (of a smith or other trades person); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to be necessary to complete a task (as having a bolo when building a house); also idadpót [MDL]

    kuwó DAˈÍ I-: daˈíng ikinukuwó an expression used when one does not have the proper tools or equipment for the task at hand: Úgod-úgod haˈboná sinasasaró-saróng uták na daˈí kamíng ibáng ikinukuwó It's good you're going to steal our one and only knife, leaving us nothing to work with (Said sarcastically) [MDL]


    paˈwáhan toolbox; a small square a box in which carpenters, smiths and other craftsmen store their tools; also papaˈwáhan; -ON: pinaˈwáhan squared; s/t with squared sides; var- paˈháwan [MDL]

    áwaˈ MA-: maáwang táwo cautious, prudent, circumspect; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to do s/t gradually so that it will not be marred; to look after what one is carrying in the hand so that it will not be lost or broken; to be cautious, prudent or circumspect in carrying out a particular task; Abóng áwaˈ ni kuyán That person is very careful [MDL]
Tools, over time and with extensive use, would need attention to keep them in working order. The blades of knives or the heads of axes might develop hairline cracks or fractures (garát), the tips of blades would inevitably snap through continual use or occasional misuse (gípoˈ) and other tools and implements of steel would eventually become old and worn (gúro). Information on how tools could be reworked or repaired can be found in Chapter 9, 'Metals and Metalworking,' Section 12.
    garát a hairline crack or fracture; MAKA-, MA- to develop a hairline crack or fracture [MDL: a hairline crack or fracture in the blade of a tool or implement; MAKA-, MA- to develop or have such a crack; -AN a hairline crack or fracture]

    gípoˈ broken (the tip of anything pointed); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to break off the tip; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to break the tip off from s/t; MA- to have a broken tip [MDL]

    gúro old and worn (tools, arms or implements of steel); MA- to become old and worn; PAGKA-: an pagkagúro the wearing out of tools, arms [MDL]
When craftsmen worked, their efforts would also produce sounds; a general banging on something vaguely metallic such as a hammer on a nail (parakúpak), a light tapping on a material such as wood (taguktók) or a heavier pounding as the striking of a log (sagapók) or the hacking sound of a bolo or knife (ragaydáy).
    parakúpak banging sound made by carpenters and other craftsmen when working; MA- or MAG- to make such a sound [MDL]

    taguktók the sound of light pounding; MAG- to make such a sound [MDL: the sound of knocking on wood; MA- or MAG- to make such a sound]

    sagapók sound of a blow to the head; the sound of striking or hitting a log or wooden board; MA- or MAG- to make such a sound [MDL]

    ragaydáy the sound of hacking s/t with a bolo or knife; MA- or MAG- to make this sound [MDL]

2. TOOLS
(i) Saws
 
The tools which were available to the craftsman at the turn of the sixteenth century would look very familiar to the craftsman of today, even though the materials used might differ. Saws (lagádiˈ) would serve the same purpose of cutting wood to a required size. Lagádi, or one of its cognates, is found in all of the central Philippine languages, the exact form occurring in Waray and Cebuano [11] and the cognate lagari in Tagalog, Kapampangan and Hiligaynon.[12] The cognate form in Malay is gergaji, a borrowing which Winstedt, and others, attribute to Sanskrit.[13]

The Sanskrit origin which is always cited is krakača, a form which appears rather distant from the resultant term in Malay and, even more so, from those in the Philippines. Changes which occur to some of the Sanskrit loans when borrowed into Indonesian (or Malay) are explained by Uri Tadmor in his chapter in the publication Loan Words in the World's Languages.[14]

Some of the Sanskrit loans undergo intervocalic voicing; thus [krakača], the original form, becomes [kragaǰa]. It is also possible that the initial voiceless consonant would have also become voiced through assimilation to the following voiced consonant, producing [gragaǰa]. One further change which is not mentioned in the chapter is the metathesis of second consonant and following vowel, motivated by the inability of Malay to sustain consonant clusters within the same syllable. This change would then result in a word of the form [gargaǰa], bringing us far closer to the modern Malay form.
    lagádiˈ saw (carpentry); lagádiˈ sa batbát hacksaw; MAG-, -ON to saw s/t; MAG-, -AN to saw s/t off from s/t else [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to saw s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to saw s/t off from s/t else]

2. TOOLS
(ii) Lathes
 
Modern lathes can be used to shape a wide variety of materials, including wood, metal and glass, and it is possible that in the Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century it was also used for a variety of purposes. It may have been used in the production of jewellery to form beads and cylinders, something alluded to in the entry for Tagalog. It may also have been used in the finishing of metal objects, although there are no specific references to this. A reference in Kapampangan to particular types of plates indicates that the general term for lathe may have included something resembling the potters wheel.

When working with a lathe, the material, let us say wood, as this is probably the most likely material used in the Philippines, is fixed to a chuck which is turned while the surface is transformed. At its most basic, a chisel or other bladed instrument (rupóng-rupóng) is held against a rectangular piece of wood to turn it into a cylinder by removing the sharp edges. The wood can then be decorated by applying pressure with the blade to create the desired pattern, or it could be smoothed by a simple process of sanding.
    rupóng-rupóng main blade used by a turner when working on a lathe [MDL]
The term for 'lathe' is derived from a base which means, primarily, 'to turn' or 'rotate' (rárik). It is a term which can be found in all of the central Philippine languages in a variety of cognate forms; larik in Waray and Hiligaynon,[15]; ladik in Cebuano [16] and lalik in Tagalog and Kapampangan.[17]. What is missing from each of these entries is a statement of the possible orientation of the lathe, whether vertical or horizontal, and how many people would have been required to work it.

Ancient lathes would have been turned by a cord attached to the shaft of the lathe. The earliest form would have had a cord or strap wrapped around the shaft. Pulling on one end would have moved the lathe in one direction, and pulling on the other end would have moved it back. This type of lathe would have required two people to work it. A subsequent development was the bow lathe where the cord around the shaft could be moved first forward then backward. This could possibly be worked by one person if the lathe blade could be held steady with the free hand. The reference to 'cord' in the Hiligaynon entry indicates that use of a cord is probably how the lathe was turned in the Philippines, but it is unclear which of the corded systems was employed.[18]
    rárik MA- or MAG- to turn or rotate; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to turn or rotate s/t; to work s/t on a lathe; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as a lathe; (fig-) to be doubled over in pain; to be writhing in pain: Nagrárik na akó kan sakóng daghán I'm doubled over in pain from a stomachache; also used when one writhes in pain when being whipped [MDL]

2. TOOLS
(iii) Planes
 
Planes are used to modify the surfaces of wood or timber. This generally involves smoothing the surface by removing imperfections, or reducing the thickness by removing strips of wood.[19]

For Bikol, the term gatám is listed in the dictionary proper in both the 1754 and 1865 editions. In both editions, however, the Spanish-Bikol index lists the form katám which is the term used in modern Bikol. Additionally, in four of the remaining five central Philippine languages under consideration here, the term is also katám. It appears very likely that in the 145 years of copying the Bikol dictionary before its initial publication in 1754 an error was introduced and never corrected and the intended form was indeed katám.[20]
    gatám plane [MDL]

    katám plane (a carpenter's tool with an adjustable blade for smoothing and leveling wood); MAG-, -AN to plane s/t; MAG-, -ON to plane down a particular spot
Lisboa also has one further entry for 'plane' and that is hagudhód. This complex entry is preceded by the prefix ha- which generally indicates 'height', 'length' or 'depth', although there is some evidence that in the past it also was used to indicate 'movement' or 'direction' (See Chapter 10, 'Health and Personal Hygiene,' Section 13). This then leaves us with a root which was probably hudhód as its definition can be related to the meaning of 'plane': ha- + hudhód. What most likely has occurred is a process of dissimilation. As the close sequence of the three h consonants was not tolerated by the language, one of these was changed to the closely related g: hahudhódhagudhód.
    hagudhód tool (typ- used to plane wood); MA-, -AN: hagudhorán or MAG-, PAG--AN: paghagudhorán to plane wood; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to plane off chips from wood [MDL]

    hudhód MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to clear away plants and other vegetation with the forward movement of the iron shovel called landók; also applied to the movement of other instruments or tools where the blade is used for scraping (as when removing resin stuck to wood, floors); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to scrape s/t off from a surface [MDL]
The term for 'plane' in the remaining central Philippine language, Waray, is sapio, clearly unrelated to the terms presented above. This entry, however, is the only one which contains a detailled description of the plane that was in use in the Philippines at the time.[21] Sánchez de la Rosa describes an instrument formed from a rectangular block of wood with four squared corners and sides. A narrow slit is cut through the block to the base. Into the slit is placed a fine steel blade which is secured by a piece of bamboo. This blade protrudes a short way through the bottom enabling it to remove a layer of material as it is moved across the wood.


2. TOOLS
(iv) Files and Abrasives
 
Once articles of wood were removed from a lathe, or planed, or otherwise cut to size, they would be sanded to provide a final and smooth finish. What was used to accomplish this were two naturally occurring items, the skin of the ray fish and the leaf of the Ficus.

The skin (kilkíg) of the ray fish (pági) is comprised of small, hard scales called 'placoid scales' which grow tightly together with backward-facing tips. These scales are modified tooth structures supporting a covering of hard enamel. It is for this reason that the skin can serve as a medium for sanding.[22]
    kilkíg skin of the skate or ray fish, used for sanding; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to sand or rub s/t with such skin; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to sand or rub s/t off with such skin [MDL]

    pági stingray; ray fish, skate (typ- fish) [+MDL]
Kilkíg is found with the identical form and meaning in the three Visayan languages to the south of Bikol, but not in the two languages to the north, Tagalog or Kapampangan.[23] All of the central Philippine languages have the term pági to refer to the 'skate' or 'ray fish'. The appendix to the 1914 edition of the Sánchez de la Rosa dictionary makes a finer distinction by listing the various varieties of ray fish found in the region, identifying the particular species with a skin chosen for sanding as the pagi nga dahonan the 'leaf ray fish'.[24]

There are two types of Ficus which Lisboa identifies in the entry for hagúpit. One of these is a species which produces an edible fig, although it is unclear which species is referred to. The second is a species which has the rough leaves which can be used for sanding. This small tree is probably the Ficus ulmifolia which attains a height of between three to five metres.[25]

Hagúpit is a term also found in Waray, Cebuano and Hiligaynon and it also refers to a species of Ficus which has rough leaves used for sanding.[26] The Ficus reference in these languages, however, is to a climbing vine and not to a small tree. The appendix to the 1914 edition of the Sánchez de la Rosa Waray dictionary identifies this as the Ficus aspera volubilis,[27] a reference also found in the nineteenth century Flora de Filipinas.[28]
    hagúpit tree (typ- small, possessing a rough leaf that may be used for sanding; Ficus ulmifolia); MAG-, -ON to sand s/t off with such a leaf; MAG-, -AN to sand s/t; dáhon hagúpit leaves from this tree [+MDL: tree (typ- small, of which there are two species, one of which produces an edible fruit, black in color, and the other possessing rough leaves which may be used for sanding); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to sand wood or finish pots with the leaf of this tree; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to sand s/t off with this leaf, or with coconut fiber; (fig-) Garó na hinagúpit na kamagóng iníng pisngí mo It is as if your cheeks are like kamagóng (a reddish wood) which has been sanded (Said when s/o has been drinking and their cheeks are red)]
Both Tagalog and Kapampangan have the term gúpit. In Kapampangan this refers to metal snips used by a silversmith and in Tagalog reference is to the action of cutting with such snips (see Section 2 (ix)).[29] These forms are mentioned here because gúpit would be the root from which hagúpit would be derived with the addition of the directional prefix ha-. This, however, must remain simply an interesting observation as a root of the form gúpit cannot be found either in Bikol or the three Visayan languages discussed here.

When more unwanted material needed to be removed than could be accomplished by sanding, this was done with a file. The bamboo, dasóˈ, which in modern Bikol is used as torch or woven for walls, (see Section 6 (v)) was employed as a file, taking advantage of its rough outer surface.
    dasóˈ bamboo (typ- small, thin; used for making a kerosene torch of the same name, or for weaving into sawáliˈ) [MDL: bamboo (typ- rough on the outside and having many nodes, commonly used as a file); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to file s/t with such bamboo; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to file s/t off with a such bamboo]

2. TOOLS
(v) Drills, Augurs, Chisels, Punches and Awls
 
Drills and augers are similar types of equipment. The auger is more corkscrew-like and formed from open rings of steel which serve to draw the material being drilled up out of the drill hole. Modern augers also have a screw tip which pulls the bit more easily into the wood, requiring less pressure. A drill is formed from more tightly coiled metal, lacks a screw tip and is generally less efficient in removing the wood which is displaced by the drilling. It is, however, unlikely that this type of distinction was applied to the equipment found in the Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century. What was described by the early lexicographers were instruments capable of making holes in wood, and these were defined in Spanish by a variety of related terms. As will be obvious in the list of instruments below, there can be a substantial mismatch between terms and meanings when compared across the central Philippine languages.

The terms for auger or drill bit in Bikol were karikád and paˈót. Other of the central Philippine languages have unique terms which represent these instruments. Waray, however, has the cognate kirikod with the same definition as Bikol, and Tagalog has the cognate paˈit which is defined a 'chisel'.[30]
    karikád drill bit, borer, auger; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to bore or drill s/t; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove s/t in the process of drilling [MDL]

    paˈót auger, drill (typ- local) MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to drill into s/t; to drill s/t [MDL]
For a metal punch or awl, Bikol has the term uród. A more general term is tudók which appears to include any item with a point.
    uród metal punch or awl; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to perforate s/t with a punch, awl [MDL]

    tudók punch, puncher; a pointer; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to point s/t out with the tip of a pointer (such as a line to be read); to punch s/t out; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to punch s/t out from; to point s/t out at a particular place [MDL]
A center chisel or hollow punch in Bikol is lukób, a term which does have cognates in the other central Philippine languages, although the attributed meanings differ. In the two languages to the north, Tagalog and Kapampangan, the term refers to a chisel or gouge. While the form in Tagalog is the same as that in Bikol, the cognate in Kapampangan, likop, is not what would normally be expected. This may be a borrowing from Ilocano, the major language to its north, where this exact same form is found.[31]

Both Cebuano and Hiligaynon have a term of the same form as Bikol, but with differing meanings. Encarnacion describes the lukob as a drill in the form of a chisel, and Mentrida, as a Visayan drill, referring to something similar, though not exact, to an instrument found in Spain.[32]
    lukób center chisel or hollow punch; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove s/t with such a chisel, punch; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to perforate or punch a hole in s/t [MDL]
The wood chisel in Bikol is tigíb, a term found with the exact form and meaning across the Visayan languages.[33]
    tigíb wood chisel; MAG-, -AN to chisel s/t; MAG-, -ON to remove s/t with a chisel; to chisel s/t out [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to chisel s/t; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to chisel s/t out]
In addition to the verbs which can be formed from roots of the words introduced above, there is one further Bikol term, iríyod, which seems to encompass any action which involves introducing a hole into any medium, whether it be by drilling, or piercing.
    iríyod MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to bore or drill s/t (with a bit); to punch or pierce s/t (with a punch, awl or other pointed instrument); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to employ an awl; to use s/t for boring or drilling; (fig-) Nagiríyod na lugód iníng tinanóm / uríg / ákiˈ This plant / pig / child is not only not growing, it appears to be shrinking (as if they are drilling themselves into the ground) [MDL]

2. TOOLS
(vii) Axes and Adzes
 
An adze is a cutting instrument not unlike a common axe. The main difference is the orientation of the blade. For an adze, the cutting blade is positioned perpendicular to the handle, and for an axe, this blade lies parallel to the handle.[34]

The adze (daldág) in modern Bikol is associated primarily with shipbuilding, although Lisboa does not mention this specific restriction in its use. It was probably used far more generally in the past for smoothing and carving in a variety of woodworking tasks. Waray, Cebuano and Hiligaynon share the same term as Bikol. Tagalog and Kapampangan have the unrelated term, daras.[35]
    daldág adze, ax-like instrument currently associated with the making of boats; MAG-, -ON to remove s/t with an adze; MAG-, -AN to shape s/t with an adze [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to shape s/t with an adze; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove bits of wood with an adze]
Lisboa describes two types of axes. The parakól is an axe in which a hole is made in the head to allow for placement of the handle (papatíkan). To enable the haft to fit snugly into the head, the top of the handle is split (pásang), and while there is no specific mention of this, a wedge (sumpáng) would probably have been inserted into this space to make sure the fit was firm and secure. Where the workmanship left something to be desired, such as the hole into which the handle was fit being improperly formed, this would be commented on (tinggód).

Cognates of parakól can be found in four of the central Philippine languages discussed here; the identical form to Bikol in Waray, and the cognate palakol in Cebuano, Tagalog and Kapampangan.[36]
    parakól ax, hatchet (typ- with a hole in the head into which the top of the handle is inserted, similar to that found in Spain) [MDL]

    papatíkan haft or handle of an ax [MDL]

    pásang MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to split the top of an ax handle so that it may be wedged tightly into the ax head; MA- to split accidentally (an ax handle); MAKA- to cause a unintentional split [MDL]

    sumpáng wedge; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to put a wedge in place; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to wedge s/t (as in order to keep it steady) [MDL]

    tinggód referring to an ax or hatchet which does not have a perfectly formed hole where it is attached to its haft or handle [MDL]
The second type of axe is the patók. In modern Bikol this is an ordinary axe. The 1754 edition of the Lisboa dictionary defines this as a type of axe where the haft or handle is not inserted into the head since there is no provision of a hole. The 1865 edition does not make this distinction and so is in accord with the modern meaning. As there was no hole for the shaft, the head must have been lashed in some way to the handle.
    patók ax, hatchet; MAG-, -ON to chop s/t with an ax [+MDL: ax (typ- without an opening at the top where it would be joined to the shaft or handle); MA- or MAG- to work with such an ax; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut s/t with such an ax] [+MDL 1865: an ax (Note: no further detail is included about its type; verbal forms are as for 1754)]
Patók has cognate forms in Cebuano and Hiligaynon, although the meaning in these languages is different. In both it refers to the haft or handle of an axe. Reduplicated in Cebuano as patok-patok it does, however, carry the meaning of 'a small axe which can also serve the function of an adze'.[37]


2. TOOLS
(viii) Knives, Bolos and Blades
 
There are any number of references to knives in the Lisboa dictionary, most of these associated with specialised uses such as weaving, harvesting or fighting. The fabrication of knives, their repair and use is discussed in more detail in Chapter 9, 'Metals and Metalworking,' Sections 8-11.

Three of the most common references to knives are sundáng, described as a general term as well as any instrument for cutting, uták, described as the main working implement, and gúlok, defined simply as a knife.
    sundáng bolo, machete [MDL: a knife (general term); any instrument used for cutting; -IN- sinusundáng small knife or one made from wood or bamboo]

    uták bolo (typ- the main working implement, also used as a weapon); MAGTAGÁ- to carry such a bolo in the hand [MDL]

    gúlok knife (typ-) [MDL]
Sundáng has cognates of an identical form in the five other central Philippine languages, defined for the most part as a large knife or machete.[38] Cognates of uták are found in three of these languages. Both Tagalog and Cebuano define it as a large knife or machete, with Encarnacion adding that for Cebuano it was an instrument used in the past. For Waray, Sánchez de la Rosa describes this as an armament about 20 centimetres long with a straight blade ending in a point.[39] Gúlok has cognates in Tagalog and Waray, with both defining this as a knife or machete.[40]

The shaft or handle of the knife, as well as other implements, was the púlo. Some of the knives were fastened to this shaft by means of a metal ring (tikalá), but others must have been tied or lashed to it as the entry for rádas clearly implies.
    púlo handle (of a knife, hammer); hilt, haft; MAG-, -ON or MAG-, I- to use s/t as a handle; MAG-, -AN to place a handle on a hammer, knife [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a handle on a knife; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to affix a handle; -AN: pupulóˈan haft, handle]

    tikalá a metal ring used to fasten a handle to a knife blade; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fasten a handle to a knife by means of a tikalá; MA-, I- or MAG-,IPAG- to use such a ring for such fastening [MDL]

    rádas MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut open the tie, binding or lashing which holds together the bolo called útak; MA- to unravel, become undone (a knot, binding or lashing); MA--AN to become undone from an útak (binding) [MDL]

2. TOOLS
(ix) Scissors and Tin Snips
 
The general term for scissors, guntíng, is shared across all of the central Philippine languages. Additionally, in Bikol, it also refers to the X shape of a bamboo or wooden frame serving as a support when climbing. In Cebuano, this secondary meaning is covered by the term salagunting.[41]
    guntíng scissors; A-beam (carpentry); MAG-, -ON to cut s/t with a scissors; MAG-, -AN to cut s/t off from s/t else with a scissors; to clip, snip or shear s/t [+MDL: scissors; X-shaped brace or frame of wood or bamboo used for support (as when climbing); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut s/t with a scissors; to support s/o with such a frame]
The tin snips or metal cutters, katríˈ in Bikol, is represented by the cognate katli in Waray, Cebuano, Hiligaynon and Kapampangan. Only Tagalog does not have this form with this particular meaning.[42] Katríˈ is from the Sanskrit katari where the meaning is 'any instrument used for cutting', which includes both 'scissors' and 'knives'.[43] The question arises as to how this form ends up in Philippine languages when it does not appear in Malay which is the usual repository of Sanskrit loans?

There is an interesting discussion of the origin of the English word 'cot' in Hobson - Jobson: The Definitive Glossary of British India.[44] This discussion also touches on the term catre which was first recorded in sixteenth century Spanish and early seventeenth century Portuguese meaning 'a bed' or 'bedstead with X-shaped trestles', specifically catre de tijera. Catre, meaning 'bed', is a term which is recognisable in modern Philippine languages and is clearly a later borrowing from Spanish. The existence of catre, however, in a language such as Portuguese, and the presence of the Portuguese in Goa from 1510 and Malacca from 1511, indicates that the term was most likely in use or introduced in those areas, the latter which may have served as a conduit for its introduction to the Philippines before the arrival of the Spanish.
    katríˈ tin snips, metal cutters MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to cut metal with a tin snips; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut s/t off with a tin snips; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a tin snips for cutting metal [MDL] [SANSKRIT katari, scissors, knife; any instrument for cutting]

    kátre bed; karó-kátre small bed [SP- catre]

2. TOOLS
(x) Hammers, Mallets and Nails
 
Both hammers and mallets are tools used for pounding, differing in the materials used for the head; the head of a mallet being made from wood and that of a hammer, metal. Lisboa defines dungsól as a martillo 'hammer', and I have taken this to mean the tool with a metal head. There are no corresponding entries for this term in the other central Philippines languages.
    dungsól hammer; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to pound s/t with a hammer; to hammer s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to hammer or pound on s/t such as an anvil [MDL]
Lisboa's entry for buntól covers both the definitions of mallet and pounding stick or club. Cognates in Waray and Cebuano seem to confirm this general use, with Waray specifically mentioning its use in the pounding in of stakes, as also found in Bikol, and Cebuano indicating that the tool may be used with or without a shaft or handle. The variants bundol and bungdol in Cebuano are defined specifically as a 'large mallet' or 'club'.[45] The alternative to buntól in Bikol is sangkál, a term which has lost its nominal meaning in the modern language and whose verbal meanings have also changed.
    buntól a mallet, pounding stick or club used for compacting earth, driving in stakes or beating cloth during the curing process; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to beat or pound s/t with such a mallet or stick [MDL]

    sangkál MAG-, I- to smash s/t by throwing it against s/t else; to dash s/t; MAG-, -AN to throw s/t against s/t else in order to smash it; to dash s/t against s/t else [MDL: a large wooden hammer or mallet used for driving in stakes or posts; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to pound or drive in stakes or posts; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to pound or drive things into s/t]
In Tagalog and Cebuano, pálo is defined as a 'hammer'. The definition in Waray and Hiligaynon is both as a 'hammer' and a 'mallet'. In Bikol, however, it refers only to a post or stake which is driven into the ground, a result most likely achieved by use of a mallet.[46]
    pálo a wooden or bamboo post or stake driven into the ground; MAG-, I- to drive in a post or stake; MAG-, -AN to drive a post or stake into the ground [+MDL: paló MA,- I- or MAG-, IPAG- to drive in a post or stake; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to drive a post or stake into the ground; also used as a curse or insult directed toward women: Pinagpalohón ka May you have a stake driven into you]
For Bikol, Lisboa lists two possible terms for nail, pákoˈ and lansáng. Of these, only pákoˈ is used with that meaning in the modern language, lansáng now meaning 'iron' (see Chapter 9, 'Metals and Metalworking,' Section 2 (iii)). Of the central Philippine languages, pákoˈ is found in Tagalog and Kapampangan, with the Kapampangan definition indicating that the material used could be other than iron, and so, presumably, wood.[47] In the Visayan languages, both Cebuano and Hiligaynon use the term lansáng, Hiligaynon indicating the material used was iron, and Cebuano, either iron or wood. In Waray the term, raysang, presumably, but not definitively, cognate with lansang, refers to a nail made from either iron or another metal.[48]
    pákoˈ a nail (carpentry); MAG-, I- to drive in a nail; to hit a nail; MAG-, -AN to drive a nail into s/t; to nail s/t; ... [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to nail s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to drive in a nail]

    lansáng iron (the metal) [MDL: nail]

2. TOOLS
(xi) Tongs and Clamps
 
The iron tongs used by a blacksmith in Bikol is sipít, an instrument whose meaning has widened somewhat in the modern language. To the north of Bikol the same term is found in Tagalog and Kapampangan.[49] To the south there are a variety of terms which are cognate with each other, but not with the terms to the north: kampit in Waray, kumpit in Cebuano and kimpit in Hiligaynon.[50] What is clear, however, is that in all of these terms, and others which are not mentioned here, the recurrent final syllable -pit is present in those entries which have the related meanings of clasping or grasping, as well as pinning and fastening.
    sipít tongs, forceps, pincers; clips; chopsticks; MAG-, -ON to pick s/t up with tongs, chopsticks; MAG-, -AN to pick s/t up from somewhere; to clip s/t; to fasten s/t with a clothes pin,; PANG- clothes pin, clothes peg; tongs, forceps [+MDL: pincers, tongs such as that used by a blacksmith for grasping hot metal; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to pick up s/t with pincers, tongs; to grasp a fruit on a tree with a forked stick]
When objects have broken apart or have begun to separate, these would be clamped together to either effect a repair or to keep them from separating further. In Bikol it was metal clamps which were used for this purpose, made from iron or another type of metal (gámat, kámang). Tagalog, Waray, Cebuano and Hiligaynon have the the first of these terms, although with definitions not specifically mentioning the material used. In Hiligaynon reference is also made to tightening the joints of wooden boats and in Cebuano there is also reference to the repair of objects of split or broken wood. As for Kapampangan, the cognate here is to the Bikol kámang, with the Kapampangan entry also making reference to clamping the wood of boats.[51]
    gámat metal bands or clamps used to hold together cracked or broken objects to keep them from deteriorating further; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to reinforce an object with metal bands or clamps; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use metal bands or clamps for reinforcing cracked objects [MDL]

    kámang PA- metal bands or clamps used to reinforce cracked or broken items to keep them from deteriorating further; MAPA-, IPA- or MAGPA-, IPAGPA- to use such bands or clamps; MAPA-, PA--AN or MAGPA-, PAGPA- -AN to reinforce s/t with such bands or clamps [MDL]

2. TOOLS
(xii) Pulleys and Wedges
 
The simplest of pulleys comprises a single, grooved wheel attached to an axle which is then fixed to a firm surface. A cord or rope is placed over the groove in the wheel with one end left free and the other attached to the object that needs to be lifted. Pulling down on the free end of the cord then causes the object on the fixed end to be raised. There are other variations of this system, in particular one in which a series of pulleys and ropes is arranged in sequence, generally referred to as a block and tackle. This enables the lifting of heavier loads. It is most probable that it is the simple pulley which is referenced in these early dictionaries. Identical terms to the Bikol gúlong are found in Cebuano and Hiligaynon. Tagalog and Kapampangan have the unrelated term calo.[52]
    gúlong pulley, block and tackle, hoisting tackle [MDL]
Wedges, generally blocks of wood or iron with one thick end and one end tapering to a thin edge, have a number of uses. They can be used for splitting, for lifting and for securing items by providing a tighter fit. Sumpáng, the wedge used to keep something steady, was discussed in Section 2 (vii) where an assumption was made that it was probably the wedge which secured the handle of an axe in the head. Bángil is another wedge placed under something so that it sits firmly and steady. Badyók, made from iron or steel, is the wedge used for the splitting of wood.
    bángil wedge (typ- placed under s/t so that it sits firmly and is steady); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to use a wedge to raise or steady s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a wedge under s/t [MDL]

    badyók wedge (typ- of iron or steel, used for splitting); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to split s/t with a wedge; var- badyík [MDL]

3. WOOD
 
Wood (káhoy) was the material of general construction. It was the timber of strong, incorruptible trees which were put in place as posts and formed the frames of permanent residences. Other materials served to cover the roofs, walls and floors of the houses, but it was wood that held them up.
    káhoy tree; wood, timber; log; wooden; MA- wooded; MANG- to collect wood; KA--AN forest, woods; grove, thicket, clump of trees; kahóy-káhoy small sticks, pieces of wood [+MDL: MANG- to collect wood, as for a fire; (fig-) coffin: Iyó iní an káhoy kaidtóng si kuyán This is that person's coffin]
Trees with straight trunks (bulános) were those which were sought for use in construction, and areas of forest containing such trees (hásay-hásay) were noted and revisited when such wood was required. These were the trees which produced good quality timber.
    bulános describing a tree or stick that is completely straight [MDL]

    hásay-hásay describing an area of the forest with tall, straight trees possessing a good quality wood for felling; MANG- to be an area of such trees: Dumán kitá dápit pagkaláp nanhásay-hásay na iyán kakalapón Let's go to fell trees in that direction where there are trees with good quality wood [MDL]
Trees which were twisted (lípid-lípid) produced wood with a twisted grain (suknít) which was difficult to work. Súpat 'grain' refers to the arrangement of wood fibres. Wood with a straight grain, that is, with fibres arranged lengthwise along the vertical line of the wood, produced the strongest timber, particularly in the hardwood species of trees, the very trees which were needed for the posts and frames of houses.[53]
    lípid-lípid MA- twisted (a tree, branch, a piece of wood); MA- or MAG- to grow or become twisted; Lípid-lípid na iníng káhoy This tree is really twisted; (fig-) Lípid-lípid na iníng paglakáw mo; nalalangó ka gayód Your walk is all twisted; you must be drunk (Said when one can't walk in a straight line) [MDL]

    suknít MA- wood which is difficult to split due to having a twisted grain: Abóng suknít kainí What a difficult piece of wood this is to split (due to its twisted grain); (fig-) Si masuknít nin buˈót na táwo si kuyán What a bad stomach (digestive system) that person has [MDL]

    súpat grain in wood; marbling in meat [MDL]
Of particular importance in the construction of houses was the wood chosen for posts (harígi). While such wood was referred to generally as tagás, there were, additionally, numerous references to the specific trees used for this purpose.
    harígi post, pillar, column [+MDL: the posts used to build a house, or forming the framework on which it is constructed; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to put the posts for a house in place]

    tagás the hard core of woody plants, trees; MA- hard (not soft), firm ... [+MDL: tágas referring to strong, hard wood used for house posts; MA- hard, strong (wood, bamboo); MA- or MAG- to harden; to become stronger; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut hardwood trees in the forest; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to go to the forest in search of such trees; var- túgas]
The discussion which follows looks first at those trees which produced wood particularly suited for house posts, and then at wood which is described simply as high quality. In addition to those trees mentioned by Lisboa, a small number of other trees used in modern Bikol are also included. It should be remembered, however, that the local names applied to these trees and their wood vary greatly. I have, however, been able to associate a scientific name to the genus and species of almost all of the trees. In associating these scientific names with local names found in other of the central Philippine languages, I have only indicated those which are identical or clearly related to the Bikol reference. Ignacio Franciso Alcina in his Historia de las islas e indios de Bisayas devotes two chapters in Part 1, Book 1 to a discussion of these trees.[54]

3. WOOD
(i) Suitable for House Posts
 
Baráyong is a hardwood tree identified in modern Bikol, but not included as an entry in Lisboa. It is described as a tree which is straight, with a height of 25-30 metres and a diameter of 120 centimetres, producing a red-tinted wood and considered one of the finest for cabinet construction. Modern reference indicates it is suitable for construction as long as the posts do not come into contact with the soil.[55]
    baráyong tree (typ- hardwood, red in color, used for the posts of houses; Pahudia rhomboidea / Afzelia rhomboidea)
Of the central Philippine languages, Tagalog, Cebuano and Waray have cognate terms describing the same tree; balayong in Tagalog and Cebuano and bayarong in Waray, with Sánchez de la Rosa adding that in some of the Waray speaking areas the term used is barayong. There is also a complicating factor in the Cebuano entry with Encarnacion additionally defining the term as Cassia fistula the 'Golden Shower Tree', which is clearly different. Balayong in Hiligaynon is also identified as Cassia fistula, with no parallel reference to the hardwood tree discussed here.[56]

Another hardwood known in modern Bikol but not identified by Lisboa is banitís, a tree attaining a height of 35 metres and a diameter of 100 centimetres with a wood ranging in colour from light red for the new growth and deep red for the older. There are no references to this in the Visayan languages, but in Tagalog and Kapampangan it is betis, a term possibly cognate with the Bikol form.[57]
    banitís tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood, used for posts and in the construction of boats; Bassia betis / Madhuca betis)
Pagatpát is a tree of the mangrove swamps producing a fruit commonly referred to as the 'mangrove apple', something reflected in the Tagalog entry where the fruit is described as 'similar to a fig'. It normally attains a height of 15-20 metres and a width of 100 centimetres, although a significantly greater height is attained further south in Mindanao. It produces a light brown wood which is said to have a salty taste and a swampy or fishy odour, particularly when new, due to its growth along the seashore. The identical form is found in all of the central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan.[58]
    pagatpát tree (typ- producing a wood suitable for house posts; Sonneratia pagatpat) [+MDL]
The tree identified by Lisboa as maglusóng, which also produces a wood suitable for house posts, is one I have been unable to identify further. Judging by the form of the word, which is verbal, and entries found in Cebuano and Waray, it may have been a tree defined more by its use than its origin. In both of these languages, the meaning of lusong-lusong, the non-reduplicated part identifiable as the root of maglusóng, is the piece of wood on which beams forming the framework for the walls of houses are placed.[59]
    maglusóng tree (typ- possessing a wood good for use as house posts) [MDL]
Alitagtág refers to trees of the genus Buchanania, described as slender, small to medium sized trees with trunk diameters of 70 centimetres. Best known of the species is Buchanania arborescens, a tree possessing a pinkish-white wood, tending darker near the core. Reference in Commercial Woods of the Philippines mentions that when used for the posts of houses, these are placed on stumps, indicating there could be a problem when in long contact with the soil.

This is a tree growing natively in a widespread geographical area from Myanmar, across the rest of Southeast Asia, into northern Australia. Its name in Philippine languages varies, sometimes considerably, even within the Bikol region. Most confusing is the reference to hamúgis given for the province of Albay, a term which also refers to a tree with quite different characteristics (see Section 3(ii)).[60]
    alitagtág tree (typ- producing a hardwood suitable for house posts; Buchanania spp.) [MDL]
Intsia bijuga, commonly referred to as 'Borneo teak', is known in Bikol as either anagóp or ípil. This is a large tree reaching a height of 35-50 metres with a trunk diameter of 150-200 centimetres. When newly cut the wood has an orange-brown colour which then darkens to reddish-brown as the timber ages.[61]

It is unclear whether it was Lisboa's intention to equate anagóp and ípil with one tree. The Spanish-Bikol index lists ípil with maglusóng, a tree which I have been unable to identify (see above), not anagóp. It is ípil, however, which is the term found across the central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan.[62]
    anagóp tree (typ- possessing a fine quality wood suitable for house posts; Intsia bijuga) [MDL]

    ípil tree (typ- tall, producing high quality timber used for posts and beams; Intsia bijuga) [+MDL]
Ákli is a tree, identified as Albizia acle, growing up to 25 metres with a trunk diameter 80-125 centimetres. It is found in lowland forests with high humidity up to an elevation of 150 metres. The durable wood which is used for posts is found in the inner part or the tree where the colour varies from muted to dark brown.[63] Identical terms are found in the two languages to the north of Bikol, Tagalog and Kapampangan, but not in the Visayan languages to the south.[64]
    ákli tree (typ- large, producing a durable wood used for house posts, tables; Albizia acle) [+MDL: aklí]
The genus Shorea comprises about 20 species of trees in the Philippines, each with differing characteristics. The particular tree identified in Bikol as gisók is possibly Shorea guiso, a tree growing up to 70 metres with a diameter of 110 centimetres, possessing an interior wood varying in colour from light to dark brown, sometimes with a reddish highlights. Identical forms are found in Waray and Cebuano, with Tagalog showing the possible cognate, giso.[65] Encarnacion adds that the tree appears to resemble one which they, presumably the Spanish, call guijo. Guijo is the Spanish borrowing of the name used in Zambales, giho, a borrowing which later came to refer to this particular species throughout the Philippines.[66]
    gisók tree (typ- producing a hardwood used for house posts; Shorea spp., possibly Shorea guiso) [+MDL: gísok]
Molave is the Spanish adaptation of the Tagalog mulawin, a tree possessing a wood highly desirable for its consistent strength, said to be one of the easiest hardwoods to be worked. The tree grows 30-35 metres high and has a diameter of 125- 200 centimetres with a wood colour varying from cream to light brown. The term in Kapampangan, bulaun, is closest to the Tagalog. Hamuˈráwon or amuˈráwon are the terms found in Bikol with close cognate forms in the Visayan languages.[67]

There are about nine species of molave (Vitex), and the entries in the Visayan languages generally show some distinction in their referents. Sánchez de la Rosa for Waray refers to hamurawon nga lanhan as the most desirable type, and hamurawon nga manabahon as the least. Encarnacion only has the entry hamulawan referring to a poor variety of molave, while Mentrida has the entry hamulawan with no detailled description.[68]
    hamuˈráwon molave (typ- tree, producing a wood suited for posts and beams; Vitex parviflora); var- amuˈráwon [+MDL]
Lisboa does not mention the wood of the tamahúyon or the anaháwon as used specifically for house posts, although he does refer to these woods as used in the construction of houses.

Tamahúyon is a tree which varies in height from five to 30 metres with a trunk diameter up to 50 centimetres. It is the heartwood, the inner part of the tree, ranging in colour from pinkish to reddish brown, which is durable and sought for use in building. In Commercial Woods of the Philippines it is mentioned that the term used throughout the Philippines, with one exception, is either tamayuan, kamayuan or similar forms. I have, however, not been able to find references to this tree in other dictionaries of the central Philippine languages.[69]
    tamahúyon tree (typ- producing a good quality wood suitable for the construction of houses; Strombosia philippinensis) [MDL]
The anaháwon is a tall, straight tree reaching up to 50 metres with a diameter of 175 centimetres and growing in almost all provinces of the Philippines, generally along rivers and fresh-water swamps. Its heartwood varies from reddish-brown to dark-brown and needs careful seasoning to avoid warping for use in construction.[70]
    anaháwon tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood used in the construction of houses; Dipterocarpus affinis / Dipterocarpus validus) [MDL]

3. WOOD
(ii) Of Good Quality
 
The woods discussed in this section are those which have been described as being of good quality, without reference to their use for house posts or for construction in general, although most of them can indeed be used for such purposes. One of the recurring prefixes on various types of trees and wood is mala- which carries the meaning of 'like' and indicates similarity. This opens the possibility of discovering further information about the wood by checking both the fully affixed form and the root, although in a number of cases, neither led to a reliable identification. One of these unidentified trees is malakásay which Lisboa has described simply as having a good quality wood.
    mala- adjectival affix meaning '-like' or '-ish', fossilized for most uses, but still actively used with colors: putíˈ white, malaputíˈ whitish; pulá red, malapulá reddish; itóm black, malaitóm or malaˈtóm somewhat black

    malakásay tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood) [MDL]
Malatágom is a tree growing to 30 metres or more with a diameter of 100 centimetres. The sapwood, or new growth of wood, is grayish-brown, while the heartwood, the older growth, is a deep reddish-brown. While the tree grows elsewhere in Luzon and the Visayas, the referring terms are not cognate with the Bikol.[71]
    malatágom tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood; Planchonia spectabilis) [MDL]
Nothophoebe malabonga is the tree referred to in Bikol as malayá, a tree growing up to 30 metres with a diameter up to 75 centimetres and a wood which varies in colour from pale yellow for the sapwood to a deep yellow or orange for the heartwood. It is a tree which grows from the north to the south on Luzon, as well as on the the islands of Mindoro, Negros and Leyte. There are no forms cognate to Bikol among the reference terms, although the Tagalog malabunga is clearly the source of the species name.[72]
    malayá tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood; Nothophoebe malabunga) [MDL]
Manablóng is the main listing in the 1754 edition of the Lisboa dictionary for another species of tree possessing a good quality wood. There, however, does appear to be an error in this listing, possibly introduced in the intervening years between compilation of the dictionary and its publication. The 1865 edition has this entry as manablíng, as does the Spanish-Bikol index of both the 1754 and 1865 editions. It is this second form which is most likely correct.

Manablíng refers, most probably, to a tree of the genus Artocarpus which has about 20 species found in the Philippines. The species fall generally into two classes, those with a softer wood commonly referred to as antipolo and a harder wood referred to as anubing. It is reference to the harder wood species which is relevant here.

Trees of the anubing subgroup grow to a variety of heights and a variety of widths reaching 100 centimetres in diameter. In general the heartwood, or wood from the inner part of the tree, changes from yellow, to dark brown and eventually to a greenish-black the longer it is exposed to the air. It is a wood used for the posts, beams and rafters of houses.

While I have found no direct listing of the Bikol manablíng, a listing for anablíng does refer to the tree Artocarpus rubrovenia, a tree of the harder wood species.[73] Additionally there are listings of the similar forms, anubling and kanubling, which refer to the tree Artocarpus cumingiana, and this, too, may very well be the intended reference.[74]
    manablóng tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood; Artocarpus spp.) [MDL] [+MDL 1865: listed as manablíng in this edition as well as the index for the edition of 1754]
Another tree possessing a good quality wood used in the construction of houses is Securinega flexuosa (hamislág), a tree with a height generally of ten metres, although reaching 30 metres in some areas. The diameter of the trunk is up to 50 centimetres and the colour of the wood a reddish brown. The similar and undoubtedly cognate form, anislag, is found in both Waray and Cebuano.[75]
    hamislág tree (typ- producing high quality wood; Securinega flexuosa) [MDL]
Tabigíˈ and piyágaw both refer to trees of the genus Xylocarpus which grow in the mangrove swamps. In Commercial Woods of the Philippines, tabigíˈ is identified as the species Xylocarpus obovatus and piyágaw the species Xylocarpus granatum. Both are described as differing only in the colour of their wood with tabigíˈ having a light, red wood, and piyágaw a deep, red wood approaching the colour of wine. The trees attain a height of 15-30 metres and a diameter of 65-100 centimetres. All modern references, however, are to just one species, Xylocarpus granatum with Xylocarpus obovatus listed as a synonym.[76]

Lisboa only has an entry for tabigíˈ. The reference to piyágaw is modern. Of the two forms, only piyágaw has an identical reference in one of the other central Philippine languages, and that is in Hiligaynon. Even that reference is not a headword entry, but is included in an entry referring to trees with a particular type of bark.[77]. To confuse things even further, the entries in Lisboa differ, with the 1754 edition describing tabigíˈ as a 'good quality wood' and the 1865 edition as a 'bad quality wood'. It is possible that the two editions are referring to different trees which were separately identified at an earlier time. Commercial Woods of the Philippines describes piyágaw as having a straighter and better quality wood than tabigíˈ, and that might account for the difference.[78]
    tabigíˈ tree (typ- small, the fruits and seeds of which may be used to stop diarrhea and the bark used to make an astringent; Xylocarpus granatum / Xylocarpus obovatus) [MDL: taˈbígiˈ tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood)] [MDL 1865: tree (typ- possessing a poor quality wood]

    piyágaw tree (typ- Xylocarpus granatum / Xylocarpus obovatus)
Koordersiodendron pinnatum (amúgis) is a tree growing in forest areas up to an elevation of 800 metres. It is a tall, straight tree reaching a height of 50 metres with a trunk diameter up to 100 centimetres. The heartwood is described as being a dull, coppery red. A form identical to the Bikol is found in Tagalog. [79]

There is a confusion, however, and that is with the term attributed to the Bikol province of Albay. While amúgis is identified for this province as the tree Koordersiodendron pinnatum in Commercial Woods of the Philippines, hamúgis, clearly the same term, is also identified in the same source as referring to trees of the genus Buchanania which in Camarines is alitagtág (see Section 3(i)).
    amúgis tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood; Koordersiodendron pinnatum) [+MDL]
Banabá, Lagerstroemia speciosa, is a tree not listed by Lisboa, but recognised in modern Bikol. Identical forms appear in Tagalog and Kapampangan, but not in the Visayan languages.[80] These are trees growing generally to 15 metres with a trunk diameter of about 60 centimetres. The wood colour varies from ashy rose to reddish-brown.[81]

The final two trees in this section are those about which I have not been able to find further information, baró-bakagán and hamungíˈ. Both are defined by Lisboa as having a good quality wood. No similar terms have been found in the central Philippine languages to baró-bakagán, and only Cebuano appears to have a probable cognate to hamungíˈ and that is hamugi.[82]
    baró-bakagán tree (typ- possessing a good quality wood) [MDL]

    hamungíˈ tree (typ- possessing a high quality wood) [MDL]

4. SHELTERS
 
The most prominent buildings in a community were the residences of the inhabitants. There were, however, numerous other shelters which were built in connection with the communities' various endeavours. These included hunting, cultivation, defense and religious and funerary practices, in addition to a variety of temporary shelters which were set up to offer protection from the sun or rain, and what were perhaps more substantial structures available to those who were in transit when travelling. These secondary shelters are discussed first before the home residences and their construction. Buildings associated with burial practices were discussed in Chapter 13, 'Status and Social Conflict,' Section 1 (iv).  

4. SHELTERS
(i) Temporary
 
The two shelters associated with hunting were the údong and hámong each serving a different purpose. The údong was built to offer protection from the sun when out on a hunt. The hámong however, was more like a hide, built in the trees and baited to attract birds. The hunters stayed hidden in the shelter from where they were able to shoot with arrows the birds which were attracted to the bait. Only Waray has the identical form as Bikol, but with a variant meaning, referring to a fence or trellis placed around plants for protection.[83]
    údong a hunter's shelter or hut; MAG-, -ON to construct such a shelter [+MDL: a shelter built by hunters, offering protection from the sun when out on a hunt; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build such a shelter]

    hámong a small shelter built in trees and baited with fruit to attract birds which are then shot with arrows by those hiding in the shelter; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a shelter; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct such a shelter in a particular tree [MDL]
Of the two defense constructions mentioned by Lisboa one, kútaˈ, is clearly a borrowing from Malay. In Bikol it refers to the fortifications built to protect a town from outside incursions. The Malay term, referring a fort or fortified settlement, is itself a borrowing of the Sanskrit koṭṭa which has a similar meaning.[84]
    kútaˈ a fortification or enclosure surrounding a town or city; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a fortification; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct such a fortification around a city or town [MALAY kuta, from SANSKRIT koṭṭa] [MDL]
The second term is bantáraˈ, referring to a bamboo tower used by archers during times of battle and noted as an archaic term by Lisboa. This is not a term which appears in the other central Philippine languages and may very well be a borrowing from outside the Philippines. Malay has the term bentara, cognate in form but not in meaning. Bentara 'a court messenger' clearly originates from the Sanskrit vārttāhara 'courier'. What is not clear is how we move from that meaning to what is essentially a 'watchtower' in Bikol.

The Sanskrit aṭṭāla 'watchtower' has the right meaning, but presents problems of form. One of the fossilised affixes of Bikol is baN- which generally carries the meaning of 'likeness' or 'similarity'. This prefix, affixed to the Sanskrit borrowing, would produce a word of the sought after form and meaning, but such a derivation would not be easy to prove.[85]
    bantáraˈ (arc-) bamboo tower used by archers in battle [MDL]
There is one other term, muˈóg, which Lisboa does not relate to defense, yet which does carry that meaning in the three other central Philippine languages where it occurs. Muˈóg is described in old Bikol as a house, tall like a tower or steeple, which is built in the trees. Added to this construction is a platform or landing (sáday). The one other term related to this set is únoy. Part of its meaning refers to the building of a house in the branches of a tree. The full definition, however, of which it is a part, refers to something made of a single piece, such as a knife in which the blade and handle are made from the same piece of metal, or a natural occurrence which serves a useful purpose. If we apply this central meaning to the tree house, then we would have to see the house and the tree in which it was built as a single, natural unit.
    muˈóg platforms built in the upper reaches of trees [MDL: (arc-) múˈog a tall house like a tower or steeple built in the trees] [BIK MYT: a house for the worship of the aníto built either in the branches of a tree or in the open field]

    sáday platform, landing built onto the tree houses called muˈóg; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a platform; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to build a platform onto a muˈóg; (fig-) Nalalábot akó kaiyán, nasáday lámang akó kon bagá sa muˈóg I take responsibility for that, and yet I'm relegated to being a platform on a tree house (Said of s/o who has primary responsibility, yet is not given the respect expected) [MDL]


    únoy MAG-, -ON to build a house in the branches of a tree; MAG-, -AN to build a house in a particular tree [MDL]

    únoy describing s/t made from a single piece (such as a knife, the blade and handle of which are made from the same piece of metal); also describing a natural phenomenon that by chance serves a useful function (such as a tree growing across a river, thus serving as a bridge): únoy na tuytóyan a natural bridge; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make s/t from a single piece of material; (fig-) si únoy na buˈót nin táwo inflexible; fixed in one's ways [MDL]
Each of the definitions in the other central Philippine languages leave no doubt that the purpose of this construction was for defense or for warning. For Tagalog, it is a tower built for protection with no mention of its construction in a tree. For Hiligaynon it is a watchtower, again with no mention of trees. For Cebuano, it is a watchtower built in the trees and serving the purpose of guarding the town and the approaches to it by sea, and giving warning of any unwanted visitors.[86]

The only religious building referred to by Lisboa is the guláng-gúlang, described as a small hut or cabin in which ceremonies to the aníto, or ancestral spirits, are held. More detail on religious beliefs can be found in Chapter 3, 'Christianity,' Section 5. The same term can be found in Cebuano where it refers to what is essentially an altar table in which a pig is placed for sacrifice. An interesting tie to ancestors can be found in Tagalog where gulang refers not only to 'age', but also to one's lineage. While the term of normal reference to age in Bikol is gúrang, it appears as if the Tagalog term may have been borrowed and reduplicated for reference to the hut and it religious purpose.[87]
    guláng-gúlang -AN a temple built of bamboo and coconut fronds, used for the celebration of prayers to the guguráng [BIK MYT] [MDL: -AN a small hut or cabin in which ceremonies to the aníto are held]

    aníto ancestral spirits once represented by carved wooden statues [+MDL: MAG-, PAG--AN to make a sacrifice or hold a festival for a particular aníto; MAG-, IPAG- to offer s/t as a sacrifice; to present s/t as an offering; MAPAPAG- to ask that a sacrificial ceremony to the aníto be held]
There are a number of shelters associated with cultivation, with some of these also tied to fishing and seafaring activities. Perhaps the most general of these is the payág, defined by Lisboa as a hut constructed in the fields providing protection for those who are cultivating the land. The term also appears in the Visayan languages, offering additional information.

The definition in Waray is much the same as Bikol, except for an additional reference to any small dwelling, something also mentioned for Cebuano where the term also applies to the houses of the poor. In Hiligaynon, the additional information indicates the hut is where farmers would stay to chase birds from their cultivated fields. The definition in Cebuano also refers to a hut built to guard lucrative fishing grounds.[88]
    payág hut, shelter; cabin, shack; MAG-, -ON to build such a shelter or shack; MAG-, -AN to construct a hut is a particular area [+MDL: a hut or shack constructed in the fields where one is working; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build such a hut] also payág-payág
Lisboa describes the agád as a portable shelter with three legs, set up in the fields and used when harvesting or planting. Only Cebuano has the same term, defining it as a hut made from the branches of trees.[89] Lisboa goes on to explain that the term is regional, and that in the areas around Quipayó, where he lived, the shelter was called lungálong. The description of these shelters as una sombra indicates that they were assembled simply to offer protection from the sun by providing needed shade.
    agád shelter (typ- portable, having three legs, used in rice fields when planting or harvesting); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a shelter; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to construct such a shelter from particular materials; called lungálong in the areas around Quipayó [MDL]

    lungálong a temporary hut or shelter in the forest or fields; MAG- to take shelter in such a structure [MDL: a temporary shelter erected in the fields, probably no more than an overhead covering to offer protection from the sun or rain (una sombra); MA- or MAG- to take shelter in such a structure; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build such a structure from particular materials; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to shelter s/o]
The baláyan, also constructed in the fields, may have been a more substantial dwelling as Lisboa describes it as a casa pequeña 'a small house' and not just a choza or chozuela 'hut' or 'shack'. While the exact term is found in Kapampangan where it means a 'town' or 'residential area', and Waray and Cebuano where the definition is 'scaffold' or 'platform', the root word, baláy, is clearly recognisable as the term for 'house'. This is the term used in Kapampangan, across the Visayas, and also through the areas of Albay using standard Bikol.[90]
    baláy -AN: baláyan hut constructed in the fields; also baró-baláyan [+MDL: balayán MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a hut; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct such a hut in a particular area]

    baláy house [D- ALBAY]
For the building of a more substantial dwelling, time may have been taken to construct a more durable roof, such as that made from leaves or palm fronds (tingkáy).
    tingkáy the thatched roof of a hut or similar dwellings, generally made from leaves or palm fronds; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to make the thatch for such a roof from leaves or palm fronds; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to roof a hut with such thatch [MDL]
Kamálig is an historically important term whose meaning has changed over the years. In modern Bikol it refers to a temporary shelter comprising posts and a roof-covering used for the protection of harvested crops. Lisboa adds that this was a relatively large shelter, but used primarily for the storage of boats. There is no mention made of crops.

The term appears across all of the central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan. The Visayan languages carry the Spanish definition camarin 'a small room' with Cebuano adding an interpretation of 'hut' or 'stable for animals'. In Tagalog it is defined as a Spanish-type structure made long and low and covered with a canopy or awning.

The Spanish translated kamálig as 'camarin' and it is this name, used in various phrases, which was given to the Bikol provinces by the Spanish and which remains until the present day. Interestingly, in the early dictionaries of Tagalog and Cebuano, the Bikol region is referred by the local term camalig, and not the Spanish equivalent.[91]
    kamálig a temporary shelter, consisting of a roof and posts, but no walls, built in the fields to protect harvested crops; kará-kamálig or karó-kamálig a hut or shed [MDL: a large covered shelter without walls, used for housing boats and other items; boat shed; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build such a shed; to house a boat in such a shed]

    Camarínes: Ambós Camarínes political division referring to the provinces of Camarines Norte and Camarines Sur when combined at various times between 1864 and 1919; Los Camarínes early Spanish name for the Bikol region, used until 1636 when the region was divided into a northern part called Partído de Camarínes and a southern part called Partído de Ibalón; Partído de Camarínes was subsequently divided into Camarínes Norte and Camarínes Sur in 1829 [SP- camarin small room]
There are, additionally, two other shelters included by Lisboa in his dictionary without reference as to where they were used. These were the butokán and the láyang-láyang, both of which were apparently quite makeshift, especially the láyang-láyang. Only the butokán appears elsewhere in the central Philippines, and that is in Tagalog where it is either a small shop, or a shelter used as a gathering place for workers in the field.[92]
    butokán makeshift hut or shelter, used for protection from the sun or rain MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a shelter; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct such a shelter in a particular area [MDL]

    láyang-láyang a makeshift roof or covering; a makeshift shelter; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as a covering for such a shelter; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to cover over a particular area as a shelter [MDL]

4. SHELTERS
(ii) Permanent
 
Whether the market (saˈód) was a permanent or temporary structure would depend on the size of the community and on how many days a week it would be held. It is likely that where the market was a weekly event, and the town had a small population, then the area devoted to the buying and selling of various items would be more makeshift in nature, perhaps simply a wall-less covering to protect buyers and sellers from the sun or rain. In more populous centres, the market area would inevitably be larger and very possibly more permanent. The identical term appears only in Waray where it has the verbal meaning of 'putting things out for sale'.[93]
    saˈód a market; MAG- to go to the market; MAG-, -ON to shop for s/t in the market; to go marketing for s/t; MAG-, -AN: saˈdán to hold a market in a particular place; MAG-, I- to take s/t to sell at the market; MANG- to go marketing; KA- one's companion in marketing; the person you go to the market with; -AN: saˈdán marketplace [+MDL: MA-, -AN: saˈdán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagsaˈdán to go to the market; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go to the market to buy s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to take s/t to sell at the market; -AN: sasaˈdán a market; (fig-) Garó na nagsaˈód It is as if we have gone to the market (Said when people meet by chance, as if they had planned to go to the market together)]
Even if populations were stable and individuals stayed close to home, there were still travellers who needed a place to stay at various points on their journey. A term like sangpót refers, among other options, to travellers needing such temporary accommodation. There is no sense that there were hotels available to serve such a need, but that those requiring accommodation could be put up at a community hall, or at a private residence offering such a service (sangpótan). The term clearly had a wider meaning, pertaining as well to workers on their return home from the fields, and places along a river bank where everyone who passed made a stop. The basic meaning may very well be 'to reach' or 'attain' as the figurative entries relating to numbers appear to show. Only Hiligaynon has the same term as Bikol. The definition is brief: 'to arrive at one's destination'.[94]
    sangpót MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to return home from work in the fields; to call in at a particular place (those on their way to embark on a boat or those heading to another town); -AN: sarangpótan community hall; a house or place where those traveling can stop: sarangpótan na táwo a person who keeps his house open to everyone; TIG- mealtime; a time when workers return home; sarangpótan na pangpáng the bank of a river where everyone who passes stops; (fig-) Daˈí nakakasangpót sa sanggatós It won't reach 100; Daˈí man nakakasangpót sa sangríbo It won't reach 1000 [MDL]
A second term referring to what is essentially a rest house where people passing on a journey could stop is sangpít. It also has two related meanings. In addition to 'rest house', it is also the action of calling out to someone passing on the roadway, asking if the caller can accompany them to their destination. The definition of this term in the three central Philippines languages where it is found parallels at least one of these meanings. In Tagalog it refers to reaching ones destination either by boat or on foot. In both Waray and Cebuano it refers to getting someone's attention, either by gesturing or calling out to them. In the case of Waray the intent is to call someone over, or to point something out. With Cebuano, it is to offer an invitation, to eat, to play, to dance or just to go for a walk.[95]
    sangpít MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to call to s/o passing on the roadway, asking if you can accompany them to where they are going; -AN: sarangpítan rest house; a place where people stop when traveling; also see sangpót [MDL]

5. THE HOUSE
 
Towns and villages in the lowland Philippines were generally located by the seashore or along creeks and streams (see Section 1). This was the area where early Filipinos chose to live (írok) for it gave them access to both the produce of the sea and the crops of the adjacent land. It was here that they chose their lots (runáˈ) and to build or buy (gátang) their houses (hárong).

While írok has kept its meaning over the centuries, runáˈ has come to mean a region or locality, losing its specific reference to 'house lot'. Hárong, too, has lost some its meaning, in particular its reference to marriage. Literary references to 'house' are distinctively different. The three references noted by Lisboa are bunsáliˈ, hunúngan and luyáng (not reproduced below). For the most part, literary references in Bikol can be traced to an origin in the Visayan languages to the south, in particular, Cebuano, although in this instance such reference is not all that clear.[96] An exact reference to hunúngan can be found in Waray. Far more tenuous references can be found in Cebuano and Hiligaynon where, amongst a long set of meanings associated with the idea of stopping while doing something, are references to stopping while walking or travelling. Luyang in Waray refers to a hollow or cave.[97]
    írok MAG-, -AN to dwell; to reside; to settle in or inhabit a particular place; an nagiírok residents, inhabitants; -AN: an iniirókan domicile, habitat, residence, abode [+MDL: irók MA-, -AN: irokán or idkán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagirokán or pagidkán to live or reside in a particular house or town: Habóng imirók sa Quipayó I don't want to live in Quipayó; -AN: iidkán dwelling, residence; PAG- the habitation of, one's residence in; (fig-) MAG-, PAG--AN to spend a long time at a place where one has been sent; Anó an pagirók mo dumán? Why was it you spent a long time there?]

    runáˈ locality, place, region [MDL: a house lot: Dumán sa runáˈ ni kuyán Over at or near that person's place; syn- lunáˈ]

    gátang MA-, -ON to buy a house, land, palm trees; MA-, -AN to buy these thing from s/o; MA-, I- to pay for these items with s/t (as gold); MAG-, IPAG- to sell such items; MAG-, PAG- -AN to sell such items to s/o; (fig-) Nagátang siyá rugáring kan úlay ni kuyán She was influenced by what that person said [MDL]

    hárong house, home; ... MAG-, -ON to build a house; KAG- homeowner; ... [+MDL: KA--AN village, settlement; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to build a house on a particular lot; MA- to be married: Nahárong na si kuyán That person is now married; -UM-; humahárong nguˈná of marriageable age; (fig-) Garó na pinaghárong an pagkatáwo That person is like a house (Meaning: That person is very fat); haróng-haróng MAG- to live on one's own (those who are newly married); MAG-, IPAG- to furnish the house of newlyweds; PAG- the lodgings or residence of newlyweds; magharóng-haróng nguˈná of marriageable age]
For a house to be more than a physical presence, it required some time and planning to acquire what was needed to turn it into a home (abˈáb). Lisboa includes a number of entries which refer in general to such necessities.

Bahándi, a term which originates from the Sanskrit bhāṇḍa and means, among other things, 'treasure', refers to household furnishings and decorations in Bikol.[98] This is a term which is found across all of the central Philippine languages, generally carrying the meaning of accumulated wealth, including objects of individual value such as jewels, and household items such as furniture and pottery. For Tagalog and Kapampangan this value is gained from the possession of land.[99]
    abˈáb -AN to have the things that are needed or required for a home: Daˈíng inaabˈabán sa kuyán They don't have what they need to set up a home; Maráy taˈ may inaabˈabán kamó It's good that you have what you need for a home; Daˈí ka máyong aabˈabán ngápit kon pagubóson mo iyán buláwan You won't have what you need for a home if you use up all your gold [MDL]

    bahándi household furnishings or decorations; MA- referring to s/o who possesses such furnishings or decorations [MDL] [SANSKRIT bhāṇḍa]
Two further terms, gagawiˈón and ginagáwiˈ, both derived from the root gáwiˈ 'to do s/t' or 'to make use of s/t', carry a similar meaning of household furnishing or goods.
    gagawiˈón household furniture or goods; Daˈí máyong gagawiˈón si kuyán That person has no household furnishings; Áyaw an gagawiˈón ni kuyán That person has all the household goods she needs; Daˈí ka máyong gagawiˈón ngápit kon pagkawáng-kawángon mo iyán You won't have what you need to set up a house if you squander that; (fig-) Si magagawiˈón na táwo si kuyán That person is a fickle (changeable, inconsistent) person [MDL]

    ginagáwiˈ household needs, necessities: Daˈí máyoˈ kamí nin ginagáwiˈ We have nothing more than the basic household necessities; Áyaw an ginagáwiˈ na kuyán These people have all the household requirements they need [MDL]
Particularly valued possessions, generally of earthernware or porcelain, would be displayed on stands around the house (sapát), while other items of value would be protected and put away for safekeeping (sagamnó). Other items considered of lesser value would stored in the corners, or removed and stored behind the house (gagamhónan). There is a possibility that these two final terms with very different meanings, may be based on the same root, reduplicated in the entry for gamó-gamó, which refers simply to the gathering of things in the hand.
    sapát dishes, plates or porcelain placed on stands around the house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such objects on racks in different locations around the house; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to decorate a house in this way; (fig-) Nagláˈad na iyán hárong ni kuyán kan dakól na sapát That person's home in resplendent with crockery and earthenware displayed about the house; [MDL]

    sagamnó MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to take care, protect or put s/t away for safekeeping (one's household possessions); MANG-, PANG- -ON to keep all of one's household possessions in good repair [MDL]

    gagamhónan household furniture and goods, generally considered of little value, stored in the corners or behind a house [MDL]

    gamó-gamó MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to gather everything together with the hands; to glean [MDL]

5. THE HOUSE
(i) The Main Sections
 
Houses were built high on posts, harígi, (see Section 3) a necessary precaution as the location of the villages near the sea and waterways meant that they were often exposed to rising tides and flooding.[100]

The understory of the house (sírong) was where domestic animals were kept, the pigs, chickens and cows, which were secured in their place by an enclosure made of wood or bamboo (álad). The under story was also a place to take shelter, or to carry out tasks such as the pounding of rice. In this area as well was a bamboo or wooden platform used for storage and by women when doing their weaving (bantál). Álad is also found in Waray and Cebuano with the same meaning and constructed of the same materials. The enclosure as described for Cebuano is not only found under the house, but outside in the yard as well, and this would have also applied to Bikol.[101] As for sírong, this is the common term found in the other central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan; the identical form used in Waray, and the cognate, silong, in Tagalog, Cebuano and Hiligaynon.[102]
    sírong the under part of a house; basement, cellar; the shelter of a tree; MAG- to take shelter (as from the sun, rain); MAG-, -AN to take shelter under s/t; MAG-, I- to shelter s/t; to place s/t under s/t else [+MDL: also under a bench, table; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go to get s/t from under the house, a tree; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place s/t under a house, a tree; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to take shelter under s/t]

    álad enclosure; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to enclose or corral s/t with a fence of wood or bamboo; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fence off or enclose a particular area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use particular wood or bamboo for such an enclosure [MDL]

    bantál a platform of bamboo or wood located beneath the house, used by women when weaving; also used for storage; MA- or MAG- to construct such a platform; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to lift s/t on a platform or pallet of wood; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place a wooden pallet or platform beneath s/t so that it may be lifted on such a base [MDL]
As for the upper parts of a house, these were referred to as alimpúngay, a term with the more general meaning of 'topmost' or 'uppermost' and referring as well to trees. The same term is found in both Waray and Cebuano used with the locative -an suffix: alimpungayan. In Waray reference is only to the tops of trees, but in Cebuano it is more general, referring to trees as well as steeples and towers.[103]

The Bikol term is complex. Alin- is an identifiable, though fossilised, prefix with the general meaning of 'similarity' or 'comparison'.[104] The closest identifiable root word in Bikol is pungáy referring to something filled to overflowing.
    alimpúngay MANG- to be in the uppermost parts of a house, or the topmost parts of a tree; MANG-, PANG--ON or MAGPAPANG-, PAGPAPANG--ON to go in search of s/t in the uppermost or topmost parts; MANG, IPANG- or MAGPAPANG-, IPAGPAPANG- to carry s/t up to these areas [MDL]

    pungáy MA- or MAG- to fill s/t to overflowing (liquid, grain); (PAG-)-AN to be filled to overflowing (a container); syn- pingáy [MDL]
Houses were free standing, and for the ordinary resident, comprised a small number of rooms with generally low roofs. For the wealthy and influential, the houses were more substantial, with a greater number of rooms of a larger size.[105]

Rooms were termed linambán or rinápat. The root of the first is clearly lanób 'wall'. As for rinápat a root form is far less evident. Rápat means 'close' or 'tight fitting', and refers, appropriately, to the way pieces of wood are joined together. This same meaning is shared with Kapampangan and Tagalog where the cognate form is lapat. Rápat is the closest root form available in Bikol.[106]
    linambán a cell, room [MDL]

    lanób wall; MAG-, -AN to build a wall on or around s/t [+MDL: wall or partition of wood or bamboo; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON / MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to wall s/t in; to build a wall around s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to build a wall of particular materials; -AN: linalambán or linambán a cell, room]


    rinápat -AN: rinapátan room, compartment [MDL]

    rápat even; perfectly fitted, tightly fitting (such as the seam joining two pieces of wood); MAG-, PAG--ON to fit together or adjust the fitting of two pieces of wood; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to fit a new piece of wood to an existing one; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fit an existing piece of wood with another [MDL]
The front or back of a house is suróngan. The expected root word, súrong, is not found in Bikol, although each of the Visayan languages does have the expected form, either identically, as in Waray, or as the cognate, sulong, in Cebuano and Hiligaynon. There is, however, a clear mis-match in meaning, with the Visayan terms referring to the steepness of a roof and not a particular aspect of a house.[107]
    suróngan the front or back of a house; MA- or MAG- to construct the front or back of a house [MDL]
Luklók in modern Bikol refers to something which is hidden away or secluded. This is also the meaning in Waray.[108] Lisboa, however, records a different meaning, that of 'the side of a house' with verbal references clearly also referencing the 'corners', something also expressed by dúgoˈ, a term without relevant cognates in the other central Philippines languages.
    luklók hidden away, out-of-the-way, hard to find; secluded, obscure ... [MDL: the side of a house; MAPA-, PA--AN or MAGPA-, PAGPA- -AN to sit at the corner of a house; MAPA-, IPA- or MAGPA-, IPAGPA- to place s/t in the corner of a house]

    dúgoˈ corner of a house; also KA--AN: kadugóˈan [MDL]
Stairs or ladders (see Section 5(ii)) were used to enter and leave a house as houses were inevitably raised above the ground. The same term which referred to the landing at the top of such steps, aluntagá, also applied to a loft or attic. The identical term is found in the three Visayan languages and in each it also refers to a 'landing'. Additionally, in Cebuano, it refers to an upper level in a house, to the first level if there are two, and to the second if there are three.[109]

Aluntagá is a complex entry based on the root tága which is a 'roost for chickens'. AluN- is not a commonly recognised prefix, fossilised or otherwise. although there are a few roots affixed with alu- with no additional nasal.[110] The meaning appears to be the same as for aliN- which shows similarity or comparison. Mentrida for Hiligaynon lists both aluntaga and alintaga as alternate forms.
    aluntagá the landing on a flight of stairs; the attic, loft or garret of a house; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct a landing, loft; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct a landing, loft in a particular house; MAGKA- to have a one landing over another or one loft over another [MDL]

    tága roost for chickens; MAG-, -AN to prepare a roosting place for chickens [+MDL: MA-, -AN to prepare a roosting place for chickens; MA-, I- to prepare such a roost from particular materials; MAG-, PAG--AN to raise s/o else's chickens, dividing the resultant chicks with the owner; to give the owner of the chickens one half of the chicks produced]
The bantayáw, another raised area in the house, was a bamboo platform used for sleeping and positioned above the level of the floor. This is a term shared with the Visayan languages and having the same meaning in Waray and Cebuano. In Hiligaynon, however, it is defined as an aparador which in the Philippines referred to a 'wardrobe'.[111]
    bantayáw bamboo sleeping platform or loft; MA- or MAG- to construct such a platform or loft [MDL]
If the house had a number of rooms, one or more of these could be reserved either permanently or temporarily for a specific purpose. If the house was small, then an alcove or section of a room could be set aside. Such a place was the atíbong which was used for one who was ill and needed to be protected from the outside air until they recovered.
    atíbong a small room or alcove reserved for one who is ill so that they might be sheltered from the outside air; MA- or MAG- to make such a room or alcove; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make such a room in a particular location; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to prepare such a room or alcove for a particular person [MDL]
If a house was small, then additions could be made as they were needed. This could be a single room (tugód) or a full extension or annexe (layó).
    tugód MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to extend a house with the addition of a room; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to add an extension to a house; to build a new room on a house [MDL]

    layó annex; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to add an annex or extension to a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to extend a house with an annex or addition [MDL]
In modern Bikol, the pantáw is a porch positioned at the back of house near the cooking area and used for the washing of dishes. This is not the definition supplied by Lisboa for old Bikol. It's position at the turn of the sixteenth century was at the front of the house, serving as a point of entry. To secure the house, or at least impede entry, a pole or length of bamboo (taráwal) was placed across the front of the porch.

Pantáw is also found in the Visayan languages. Definitions for Waray and Cebuano are consistent with the usage of the term in modern Bikol, referring to a raised area near the kitchen and used for washing or scrubbing dishes, and serving as an area for the drying of clothes. The definition in Hiligaynon is not specific enough to attribute this same use. The additional meaning supplied for Cebuano and Hiligaynon is a 'stage' used for the presentation of shows during fiestas.[112]
    pantáw a washing porch constructed of bamboo slats, usually found at the back of the house attached to the cooking area [MDL: a raised bamboo platform found at the entrance to a house, serving as an entry porch; also a platform used when cutting trees; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a platform; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to build such a platform somewhere; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use bamboo in the construction of such a platform]

    taráwal a bar consisting of a pole or length of bamboo placed across a window or entry porch (pantáw) to impede entry; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a bar across a gateway, window; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a pole or length of bamboo for this purpose [MDL]
To connect one entry porch to another, and therefore one house to another, was a raised walkway, tuytóy. This is the nominal definition of the closely related verb cited in Section 1(i), indicating the action of crossing a river or stream by bridge. A covered walkway which ran along the side of the house was the síbay, a concept later adopted in the construction of religious buildings and applied to the nave of a church.

While the unique meaning of tuytóy is not found in the other central Philippine languages, sibáy, with different, though possibly related meanings, is found in Cebuano and Hiligaynon. In Cebuano what is described is an out-building used for storage. Encarnacion goes on to explain that the local people used it as an outhouse or dunny. For Hiligaynon, this was a separate structure used as a residence for slaves.[113]
    tuytóy walkway constructed from one entry porch (pantáw) to another, or from one house to another (as during fiesta, or just for one's own satisfaction) [MDL]

    sibáy nave of a church; covered walkway added along the outside of a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to add a nave to a church, a covered walkway to a house; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to make such an addition [MDL]
Cooking was done on an open fire in an area set aside as a kitchen. Dapóg referred to the entire fireplace with Lisboa also defining two major sections: the framework on which it was built, a square or rectangle of wood filled with soil (bangbángan), and the area in which the ash was collected (alisabwán).

Dapóg is found in all of the central Philippine languages, and its cognates are common in other of the Austronesian languages as well.[114] Bangbángan is not found elsewhere in the central Philippines, although it might be possible to apply the meanings attributed to its root, bangbáng, found in Kapampangan and Hiligaynon (the building or deepening of a channel or ditch) and Cebuano (the levelling of a hill or slope) to the Bikol entry, but the problems of proving such a connection are clear.

Alisabwán can be analysed into a set of affixes and a root. The prefix aliN- was discussed above with its associated meaning of 'similarity' or 'comparison'. The suffix -an commonly shows 'place' or 'location'. The only root possible here is sabáw, although its central meaning is not easy to apply the affixed whole. Sabáw in all the central Philippine languages, means 'soup', and in most of them it also refers to the water found in coconuts. The locative form, sabáwan, refers to a place where soup is made, or, we would assume, a particular pot. If the ash from the hearth was collected at one time in a container resembling such a pot, it could account for the current form and its meaning.[115]
    dapóg hearth, fireplace, a place for cooking; kitchen [+MDL: PARA-: paradápog or TAGÁ-: tagadápog cook]

    bangbángan framework, generally of wood, filled with soil and forming the foundation of the hearth or area for the cooking fire [MDL]

    alisabwán hearth [MDL: the part of the stove where ash is collected]

5. THE HOUSE
(ii) Stairs and Ladders
 
Houses were raised off the ground. Access to the living quarters would have been, most commonly, by a ladder or stairs (hagyán) comprising a number of steps (tángga). Special access was provided for those houses with a pets, usually a cat or dog (alugúgan).

Hagdán is the same term used in the other central Philippines languages with the exception of Kapampangan. Tángga, interestingly, appears to be a borrowing from Malay where it not only means 'step' or 'stair' but 'house ladder' as well.[116] Alugúgan is clearly a complex entry, divisible into a prefix of the form aluN- and the root gúgan. However, with a problem in deciding a definite meaning of aluN- (see above) and no root of form gúgan either in Bikol or the other central Philippine languages, the analysis cannot reasonably be taken further.
    hagdán a stair, step; -AN steps, stairs; staircase; ladder [+MDL: stairs, steps, a ladder; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a ladder against s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a ladder] var- hagyán

    tángga a step, stair; rung of a ladder; MAG-, -AN to make steps on s/t [+MDL: tanggá step, such as those of stairs or a ladder, or cut into the ground; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to make a step; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make steps in a particular area; to add a step to stairs or a ladder]

    alugúgan steps (typ- used by cats and dogs to enter a house) [MDL]
Both sandíg or handíg referred to the positioning of a ladder or stairs against the house. Of these two terms, it is sandíg which is found with the same meaning in the other central Philippine languages, with the exception of the Kapampangan, sangdi, a form which is not clearly cognate.[117]
    sandíg MAG-, -AN to lean on s/t; MAG-, I- to lean s/t (as a ladder against a wall) [+MDL: MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to move a ladder or steps into place; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to lean a ladder against s/t; MAPA-, IPA- to have a ladder put into place ]

    handíg MAG- to recline, lean back; MAG-, I- to lean s/t back; MAG-, -AN to recline or lean on s/t [MDL: MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to put a ladder or steps into place; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to lean a ladder against s/t; MAPA-, IPA- to have a ladder put into place; (fig-) Naísog ka rugáring taˈ igwá kang hinahandigán You act brave because you have powerful people to rely on]
A ladder which was positioned off-center and therefore leaning, was huyayáˈ. There are examples in Bikol of pairs of terms, one of which appears to be prefixed with hu-, an affix whose meaning is not particularly clear. Huyayáˈ may be part of this set where the identified root would have to be yayáˈ.
    huyayáˈ crooked (a ladder, steps); off-center (s/t leaning); (PAG-)-ON to be crooked, leaning off center; (fig-) MANG- Nanhuyayáˈ ka na You're really leaning to one side [MDL]

    yaˈyáˈ sagging, drooping; hanging open or hanging loose; MAG- to droop or sag; to hang open or hang loose [+MDL: yayáˈ hanging open (such as the jaw of the dead or one about to die); to droop or sag (as a damaged roof); MA- or MAG- to hang open or droop (the jaw); to sag; (fig-) Nagyayáˈ na iníng pagtápis kainí This skirt is sagging (Said when a skirt is improperly fastened)]
A ladder which was moved to the side or laid down completely on the ground indicating it was not available for use was buklíd. Entry and exit could also be made via a rope or bamboo ladder, likíd, which could be rolled up after leaving or entering so that it could not be used for unwanted entry.

In both Kapampangan and Cebuano, likid refers to the removal of a ladder, laying it on its side so that it was not available for use. It is likely that the original root of buklíd is likíd with processes of metathesis and deletion resulting in the final form. As for a prefix of the form bu-, this is far harder to confirm, although, as with hu-, there are pairs of what might be considered affixed and unaffixed forms.[118]
    buklíd referring to a ladder moved to one side or laid on the ground, indicating that it is unavailable for use; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove a ladder; to lay a ladder on the ground; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to remove a ladder from s/o, leaving them unable to climb down; (fig-) Buklíd an pálad ni kuyán That person is unfortunate [MDL]

    likíd a rope or bamboo ladder which may be rolled or hung up after one leaves or enters the house to prevent animals from entering [+MDL]
Entry to a house could also be accomplished by climbing up or sliding down a pole (nángan). While the same term can be found in Kapampangan indicating a direction 'toward here' or toward there', a meaning which is possibly relevant, there is also the possibility that this is a loan of the Malay tangan 'hand'. The verbal affixation in Bikol would support this as a root, and the use of the hands when climbing would bring the meaning closer.[119]
    nángan MANG-, PANG--AN or MAGPANG-, PAGPANG--AN to enter or leave a house by means of sliding down or climbing up a pole, and not using the stairs or ladder; MANG-, PANG--ON or MAGPANG-, PAGPANG--ON to enter or leave a house in this way to get s/t; MANG-, IPANG- or MAGPANG-, IPAGPANG- to bring s/t into or take s/t out of a house in this way [MDL]
One further ladder which was used strictly for accessing places out of reach, the roof of a house or the upper reaches of a tree, was hagáhap. Here there is a clear prefix of the form ha- which indicates, height, length or depth. That leaves the root gáhap referring to the movement through tall grass or dense growth. It is possible to see the derivation of 'ladder' as something rising above such obstacles.
    hagáhap ladder; MAG-, -AN to lean a ladder against s/t [+MDL: ladder (typ- long, used to reach the roof of houses or the upper parts of tall trees); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use this type of ladder; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place this ladder against s/t (fig-) Paghahagahápan nang pagkalaláki describing a very tall man; tall as a giant]

    gáhap MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to walk through an area of tall grass or dense growth; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go to get s/t which requires passing through such an area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to carry s/t through such an area [MDL]
All ladders remain functional as long as they are maintained and repaired when needed. Those lacking one step (lápat) or many (rágos) may not only impede entry to a residence, but also pose a danger to those climbing.
    lápat describing a ladder or stairway that lacks a step; MAKA- to break the step of a ladder or stairs; MA--AN to be missing a step (a ladder); IKA- to fall or drop when a step is broken [MDL]

    rágos ladder or stairs lacking a number of steps; MA- or MAG- to lack steps (stairs, a ladder); MAKA- or IKA- to fall down such stairs or a ladder (a person); MA--AN to be a residence with such stairs or such a ladder [MDL]

5. THE HOUSE
(iii) Doors and Windows
 
Space for widows (gáhaˈ) was left in the walls of the upper floor of the house. Entry through such openings could be obstructed by placement of a pole or length of bamboo, taráwal, of the same type that was used to restrict access to the entry porch, pantáw (see Section 5(i)). At times, such as the arrival of inclement weather, or when leaving the house unattended, it would have been necessary to close up the windows, an action to which the term tapól, in part, applies. The translucent oyster shell (kalampínay) which is mentioned as a window covering in the 1865 edition of the dictionary, was not used at the turn of the sixteenth century. The 1754 edition only mentions its use in the crafting of lamps.
    gáhaˈ window; MA- or MAG- to open a window; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct a window; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to add a window to a room; MANG-, PANG--AN to look through a window; MANG-, PANG--ON to look through a window at s/t; sa tungód nin gahaˈ or sa tungód nin panggaháˈan below or near the window [MDL]

    tapól MA-, -AN: taplán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagtaplán to close up an opening; to block a window; to obstruct or stand in a doorway or other location where people want to pass; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to block, obstruct or close with s/t [MDL]

    kalampínay shellfish (typ- possessing a translucent white shell used in the making of windows; referred to as kápis or oyster shell) [MDL: shellfish (typ- with a white shell) used in the making of lamps] [MDL 1865: shellfish (typ- with a white shell) used in the making of windows]
Pintó 'door' has associated with it the verbal meanings of 'closing' or 'shutting something in'. This is the term also used in modern Bikol. A second term, gukóp, has the same meanings, but has fallen from use. Tatá is defined by Lisboa as a 'doorway' or 'lintel', a meaning which has now changed to 'door' in the modern language. Pintóˈ, in the central Philippine languages, is only found in Tagalog where it is a 'doorway'. The term is most likely a borrowing from the Malay where it does, indeed, mean 'door'.[120]
    pintóˈ door; MAG-, -AN to close s/t (a door, umbrella, a shop for the night); to shut or lock s/t up; to lock s/o in or out; to turn s/t off (as a radio); MA--AN to get locked in or get locked out; MANG- to close the doors; to lock up a shop for the night [+MDL: door; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to close the door; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to close the door on s/o (keeping them in or out)]

    gukóp door; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to shut the door [MDL]

    tatá door; MAG-, -ON to construct a door [MDL: doorway, lintel; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make a doorway; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make a doorway in a particular part of a house]
Doorways were hung with a curtain-like material which would have been pushed aside to allow entry (tukyáb), something not uncommon to this day in parts of the Philippines. Both Waray and Cebuano have cognate terms with related, though different, meanings. In Waray reference is to the pushing open of a door or window. In Cebuano it refers to the way the wind blows mats, carpets and similar items which are hanging out to air or dry.[121]
    tukyáb MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to lift or push a curtain that hangs in front of a doorway to one side so that one may enter a room; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to uncover a door opening in this way [MDL]
Entry via a door could also be secured by a wooden bolt (sukóg) or padlock (kunsíˈ). Kunsíˈ, which also has the more general meanings of 'latch' or 'bolt' is not a term found in the other central Philippine languages. It is most likely a borrowing of the Malay kunci 'key' which in turn has borrowed the Sanskrit kuñcikā, also meaning 'key'. Only Waray has a term which is possibly related, though distinctly different, from the Bikol sukóg. Here reference is to a supporting beam with holds the weight of cross-beams when spanning a wide distance.[122]
    sukóg wooden bolt; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a wooden bolt on a house [MDL]

    kunsíˈ bolt, latch, padlock; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to bolt, latch or padlock s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to lock s/t away; to lock a box, chest [MALAY kunci, from SANSKRIT kuñcikā] [MDL]
Surót is a key in Bikol, a term replaced by a Spanish loan in the modern language. Identical terms are found in Tagalog and Kapampangan, but not the Visayan languages.[123] To make sure that only the proper key can turn in a particular lock and, therefore, open it, it is protected by something called a 'ward'. These are the raised areas inside a lock which match the indentations on a key. Of the central Philippine languages, the term in Bikol, gáraw, is found only in Tagalog where the cognate form is galaw. In both languages this is a secondary meaning. The primary meaning is the sticks which are placed inside the entry to a fish coral or trap to prevent the fish escaping once they have entered. References in Waray, Cebuano and Hiligaynan are only to the fish trap, and not to the lock.[124]
    surót key; MA-, -ON or MAG-,PAG--ON to lock s/t with a key; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to lock s/t inside [MDL]

    gáraw pointed sticks located inside the entrance to fish traps which keep the fish from swimming out once inside; also: the ward of a lock or keyhole (the projecting ridge which prevents the turning of a key other than the proper one); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such a guard on traps, locks; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t for such a guard [MDL]

5. THE HOUSE
(iii) Enclosures
 
For modern Bikol, nátad is the area in front of the house which may or may not have been enclosed. While Lisboa focuses on a somewhat different definition of this entry, referring only to the boundary delineating neighbouring properties, elsewhere there are references to the modern meaning (see the figurative entry). For Waray and Cebuano it is the modern Bikol meaning which is most relevant; the open area immediately in front of a house or shed for Waray, and a cleared area, generally near houses, used for top spinning and other sports in Cebuano.[125]
    nátad the front yard of a house; MAG- to be neighbors; KA- a neighbor [+MDL: boundary, border; MA-, MA--AN to live next to s/o; to be s/o's neighbor; MAG- to be neighbors; (fig-) Garó na ing gináras iyán nátad na kuyán Those people's front yard is like cloth just cut from the loom (Said when the front yard is very clean)]
The housing compound and its immediate area would have also been the location of a number of enclosures. The álad (see Section 5(i)) was built, most likely, to keep animals in (amútong), while the balatbát was built to keep such animals out of places such as orchards or other cultivated areas. In Tagalog balatbát also refers to an enclosure, but one where the two sides do not entirely meet. This area which is deliberately left open is also applicable to both the houses and enclosures of Bikol, using a term which is also found across the Visayan languages, taháng.[126]
    amútong MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to enclose or corral s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to enclose a particular area [MDL]

    balatbát a fence of wooden posts or bamboo constructed to keep animals out of an orchard or other cultivated lands; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build such an enclosure around a particular crop; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to enclose a particular area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to construct such an enclosure from particular materials [MDL]

    taháng vacant, empty; blank; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to leave s/t vacant, empty, blank; to leave a space or small opening (as when writing or when building an enclosure); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove s/t so that a small opening can be made [MDL]
Boundary and fence posts in modern Bikol are commonly made from the wood of the Indian Coral tree (dapdáp). This was a tree known to the early lexicographers, although they make no mention of its use for fencing. Dapdáp appears in the early dictionaries of all of the central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan, although the term is certainly known in the modern language.[127]
    dapdáp Indian coral tree (typ- tree, with red, pea-shaped flowers growing in dense clusters, possessing long pods, smooth, gray bark, and young branches with prickles; the wood is used in fencing and for boundary posts; Erythrina variegata) [+MDL]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(i) Planning
 
Before they are built, buildings needed to be planned (tugdás), and if this was to be done properly it was advisable to engage the services of an architect (anluwági). Only Kapampangan shares with Bikol this latter term, and while the Spanish-Kapampangan index offers the translation 'architect', the main entry in the dictionary is simply 'carpenter', clearly the person who will be carrying out the work. The terms 'architect' and 'carpenter' do appear to be distinct in Bikol, with pandáy (see Section 2) differentiated as the 'craftsman'.[127]
    tugdás MAG-, -ON to establish or found s/t; KAG- founder, planner [MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to plan or design s/t; to conceive of a plan or invention; to invent s/t: tugdás na paghárong a uniquely designed house; tugdás na úlay internal thoughts or plans [MDL]

    anluwági contractor, architect (referring to the one who takes the measurements and draws up the plans); MA- or MAG- to hold this position; var- anduwági [MDL]
Once a design was formulated (báyang), it would be sketched and then marked out on the ground (taˈnáy) to insure the measurements were correct. There is a great deal of overlap in the meaning of these terms, but if we look to Waray where tanay relates to the distance from one place to another, it might be possible to conclude that báyang is the more abstract of the terms and taˈnáy the more concrete. The possibility also exists that báyang is a borrowing from Malay where verbal meanings such as 'planning' or 'imagining' are clearly more abstract concepts. [129]
    báyang MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to mark s/t out; to sketch or design s/t; to construct s/t according to a well formulated plan: Maraháy an pagkabáyang kainíng hárong The design of this house is good [MDL]

    taˈnáy MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to draw, sketch or mark out on the ground the plan for a house (indicating, for example, the length of the beams required) [MDL]
Part of the initial preparation to building would be the selection of materials (kanáˈ), and for the most part, this would be wood (bugháˈ). Each of these pieces would be marked with a knife to indicate where they would later have to be cut or measured (guró).
    kanáˈ materials used in the making or construction of s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to prepare the materials for a job (as wood); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to apply particular materials to making s/t; to use particular materials in the construction of s/t; PAGKA- the method of application or use of materials [MDL]

    bugháˈ wood prepared for use in the construction of buildings; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to prepare wood for use in the construction of houses and other buildings [MDL]

    guró MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to mark off with a knife a part of s/t that is later to be cut or measured [MDL]
Measurement could be accomplished by the use of a measuring stick, a rod or rope (súkol), or a length of bamboo used specifically to make sure the upright posts of the house were the correct length before setting them up (langbóˈ). The aim would be to achieve exact measurements leading to the perfect fit of materials (yuˈkód). Súkol is also a general term for measuring in Waray and Hiligaynon, whereas in Tagalog it refers more specifically to a measurement of height or depth.[130]
    súkol measurement, size, dimension; standard; MAG-, -ON to measure s/t; to calculate, estimate or gauge s/t (size, length); to survey s/t; ... (arc-) saróng súkol a measurement equal to fifty arm lengths on each side [MDL: measuring stick; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to measure s/t with a rod, rope; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to measure s/t against s/t else; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as a measuring stick]

    langbóˈ length of bamboo or a pole used to measure a post (harígiˈ) so that the proper size can be chosen before setting it upright; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to measure such a post; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a pole or length of bamboo for measuring [MDL]

    yuˈkód MA- exact, precise; perfect in every way; just right; a perfect fit; MAMA-, MA--ON or MAGMA-, PAGMA--ON to do s/t to exact or precise measurements; to do s/t with exact precision; (fig-) si mayuˈkód na buˈót nin táwo even-tempered; a well-adjusted person [MDL]
Areas which are to be worked could also be indicated by use of a marking string (labtík). In modern carpentry this is usually accomplished by covering a line with chalk, stretching it over the area to be marked, and then snapping the string so that the chalk is transferred to the wood. This is repeated until the line is clearly shown.[131] This is probably the same technique used by Bikol craftsmen, although the detail is not explained by Lisboa. The final syllable of labtík, that is, tik, is found in any number of Bikol words where the meaning is 'to snap (a string, the fingers)', 'to flick', 'to click', and so on, and it is this action which is most likely happening with the marking string. Definitions of labtík similar to 'flicking' or 'snapping' are also found in four of the other central Philippine languages.[132] Once a central line is marked (gúlod), then work can be extended evenly out from that centre.
    labtík a marking string used in woodworking; MAG-, -ON to mark off a particular area to be worked; MAG-, -AN to use a marking string on s/t [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to mark off an area with a marking string]

    gúlod spinal column, spine [+MDL: the spine or center line; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to work on s/t which extends out from a center line (such as a valence or scalloping); gulód-gúlod: -AN describing s/t with many highs and lows or angles, such as a scalloped edging]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(ii) Preparing the Wood
 
Tree logs which were later to be turned into the posts and boards needed to build a house were brought to the area of construction on a boat or raft (gábay). As the villages were located along rivers or by the sea, this would have been the most efficient, if not the only, mode of transportation. Only in Hiligaynon of the central Philippine languages is there the same term with a relevant meaning.[133]
    gábay cargo, such as wooden logs, carried tied to a boat or raft; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to carry this type of cargo; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to transport this type of cargo on a boat or raft [MDL]
Once the wood arrives, it would be prepared in a number of ways. First it would be stripped of its bark (dagasdás) and any excess material removed (sapsáp). This may have referred to areas where branches had once grown, and to any other imperfections found in the trunk. The log would then be squared (paságiˈ) in preparation for cutting into boards or planks (tápiˈ). Once these were cut, they could be stacked and banded to keep them in place (lípit).

Paságiˈ with the identical meaning is found only in Hiligaynon. It is most likely a loan from Malay where segi means 'side', or 'facet'.[134] Pa- in both Bikol and Hiligaynon is clearly recognisable as a causative prefix. The meaning of tápiˈ in Hiligaynon again parallels that in Bikol. In Waray and Cebuano, it refers to a board which is added to raise the side of a boat.[135]
    dagasdás MA-, -ON or MAG, PAG--ON to remove or plane off the outer bark of a tree; (PAG-)-AN to be stripped of its bark (a tree, by the wind) [MDL]

    sapsáp MAG-, -ON to lop s/t off; to cut off the rough edges of wood, bamboo; to chop s/t away; MAG-, -AN to hew s/t; to chop s/t off from s/t else [+MDL: MA--, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to hack off pieces of wood with an ax or bolo; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to hew wood; to hack off pieces from wood]

    paságiˈ cut timber or lumber; wooden planks [MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to square the sides of a log]

    tápiˈ MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut wood into boards or planks [MDL]

    lípit band, strap (typ- placed around planks of wood to keep them steady or level); bamboo pole to which a row of containers is fastened to keep them from falling; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to steady or tie s/t with a band; to bind or strap s/t; to support s/t with a pole (a row of containers); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a band around s/t; to put a bamboo pole across a particular area [MDL]
Once wooden boards were cut from logs, they could then undergo further preparation, They could be reduced in size by further cutting (gútong), something generally carried out on a block of wood (daˈtól). The ends could be evened out by removing excess material (tarás) or further refined by filing them to a smooth finish (hirínas), and indentations in the flat surfaces could be planned smooth (hígod). Posts which were too wide for an intended purpose could be split and finished at the needed size (siˈlák).
    gútong piece of wood, timber; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut up wood into pieces [MDL]

    daˈtól MAPA-, PA--ON to place s/t one wants to cut on a block of wood; MAPA-, PA--AN to cut s/t on a chopping block or cutting board; PA- -AN: padaˈtolán or padatlán chopping block, cutting board [MDL]

    tarás MAG-, -ON to cut s/t; MAG-, -AN to cut s/t from [MDL: táras MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to even off the tips or ends of s/t by cutting them back; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut off the longer tips or ends]

    hirínas MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to file down the cut ends of a piece of wood or bamboo to make them even and smooth; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to file s/t off the tip or end [MDL]

    hígod MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to even out a dent or depression by planing it level [MDL]

    siˈlák MA- split or cleaved; MAG-, -ON to cleave or split s/t [+MDL: silák MA- a stick, pole or post which has been well split; MA- or MAG- to split (wood): Abóng silák na káhoy iní This wood has really been well split] var- siˈák
Before the wood was suitable for use in construction, it would be aged (tangkáy). This would have been done to reduce the chances of splitting (laták) or shrinkage resulting in the separation or loosening of the joint (haˈtál).
    tangkáy seasoned, aged (wood); dry (pottery); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to let wood dry before working it, or pots before firing them [MDL]

    laták cracked, split; MA- or MAG- to crack or split (as dry wood); MAKA- to cause such cracking (as the heat of the sun); KA--AN a crack, split, fissure [MDL]

    haˈtál MA- or MAG- to split, separate or weaken at the joint or seam (wood once tightly joined, when it has dried); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to separate s/t at its joint or seam [MDL]
Seasoning would have also reduced the chances of the wood warping (payód, ludyák). Wood which had warped could be straightened by heating over an open fire before being put to use (lublób).
    payód twisted or bent; warped MA- or MAG- to grow or become bent, twisted; to warp (wood); MAHING-, HING--ON or MAGHING-, PAGHING--ON to straighten s/t out, removing a bend or twist [MDL]

    ludyák MA- or MAG- to bulge out at the middle; to warp; to bend outward at the middle; (PAG-)-ON to have a bulge; to bend outward or warp at the middle; (PAG-)-AN to have a bulge at the middle (a part of s/t) [MDL]

    lublób MAG-, -AN to season s/t over an open fire (such as banana leaves used for wrapping rice) [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to heat or roast sugarcane over a fire; to heat wood which is bent over a fire so that it can be straightened]
During the process of preparing the wood, it could split or break in an unintended way (ipás) requiring a repair (talák). Broken lengths of wood or bamboo could have their strength restored by splicing a length of the same material over the break (agúbay), boards that were weakened could be strengthened by placing a second board over the first (húnong), and those revealing cracks and holes could also have these remedied (báyad).
    ipás MA- or MAG- to split or break apart in an unintended way (as when cutting s/t and a break or fracture occurs in a place other than that desired); (fig-) Kaipás mong sugóˈon You do the opposite of what you are told [MDL]

    talák MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to mend, fix or repair s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to mend with s/t [MDL]

    agúbay a wooden stick or length of bamboo which is joined or spliced to another that is split or cracked so that it will not split or crack further; MAG- to be joined in this way (two sticks, bamboo poles); MAG-, PAG--ON to join two sticks, bamboo for this purpose; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to join one stick or bamboo to another; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to strengthen a weakened stick or bamboo in this way [MDL]

    húnong MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place one board over another which is in danger of breaking; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to reinforce one board with another to strengthen it; MAG-, PAG--ON to bring two boards together to make them stronger; MAG- to stand or sit on s/t which is in danger of falling or breaking (two people, as on the same branch of a tree); MAG-, PAG- -AN to join s/o who is in a precarious position (as seated or standing on a branch) [MDL]

    báyad MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to repair boards or planks that have split or have holes: Bayádi iyán karaˈtán kainíng káhoy Repair the damaged part of this piece of timber [MDL]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(iii) The Framework
 
Once the required materials were readied, it would be time to start construction (pigód). Where the job was substantial, the workload would be shared (sangíˈ).
    pigód MA-, -AN: pigorán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagpigorán to just begin to do a particular task; to do a small amount of work on a job; also: to cut a small piece from s/t [MDL]

    sangíˈ MA- or MAG- to share a workload (two people); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to divide a workload (such as giving part of a log to another so each can cut planks, or part of one's gold to another smith to work on completing a chain or earrings); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to share one's work in this way with another; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to give out a portion of one's work; KA- the shared portion of one's work; the person one shares work with [MDL]
Work would begin with the foundation (tugmád, panalíbot). Panalíbot is the result of a set of prefixes, sa- indicating place or location, and pang-, generality, added to the root líbot 'to encircle' or 'enclose': pang- + sa- + líbot → panalíbot.
    tugmád (lit-) proof; basis, foundation [+MDL: foundation of a building; MA-, -AN: tugmarán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagtugmarán to lay a foundation for a building; PA--AN: patugmáran a foundation; ...]


    panalíbot beam, rafter [MDL: the foundation on which the walls of a house are built; also known as patugmáran (see tugmád); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct such a foundation]

    líbot MAG- to walk around; ... ; MAGSA-, SA--AN to encircle or enclose s/t; MAGPA-, PA--ON to encircle, enclose, girdle, ring or surround s/t; MAKAPA-, MAPA--AN to be surrounded, enclosed; PA- an enclosure; circumference; area, environment, neighborhood, surroundings, vicinity ... [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON / MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to encircle s/t; to walk around s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to encircle with s/t; to walk around with s/t; PAG- encircling, surrounding]
A set of posts (harígi, see Sections 3 and 5(i)) on which the house would stand would be prepared. These would vary in size depending on the size of the dwelling. Lisboa's inclusion of large posts in the entry pangawíl-kawilán (see kawíl-kawíl), indicates that some posts could be so large that someone sitting astride them would not have their feet touch the ground. Movement of such large posts would have been difficult, and to aid in their raising, a lever system would have been deployed whereby one post was lifted, braced against another (baliˈát).
    kawíl-kawíl MAG- to be suspended in the air; MAG-, PAG--AN to be suspended from s/t; MANG- to be seated with the feet not touching the ground; MANG-, PANG--AN to dangle the feet from a particular place when seated in this way; pangawíl-kawilán very large; referring to a crocodile, fish or post that is so large that if one were to sit astride it, as when riding a horse, the feet would not touch the ground [MDL]

    baliˈát MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to lift one of two posts or boards lying side-by-side by inserting a pole in the space between the two, and levering one using the other as support; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place a pole between two posts or boards for this purpose ... [MDL]
Posts which were measured and cut, would then be set upright and driven into the ground (buksál, tugdók). The meaning of tugdók has been expanded in modern Bikol to include the concepts of building and construction.
    buksál MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to drive posts or poles into the ground, as for the construction of a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such poles into a hole or into ground prepared for this purpose [MDL]

    tugdók MAG-, -ON to assemble, build, construct or erect s/t; MAG-, -AN to erect or build s/t on a particular site [MDL: MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to drive s/t into the ground (as a post); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to drive s/t into s/t else]
Posts which occupied salient positions in the construction were given specific names. Paláhos were those placed along the centre of a house, extending up to the ridge line of the roof, and those positioned at the front of the house were the paniból. Each of these is a derived term.

In the case of paniból the root, siból, refers specifically to an ancient belief that forbids anyone from entering a house where a wounded person is being treated. The prefix pang- is instrumental, referring, historically, to the function the posts might have in preventing entry. The relationship between paláhos and a root of the from láhos is far more tenuous. The prefix here would be the causative pa-. These posts would have been the tallest in the house as they extended up to the central ridge line. It is possible to draw a relationship between such posts and a root which basically means 'to pass through'.
    paláhos long posts placed along the center line of a house, extending from the ground up to the center ridge of the roof [MDL]

    láhos MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to pass through s/t (a nail through a board, a person through a town); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to drive in a nail (until it comes out the other side); to carry s/t through a town; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go through a town on the way to get s/t [MDL]


    paniból posts used at the front of a house [MDL]

    siból (arc-) an ancient belief that it is forbidden to enter a house where a wounded person is being treated [MDL]
Each of the posts, whether along the perimeter or the centre line of the house, would have been had the tops worked into a U-shaped opening making a place for the cross beams to sit (sagíngit). These beams would be 'thrust' (dughól) into one of these openings.
    sagíngit the U-shaped opening at the top of a house post into which the crossbeams are placed; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to prepare posts in this way; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make such a rim or collar on a post [MDL]

    dughól MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to thrust upward; ... to thrust a beam into the opening prepared for it in the main post of a house; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a stick, pick or pole for this purpose; ... [MDL]
The first beams to be put into place were the long beams referred to as kabaháˈan, The angled, wooden brackets, kadáliˈ would be fixed to these beams and the posts to which they were attached. There is an interesting change which occurred between the 1754 and 1865 editions of the Vocabulario regarding the definition of kadáliˈ. The 1754 edition refers to this as el cuña de madera and the 1865 as el bungcalo, using the Tagalog term which is defined as madera ó sobre que cargan las vigas 'wood or brace which carries the weight of the beams'. The change can mean one of two things, that in the intervening time, the Tagalog term had become common throughout Luzon in the construction of houses, or that there was enough difference between the Spanish term and the bracket to which kadáliˈ referred as to make use of the Tagalog term more efficient.[136]
    kabaháˈan long beams which are the first to be positioned on the house posts and to which the wooden brackets called kadáliˈ are fixed [MDL]

    kadáliˈ a wooden bracket placed beneath the joint of a post and crossbeam (kabaháˈan) which carries the weight of the beam [MDL]
The long beam across the central ridge of the house was supported by a post at each end (tukdóˈ). Once the posts and main supporting beams were in place, the cross beams (lahóng) would then be positioned between them. These would form the structural support for the walls (see Section 6(v)).
    tukdó the pole or post that supports the ends of a beam forming the central ridge of a house; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to prop up or support this central beam [MDL]

    lahóng cross-beams placed between the posts of a house; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to put cross-beams into place [MDL]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(iv) The Roof
 
The roof was constructed on the ground, and then raised into position (sayáp). The roof truss, the general term for the structural timbers which extend from the ridge to the wall, was in the shape of a shortened A-frame comprising a number of supporting beams.

The rafters, the beams forming the internal structure of the roof (pagbó), were set in place at the angle desired and then further supported by crossbeams anchoring the two sides (bukóg). The whole roof structure was further supported by larger beams (saysáyan). While saysáyan is defined by Lisboa as travesaño 'crossbeams', these, or another beams, would have also been placed lengthwise, meeting the bottom edge of the rafters if the roof was to be constructed as an independent structure and then lifted into place.
    sayáp to raise the roof of a house, laying the framework first on the ground, then lifting it [MDL]

    pagbó rafters of a roof truss (the structural timbers extending from the ridge of a roof to the wall plate, the point where the roof meets the wall); an A-frame [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to add such rafters to a roof truss; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use particular wood for such rafters]

    bukóg ...; a cross-bar of a carpenter's horse; the crossbeams placed between the rafters of the roof truss of a house, church or similar structure [MDL]

    saysáyan crossbeam used to support the roof truss or framework for the roof of a house); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to put such beams into position; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to support the framework for the roof with such beams [MDL]
The final beam put into place was the ridge board or ridge beam (silád) which would have fit under the meeting point of the angled rafters at the top of the roof. The roof would then be lifted with the ends of the ridge board positioned on the king posts (kugóhan), the two long posts which would have risen either from the ground or from the wall plate (the top edge of the wall at either end of the roof). The roof of larger houses would, no doubt, also be supported by the beams running through the centre line of the dwelling, paláhos.

An extension could then be added to the trusses or rafters which would serve to channel rainwater away from the roof (kalantíkan). Only in Tagalog is there a term based on the same root as kalantíkan, realised as lantíkan.[137]
    silád beam (typ- extending the length of the ridge of a house, the last beam put in place in the construction of the roof); ridge board, ridge beam [MDL]

    kugóhan the king post; the long post or pole to which the ends of the ridge beam of a house are attached [MDL]

    kalantíkan wood joined to the rafters of the roof of a house and used to channel away rain water) [MDL]
For modern Bikol, sagúrong means 'rain gutter' in addition to its more general meanings of 'canal' or 'drain'. Lisboa was less specific, referring only to the more general meanings.
    sagúrong rain duct, gutter, downspout; aqueduct, canal; drain; MAG-, -AN to build a rain duct or gutter on s/t or in a particular place; to collect water from a canal, aqueduct; MAG-, -ON to channel water through a canal, duct; to collect water in a canal, aqueduct [MDL a duct or canal for channeling water; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to channel water into a canal or duct; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make a channel or canal in a particular area]
The roof (atóp) was thatched with a variety of materials readily available in the field or forest (see below). One side of the roof and its thatching was referred to as giˈatpán, and the covering at the peak or ridge of the roof as bubóng.
    atóp roof; thatch; MAG-, -AN to roof or thatch a house; MAG-, I- to thatch or construct a roof with particular materials [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to roof a house; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to roof a house with particular materials; MAKA- or IKA- to suffice as a roofing material; to be sufficient to cover a roof: Makakaatóp na iyán gugón That cogon grass is sufficient to cover the roof]

    giˈatpán one side of the roof of a house; the thatching on one side of a roof [MDL]

    bubóng metal strip covering the seam at the peak and edges of a roof; -AN roof [+MDL: grass (typ- used for covering the ridge or peak of a roof); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cover the peak of a roof with such grass; -AN: binububóngan the ridge or peak of a roof]
Atóp is the common term for 'roof' among the Visayan languages, with full dictionary entries also including the verbal forms 'to thatch' or 'to roof'.[138] The root of giˈatpán is atóp. This is clearly a borrowed Visayan term, showing the verbal prefix gi(N)-, which has become a nominal in Bikol. Bubóng is found across all of the central Philippine languages, although the meaning differs in the languages to the north. In Tagalog and Kapampangan, reference is to a 'roof'. The Visayan languages to the south have the same meaning as Bikol, referring not to the roof in its entirety, but only to the covering of the peak or ridge.[139]

The part of the roof which meets or overhangs the walls of the building is referred to as the 'eaves' (sagyáp). While this term does not appear with a relevant meaning in the other central Philippine languages, there is an entry in Cebuano which refers to the same concept. Sagyáp in Cebuano is the leaf of a tree or plant which reaches the ground or is slanted downward toward the ground.[140]
    sagyáp eaves of a roof; MA- or MAG- to extend far out (the eaves) [MDL]
The roof was covered with a variety of materials, among them the spear grass referred to as gugón. When dry, this would be beaten or shaken to remove dust and loose particles of straw (pagpág) and then arranged in layers over the roof opening (parás). Thick bunches of the same material would then be placed at the corners (tabugíˈ). When this covering was disturbed by wind or heavy rain, or simply ageing, it would be repaired by inserting new straw into the exposed openings (suníp).
    gugón spear grass, cogon (typ- erect grass, 30-80 cm high. with solid slender stems and long linear leaves, used for roofing; Imperata cylindrica); KA--AN a field of gugón grass [+MDL: gúgon]

    pagpág MAG-, I- to shake s/t out (as a rug); MAG-, -AN to beat s/t to remove the dust; to beat s/t against s/t else [MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to shake or beat bundles of straw to be used for roofing; MANG- to flap the wings vigorously (fowl, birds); (fig-) Papagpagán taká ngatdihán kon maanggót akó I'll give you a good beating if I get angry]

    parás referring to layers of cogon grass (gugón) when used to thatch a house; KA- a layer of gugón thatch: saróˈ kaparás one layer; duwá kaparás two layers [MDL]

    tabugíˈ thick bunches of gugón grass, or fronds of the nípaˈ or anáhaw palms which cover the corners of a roof; MAG-, -AN to cover the corners of a roof with such bunches; -AN: tabugíˈan such bunches of grass or palm fronds [+MDL MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to cover the corners of a roof with such bunches of grass or palm fronds]

    suníp MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to keep s/t tucked into the bosom; to keep s/t in a narrow or constricted space; to insert straw into the holes in a roof; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to keep s/t in a sheltered or restricted place; to repair a roof by inserting straw into the holes [MDL]
Also used as a roofing material was the reed taríˈ-taríˈ, probably Phragmites roxburghii (also referred to as Phragmites karka). This is a tall, dense grass growing in swampy valleys, along river banks and other areas of moist to wet soil.[141] The reeds would be bound together (takód) before being arranged from the top of the roof at the peak to the eaves at the bottom (kasiyáw).
    taríˈ-taríˈ reeds used for the roof of a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to roof a house with reeds; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use reeds for this purpose [MDL]

    takód MAG-, -ON to fasten, bind, tie or lash s/t; MAG-, I- to fasten or bind with s/t [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to tie or lash s/t (as the reeds called taríˈ-taríˈ used for the roof of a house or an enclosure); MA-, -AN: takdán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagtakdán to lash or tie s/t to s/t else (as a frame)]

    kasiyáw reeds, twigs or fronds of the báhiˈ palm running from the top to the bottom of the roof of a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to roof a house with such material [MDL]
The fronds of various types of palms were also used. These included those of two common Livistonia species, rotundifolia (bahíˈ) and chinensis (ruyróy or anáhaw), and the nípaˈ. While Lisboa makes no specific mention in his entry for bahíˈ that the fronds were used for roofing, the definition for kasiyáw above makes this use quite clear.
    báhiˈ palm (typ-, possessing a hardwood made into pegs, used in the construction of boats and other structures; Livistonia rotundifolia) [MDL]

    ruyróy fan palm (typ- palm possessing fronds used for the thatching of houses; Livistona chinensis); syn- anáhaw [+MDL]

    anáhaw fan palm (typ- tree, possessing fronds which may be used for hats and thatching for houses; Livistona chinensis); MANG- to go in search of the anáhaw fronds; syn- ruyróy [+MDL]

    nípaˈ palm (typ- possessing leaves used for roofing and walls, and a sap from which wine may be obtained and vinegar may be fermented; Nypa fruticans) [+MDL]
Palm fronds, as with all roofing material, were susceptible to damage by severe weather events, and strong winds could easily upend palm fonds or grasses (girákag). This entry is clearly related both structurally and semantically to the reduplicated rákag-dákag. It is also prefixed with gi- which indicates 'likeness' or 'similarity'.
    girákag MA- or MAG- to ruffle its feathers (a bird, fowl); to have the fur bristle (an animal); to be standing on end (the ends of the anáhaw palm or grasses used for roofing when blown by the wind) [MDL]

    rákag-dákag MA- or MAG- to lift the head and neck (a goat); to raise the head (fish, eels); (fig-) Rákag-dákag na doy si kuyán That person is really strutting about [MDL]

    gi- short for manggí; indicates 'to smell like' as well as 'to be like' or 'to be similar to' [MDL]
Where straw or palms fronds were not readily available, then split bamboo was used for covering the roof (baság). Lisboa mentions that this type of roofing material was used in towns like Paniquian (now Panicuasan), which is a town in the foothills of Mt. Isarog.[142] In such towns bamboo may have been the roofing material of choice due to its availability. Where palms fronds were available, but in limited supply, bamboo and nípaˈ would be linked together (kápa-kápa).
    baság split bamboo used for roofing in towns like Paniquian; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to roof a house with split bamboo; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use split bamboo for roofing [MDL]

    kápa-kápa bamboo linked together with the fronds of the nípaˈ palm, used as a roof covering when straw is not available; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to link together bamboo and nípaˈ fronds to serve as a roof covering [MDL]
All of the roofing materials in use would eventually be compromised by the climate and weather, leaking (tísak) or gradually wearing away (mismís) and needing replacement or repair.
    tísak MAG- to have many leaks; to leak from many places (a house): Nagtísak na iníng hárong This house has many leaks; (fig-) Nagtísak ka na You're like a sponge (probably referring to one's drinking habits) [MDL]

    mismís worn thin, worn out; MAG- to become worn [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to become thin and worn (as one's clothes, the roof of a house)]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(v) The Walls
 
The walls, lanób, (see Section 5(i)) were constructed in the space between the posts of the house (bídang). In this space were placed bamboo or wooden poles (tikhón) serving as support for the covering material.

Bídang is a recognisable term of measurement which has come to have this specific referent in Bikol. For Malay it is the numerical coefficient for flat items such as sails, mats and cloth. For Waray, Cebuano and Hiligaynon it refers to half a length of cloth. For Tagalog and Kapampangan the meaning appears to have become more generalised, referring in Tagalog to the cloth for a head scarf, and in Kapampangan to scraps of cloth or clothing.[143]
    bídang the space or section of wall between two posts in a house [MDL]

    tikhón bamboo or wooden poles placed at regular intervals, used as supports for the walls of a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such poles in a house; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use wood, bamboo for this purpose [MDL]
The materials used for the walls of the house were often the same as that used for the roof, and this included the grasses, palm fronds and bamboo. There is reference in the entry for tindóg (see below) to wood which may have also have been used, but it may have been reserved for the larger dwellings of the rich.

Bamboo in the construction of the walls would have been split (salság) and then woven. Salság has the same basic meaning in the Visayan languages, referring generally to the splitting of items such as bamboo, but also similar items split lengthwise.[144]
    salság bamboo split lengthwise and opened out in one piece, commonly used for walls; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to split bamboo in this way [MDL]
Búloˈ, probably Bambusa vulgaris,[145] a tall, straight bamboo reaching up to 20 metres and having a diameter of 10 - 12 centimetres with few branches and less projecting nodes, was mentioned by Lisboa as a bamboo woven for the walls of houses. Better known in the modern Philippines is sawáliˈ, woven from a thin bamboo called dasóˈ (see Section 2(v)). Lisboa's reference for this term is only to woven bamboo mats. Internal walls or partitions were also commonly of bamboo (siklát). For the Visayan languages, siklát refers to items woven generally of bamboo (Hiligaynon), or specifically wreaths of bamboo or wood (Waray, Cebuano). For Tagalog, reference is to splittings of small, slim sticks.[146]
    búloˈ bamboo (typ- rough on the outside, possessing many large nodes, woven and used for making the walls of houses [MDL]

    sawáliˈ woven, split bamboo strips used for walling [MDL: mat (typ- made from woven bamboo in the style of the basket called bákol)]

    siklát a partition made of split and woven bamboo [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to weave split bamboo into a partition]
Once the wall was completed, it was kept stable and held firm by pieces of wood placed along the perimeter (angkób). Where the wall was constructed of wood, these boards were held in place by straight pieces of wood referred to as tindóg.
    angkób wood placed at the ends of a wall to hold the material used in its construction firmly in place; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to stabilise a wall with such pieces of wood; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use pieces of wood for this purpose [MDL]

    tindóg straight pieces of wood which are used to hold wall boards in place; MA- or MAG- to put such pieces of wood into place [MDL]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(vi) The Floor
 
The floor of the house (salóg) would be constructed from either wood or bamboo. First to be put in place would be the horizontal wooden beams running from post to post and forming the outer perimeter of the floor (batangán). Next would be placement of the floor joists (sumálo), the timbers which would be arranged in parallel from wall to wall of the dwelling. When these were made from sturdy bamboo poles they were referred to as halhág. The joists would be tied to a wooden or bamboo pole (lúyo-lúyo) which was placed beneath them, and which itself would be tied to upright posts of the house. Between the posts and also used in support of the floor would be the battens (panalgán). Further stability would be achieved by a plank of wood or length of bamboo which ran down the middle of the floor, dividing it in two (atángan).
    salóg floor; MAG-, -AN to construct a floor for a house; MAG-, I- to construct a floor from wood or bamboo [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to construct a floor for a house]

    batangán horizontal wooden beams tied to the vertical posts of a house to which the floor joists are lashed; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to add such beams to a house; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to put such beans in place [MDL]

    sumálo floor joists [MDL]

    halhág large bamboo poles serving as floor joists upon which are laid the smaller bamboo slats for the floor; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use bamboo for such a purpose; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to position or place such floor joists in a house; (fig-) Garó na ing halhág sa tutulódan an kamót ta, harí-hári sa pagtuklós These floor joists are like our hands reaching out to a platter of food, and not reaching out to work (Said when many people have come to eat, but few to work) [MDL]

    lúyo-lúyo a wooden or bamboo pole attached to the upright posts of a house and tied beneath the bamboo joists of a floor, enabling the joists to be firmly anchored to the house frame; MA- or MAG- to put such poles into place [MDL]

    panalgán battens of wood or bamboo which are attached not directly to the main posts of a house, but to smaller posts or stanchions located between such posts and used to support the floor of a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to position such battens in a house [MDL]

    atángan a plank of wood or length bamboo, running down the middle of floor boards or bamboo slats, dividing them in two [MDL]
Salóg is the common term for 'floor' throughout the Visayas.[147] It is also the root word for the floor battens, panalgán. The root for batangán, bátang, refers to palm trunks or logs which were used to bridge streams or rivers (see Section 1(i)). Sumálo has as its root, saló, which has a primary meaning of 'to catch', and a secondary meaning 'to support s/t from below'.

Scant detail is supplied for the meaning of halhág in Hiligaynon, but the reference to full lengths of bamboo or wood used to construct a floor is very close the Bikol.[148] The root of atángan is clearly átang, although no such form with a relevant meaning can be found in Bikol. In both Cebuano and Hiligaynon, however, it refers wood or bamboo which is placed at the extremities of floor boards or bamboo slats to keep them in place.[149]

Floors would be constructed most commonly of bamboo, although those of more substantial dwellings would make use of wood. The only wood Lisboa mentions in relation to flooring material is that of the Fish-tail palm, hágol, although there must have been a far wider range of timber in use for this purpose.[150]
    hágol palm tree (typ- found in the mountains, producing a wood good for making ducts or guttering and flooring for houses; Caryota cumingii Fish-tail palm) [+MDL: hagól the fronds are used to decorate churches during fiestas]
For bamboo, Lisboa again makes no mention of a specific species used for flooring. Clearly bamboo was split for this purpose, and reinforced if needed to keep it stiff and firm (ráhog) and to reduce the chance of it sagging (luhóˈ). Banáta is generally a reference to the bundles of bamboo used in fish corals, or to its framework,[151] although for Lisboa it was clearly in use for flooring.
    ráhog a split piece of bamboo into which another piece of bamboo is inserted to strengthen the joint and make sure it stays firm; used in the construction of floors, enclosures, bridges; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct s/t of bamboo in this way; to join two pieces of bamboo in this way; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place one piece of bamboo into another that is split; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to inset into a split piece of bamboo another piece which is whole [MDL]

    luhóˈ hole; ... [D- PARTIDO] [MDL: MA- or MAG- to sink in (the ground or the floor of a house when stepped on); (PAG-)-AN to show signs of sinking or a depression (the ground, a floor); MAKA- to cause the ground or a floor to sink or dip]

    banáta part of the fish corral called sagkád which surrounds the opening, serving to prevent the fish from escaping after entering [MDL: bundles of bamboo used for making fish corrals or constructing the floors of houses; MAG-, PAG- -ON to place two bundles of bamboo side by side; MA-, -ON to place one bundle of bamboo by the side of another in such constructions; saróˈ kabanáta one bundle of bamboo]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(vii) Joining and Lashing
 
The various beams and boards in the construction of a house would be fit together as firmly and tightly as possible (dáˈil, daghóp, hipíhip). These would be held together with wooden pegs (pasók, bárat) made, very possibly, from the wood of the bahíˈ palm (see Section 6(iv)).

Pasók is found in Cebuano having the same meaning as Bikol with the additional reference to iron nails. Iron was also clearly available in Bikol at the turn of the sixteenth century and it is possible the use of iron in the construction of houses, including iron nails, was a sign of greater wealth. Lisboa's figurative example in his entry for batbát 'iron', seems to bear this out: Iyó man batbát an paglóng kainíng pagkaharóng-hárong ta The only iron you'll find in our house is that on the end of a top (Said when one is very poor and has poor accommodation).

In modern Bikol it is not pasók which is used but the cognate pásak, a term which has the same meaning in Tagalog, a language which may have been consequential in bringing about the Bikol change.[152] Bárat with reference to a 'wooden peg' or 'wedge' is not found in the other central Philippine languages, and in Bikol the meaning has changed over time. In the modern language reference is to a bolt used to secure a door.
    dáˈil even; perfectly fitted, tightly fitting (such as the seam joining two pieces of wood); MAG-, PAG--ON to fit together or adjust the fitting of two pieces of wood; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to fit a new piece of wood to an existing one; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fit an existing piece of wood with another [MDL]

    daghóp tightly joined, seamlessly joined, well fitted (wood); MAG-, PAG--ON to join together two pieces of wood with a perfect seam; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to join one piece of wood to another, fitting them tightly together; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to join an existing piece of wood with another ... [MDL]

    hipíhip an even joint between wooden boards; a tight fit; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to join boards evenly and tightly [MDL]

    pasók wooden peg, dowel; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to put s/t together with such pegs; to make such pegs [MDL]

    bárat bolt (as for a door); MAG-, -AN to bolt or lock a door; to lock s/o in or out; MAKA-, MA- -AN to get locked in or out [MDL: wooden peg, wedge or spike; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to peg s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a wooden peg, wedge or spike into s/t]
Bamboo, for the most part, would be secured with ties and lashes. wide strips of rattan used for the more substantial parts of the building such as the frame and posts (balaˈbáˈ) and narrower strips of the same material for flooring (talákid). To ensure that these would remain in place a small notch would be made in the bamboo or wood in which the tie would securely sit (tihíl). Wood or bamboo which was not properly secured would become loose and, eventually, slip out of place (taplís).
    balaˈbáˈ wide strips of split rattan used for tying the posts and joints of houses; MAG-, -AN to tie posts with such strips [+MDL: (fig-) Abóng mababalaˈbáˈ mo iyán balóto Be very careful not to damage that boat]

    talákid tie, lashing (typ- generally of rattan, used to tie the bamboo floor slats of a house and the posts of fish corrals); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to secure s/t with such a tie; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use rattan or rope for such a tie; MA-, -AN: talakirán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagtalakirán to fasten or tie s/t in this way to s/t else [MDL]

    tihíl a small notch or groove made in wood or bamboo so that s/t can be attached or tied to it; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make a notch or groove in s/t; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove a bit of wood, bamboo when making a notch [MDL]

    taplís MAG- to slip out of place (two pieces of wood not properly fastened or joined); MAGKA- to slip out of place (two pieces of wood not properly fastened or joined, one ending up over the other or side by side); MA-, -ON to slide one piece of wood out of place; MA-, -AN to slide one piece of wood out from a particular joint; MAG-, PAG--ON to slide two pieces of wood out of place; MAG-, PAG- -AN to slide two pieces of wood out from a particular joint [MDL]
There were other consequences for a poorly constructed house. Natural occurrences such as an earthquake or a strong wind could cause the joints of a house to creak (ragtiˈós). While this might not lead to structural damage, those houses which were less structurally sound would move back and forth (huyón-húyon), many not recovering from this movement, remaining permanently inclined to one side (rampíng). At such times, only a piece of timber placed against the side of the dwelling for support may have kept it from falling completely over (sangkíˈ).
    ragtiˈós creaking sound of wood when houses shake in an earthquake or move in a strong wind; MA- or MAG- to make such a sound [MDL]

    huyón-húyon MAG- to move, sway in the wind (as trees); MAGPA- to coast [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to shake, sway (a house on stilts when weak or poorly built, trees due to the wind or when being climbed)]

    rampíng inclined, tilted, leaning to one side; MA- to be inclined or leaning (as a tree or other object blown partially over by a strong wind) [MDL]

    sangkíˈ a piece of timber or a beam used for support (as for a house during a typhoon, a dry-docked boat to keep it from falling on its side, a wall of earth to keep it from collapsing); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to support s/t with a sangkíˈ; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a length of timber as a prop or support [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to prop s/t up with a sangkíˈ]
Overcrowding, too, had its consequences. Houses built to take the weight of just so many people would also begin creak when too many people were inside (tagustós). Where construction was poor or the house was ageing, this might also be a sign that lashings used to hold the frame and flooring in place were beginning to dangerously weaken (rutós-rutós).
    tagustós a creaking sound (such as that made by the lashing at the joints of a house when too many people are inside); MA- or MAG- to creak (such joints) [MDL]

    rutós-rutós straining or creaking of the wooden joints of a house when many people visit, indicating that the lashings at the joints are weakening and may eventually break; MA- or MAG- to make this sound; Rutós-rutós na iníng hárong kainíng dakól na táwo The house is creaking with all of these people [MDL]
There is an interesting ceremony which takes place when a house is newly constructed. The gathering of many visitors, clearly a social occasion and an excuse to drink (also see Chapter 2, 'Food,' Section 1(ii)), is also explained as a test to see how well the house has been constructed. This is accomplished by seeing how many people the house could hold before the floor began to sag (tustós). This term is, most likely, the root of tagustós, formed also with the addition of the of the prefix tagá-. For Lisboa this prefix marked an action which occurred frequently, but not always. The fully affixed form (tagá- + tustós → tagátustós) would result in tagustós with the deletion of the final vowel of the prefix and the initial consonant of the root, possibly motivated, over time, by the change of stress placement on the new word.
    tustós drooping, hanging down, extremely slack; MA- or MAG- to droop, hang down, sag; to slip (a cord, knot); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to loosen s/t so that it droops, slips; MAPA-, PA--ON or MAGPA-, PAGPA--ON to gather in a recently constructed house to drink (many people), said to be done to see how much weight the floor can take before its sags ... [MDL]

    tagá- ... [MDL: MAG-, PAG--ON to do s/t frequently, but not always: magtagá-gúhit to write often; magtagá-bása, pagtagá-basáhon to read s/t from time to time; also: to carry s/t around on the person; to carry s/t around in the hand (applicable particularly to weapons): magtagá-tumbák, pagtagá-tumbakón to carry a lance in the hand; magtagá-uták to carry a knife in the hand; magtagá-cuentas to wear a necklace, beads]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(viii) Quality and Finish

When the structural phase of the building was completed, it was time for the finishing touches (hipnóˈ). This included the filling of holes, cracks or fissures with pitch, tar or resin (kápol) and the application of the first coating to protect the wood before the application of a final covering of varnish or paint (badháˈ).

Hipnóˈ is a derived entry comprising the transitional prefix hing- and the root panóˈ 'to fill'. Kápol is found in all of the central Philippine languages defined as 'pitch' or 'resin', although its application is more specifically to the repair of pottery.[153]
    hipnóˈ MAG-, -AN to fill s/t to the brim [MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to put the finishing touches on s/t]

    panóˈ full ...; MAG-, -ON to fill s/t up; MAG-, I- to fill s/t up with [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to fill s/t up; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to fill s/t up with; MA- to be full]


    kápol pitch, tar, resin; MAG-, -ON to stick or fasten s/t with resin; MAG- to stick and dry (as a spot of mud on one's pants) [+MDL: also used as a stopper, or for filling holes, cracks or fissures; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to fill or smear s/t with pitch, tar or resin]

    badháˈ undercoat; the first coating over which one later paints; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to varnish or place a first coating on s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as a primary coat; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to cover a portion of s/t with a primary coat; -ON: binabadháˈ describing s/t varnished or with a primary coat [MDL]
Not all workmanship was good, resulting in a construction that was far from admirable (yamós). Rushing to complete a job (hagód), in addition to a possible lack of skill, could also result in a poorly finished product, whether it be a tool or the more structurally significant lashings for a house (takmuˈál) or a surface higher in one part and lower in another (timhíl).
    yamós slipshod, poorly done; roughly finished work; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to do s/t in this manner [MDL]

    hagód MAG-, PAG--AN: paghagorán to rush to complete s/t (tiring o/s out to get it ready); to work on s/t in a rush; to tire o/s out by rushing to complete s/t [MDL]

    takmuˈál burly, oversized [MDL: takmúˈal deformed, ill- formed, poorly finished or executed; MAG- to be deformed, poorly finished: Nagtakmúˈal na iníng púlo kainíng sundáng The handle of this bolo is deformed; Nagtakmúˈal na iníng gákot This lashing is poorly tied]

    timhíl describing s/t that is higher in one part than another (such as a bench, a table); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make s/t which is uneven in this way; MAGKA- to end up higher on one side: Nagkatimhíl na iyán langít-lángit That ceiling is higher in one part than another [MDL]

6. CONSTRUCTION
(ix) Ruin and Disrepair
 
The wood for house posts was selected from hardwood trees that showed a particularly strong resistance both to moisture in the soil and the presence of bugs and insects. The Philippine climate, however, posed continual threats to the well-being of wooden dwellings which required timely inspection and repair. Posts would eventually rot (gúˈod, musmós, arás) and when these were not promptly attended to the structural integrity of the entire house would be compromised.
    gúˈod rotten at the base (posts in the ground, teeth); MA- to rot at the base; MA--AN: maguˈóran to have rotten teeth (a person); to have one's posts rot at the base (an owner); (fig-) Anó iníng garó ka na ing gúˈod What is this; it's like you are a rotting post (Said when approaching s/o who remains seated) [MDL]

    musmós MA- or MAG- to slowly rot or decay (wood); to smolder (a log when burned); Nagmumusmós na lámang iníng tagás These hardwood posts are slowly rotting; (PAG-)-AN to have a part slowly rot away (wood) [MDL]

    arás describing posts, poles or tree trunks which have rotted over time due to excessive moisture or dampness; MA- to rot (posts, poles); MA--AN to be affected by such rot (a house, a house-owner); (fig-) Garó ka arás na tabóg It is like you have rotted like the tabóg tree (Said when one has been heavily tanned by the sun, or has become dark for another reason, as if they were like well-rotted wood) [MDL]
Lisboa has two entries which compare the disrepair of a house with other structures not associated with human habitation, a hawk's nest to indicate general dilapidation (salág), and a fish coral to refer to a side of the house which was falling down (anság). The total disregard for one's surroundings and inability to undertake a repair when needed is compared to a person or animal dying in lonely surroundings and decomposing in such an isolated area (tunás).
    salág bird's nest; MAG-, -ON to build a nest (birds) [+MDL: sálag MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build a nest (birds); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to build a nest from particular materials; (fig-) Garó na sálag na kulágo iníng hárong This house is like a hawk's nest (Said when a house is in disrepair)]

    anság fish corral (typ- constructed of bamboo in rivers, the upper portion always remaining above the level of the water); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish in such a fish corral; -AN: an inaanságan the fish caught in such a corral; (fig-) Garó na iníng anság iníng satóng hárong Our house is like an anság (Said when one side of a house is falling down) [MDL]

    tunás referring to a person, animal or bird that is wounded or hurt and dies alone in an isolated place; MA-, MA--AN to die and decompose in an isolated area (a body, carcass); MAKA- to cause a body to decompose; (fig-) Nagkatunás na lámang iníng pagharóngan mo Your house is rotting away from under you (Implying that you wait too long before doing s/t) [MDL]
As all the dwellings were constructed from wood, fire (kaláyo) was a continual threat. Houses which caught fire (mákot) would often continue to burn (see the figurative entry for gánga) until nothing was left but charred pieces of wood (úpod), and when houses were close together and the wind was right, a fire could spread from one house to another in the village (tuháw).
    mákot MAG-, -AN to set s/t on fire; MAKA-, MA- -AN to catch fire [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to burn; to catch fire; (fig-) Nagmamákot namán an pagharóng-hárong na kuyán Their house (family) is again in ascendancy (after being down and out)]

    gánga MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to bite s/t hard with the teeth to see if it can be cracked or chewed (such as a betel nut mixture); to attempt to crack s/t with the teeth; (fig-) Daˈí ikinagángang maˈmón Its not betel nut that can be chewed (Meaning: 'In a moment' or 'It won't be long'); Daˈí ikinagángang maˈmón an pagkatutóng kaidtóng hárong It won't be long before the house has totally burned to the ground; ... [MDL]

    úpod remnants, remaining pieces (of gold after completing a particular object; of wood after a house has burned); MA- to remain (gold, wood); MA, MA--AN to remain from s/t; to be remnants of s/t [MDL]

    tuháw MA- or MAG- to suddenly occur; to change or happen without warning; Timinuháw lámang idtóng kaláyo The fire has suddenly spread (Said when a second house catches fire from the heat of a house which is already burning); PANG--AN to be a place generally experiencing sudden change: Panunuhawán iníng dágat This sea is subject to unexpected changes [MDL]
The strong winds of the frequent typhoons which annually passed through the region also left their mark on houses with collapsed walls, and infrastructure with fallen fences and damaged enclosures (rumpás, ringgál).
    rumpás MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dismantle a house; to remove the walls from a house; MA- to collapse (the walls of a house); MAKA-, MA- to destroy or wreck a house (as a strong wind) [MDL]

    ringgál destroyed, in ruins (a fence, wall, enclosure); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to destroy; to pull down, take apart or dismantle a fence, wall [MDL]
Changing agricultural conditions, threatening tides, flooding rivers or any number of other natural and social circumstances might have arisen which resulted in the need to move (húboˈ). In modern Bikol, húboˈ commonly refers to the move from one house to another, particularly in an urban setting, but at the turn of sixteenth century, when most houses were smaller and of a simpler construction, it is likely that the same term referred to moving and taking the house with you. Even in the Bikol region at the present time one would not have to go far into the rural areas to see such houses of a similar, simple construction.
    húboˈ MAG-, -AN to move to a new place; MAG-, -ON to move or transfer s/t to a new place; MAKI-, PAKI--AN to move in with s/o at a new location; ... [MDL: MA- or MAG- to move from one place to another; MA-, -ON or MAG- PAG--ON to move s/t from one place to another; to transplant s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to transplant s/t to a particular area; to move to a particular place]
Lisboa has a number of entries which refer to the dismantling of a house; removing the roof or floor (kaskás), the floor or stairs (bisláng) and the walls (tingkál).
    kaskás MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to take apart or dismantle the roof or bamboo floor of a house; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to strip a house of its roof or bamboo floor [MDL]

    bisláng detached (the bamboo floor or stairs from a house); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to detach the floor or stairs; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to detach the floor or stairs from a house; MA- to become detached [MDL]

    tingkál MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dismantle a house; to remove the walls of a house [MDL]

7. CONCLUSION
 
With predominant populations resident on the coast and along the banks of rivers, it was not unexpected that road systems were poorly developed. Add to this the lack of wheeled vehicles and it becomes clearer that movement was primarily by boat both for people and goods. There were roads, for the most part in towns, used daily and maintained to the degree needed, and trails into the hinterland to access forests and agricultural fields. These could be impermanent, affected by the annual rains and rendered impassable by both mud and standing water. Bridges were also cyclical, thrown up when the rivers were calm and good for seasonal passage, and washed away as the river waters rose and raged in the wet.

Towns needed fresh water to survive and flourish. Where natural springs did not exist, wells were dug to access the water which lay fairly close to the surface. These were carefully maintained with covers and surrounds to keep out curious animals and protect both the water and individuals from accidental falls. For communities along the coast access to fresh water could be more difficult, with salt incursions turning water brackish. At such times an accumulation of rain water would be sought in hill crevices, but lacking such access, a town would survive for a time on salt-tainted water.

Tools were needed in any construction, and those which were available would be readily recognisable in the modern world. Materials would clearly differ, with natural products serving in the place of manufactured items today. Abrasives would be sourced from the leaves of particular trees or the skin of the ray fish, and files from the rough outer covering of specific types of bamboo. Among the townsfolk, there were those who were particularly adept at working with wood or iron, and they would be called upon to perform the more technical tasks of the carpenter and blacksmith.

The forests were the home of magnificent trees which produced wood resistant to the heat and moisture of the climate and depredations of voracious insects. These were available for the posts and frames of houses, and where small populations made reasonable demands on such resources, they remained plentiful.

In addition to the houses which were places of permanent habitation, there were also numerous shelters which were occupied for only short periods of time. These included those built for the hunt in a forest, and for cultivation in the fields. Defensive shelters were also built, bamboo towers serving as lookouts, and defensive walls to halt incursions. More permanent shelters were made available for markets, and for travellers who were passing through.

It was not surprising that towns located along the seashore or the banks of rivers would have houses built on posts to keep them safe from tidal surges and floods. While house posts and frames were made from wood, other materials dominated in the construction of the roof, walls and floor. Included were the native grasses and fronds from various palms for both the roof and walls, and bamboo which was woven for the walls and split for the floors. Various widths of rattan strips served as the ties and lashings and wooden pegs as nails.

Each construction was planned, with help sought from a particularly skilled carpenter. Wood was aged to avoid shrinkage, warping and splitting. Sketches were made, and a design laid out on the ground. Materials were chosen, prepared, measured and cut to size. The posts and frames were put in place, stanchions went up for the walls, and battens and joists for the floor. The roof was constructed on the ground and then lifted into place. Next would come the final coverings, with roof, walls and floor completed with the material most suitable and most available in the area.

Like all constructions, care was needed to prevent decay. Where repairs were not timely, posts would begin to rot, walls to slant, and roofs to leak. In a region exposed to annual typhoons and intermittent earthquakes, such structures would be severely compromised, and the effort and planning which went into their construction would be soon be lost.


ENDNOTES


[1] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, 1609, Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society - Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 270 (also in Blair and Robertson, vol.16, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' pp. 25-210, p. 117)

[2] Pedro Chirino, S. J., 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' 1604, Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1969, Chapter 9 describes an example in Rizal (Taytay)]

[3] Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1754, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, reimpreso 1860, see paragos, gatang-gatang, batlag; Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario españ ol - bisaya para las provincias de Sámar y Leyte, 3rd edition, aumentado por Antonio Valeriano, Manila: Santos y Bermal, 1914, see cangga, sangol, siqui siqui; Juan Feliz de la Encarnacion, Diccionario españ ol - bisaya, Manila: Imprenta de los amigos del pais, á cargo de M. Sanchez, 1852, see galingan, ngipon; Alonso de Mentrida, Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya de la Isla de Panay, Manila: La Imprenta de D. Manuel y de Felix Dayot, 1841, see sangga; Diego Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, en romance, 1732, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see dulang.

[4] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lansangan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lansangan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see lansangan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lansangan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see lunang.

[5] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'Anger and Verse: Two Vocabulary Subsets in Bikol', 1991. Vical 2: Western Austronesian and Contact Languages, Papers from the 5th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Auckland: Linguistics Society of New Zealand; pp. 231-244.

[6] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dating; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see datong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see datong; Bergaño, Pampanga, see datang; R. O. Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, Singapore: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, n.d, see datang.

[7] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see daan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dalan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dalan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see dalan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see dalan.

[8] Diego Aduarte, O.P. Historia de la provincia del Sancto Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores, Manila, 1640, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 30, pp. 115-322, pp. 162-163]

[9] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bobon, talaga; Fr. Leo James English, Tagalog - English Dictionary, Manila: Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, 1986, see talaga; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bobon; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bobon; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bobon; Bergaño, Pampanga, see talaga; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see telaga; Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see taḍaga (accessed 10 April 2018).

[10] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see panday; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see panday; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see panday; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see panday; Bergaño, Pampanga, see panday.

[11] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see lagadi; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lagadi.

[12] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lagari; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lagari.

[[13] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see gergaji.

[14] Martin Haspelmath and Uri Tadmor, eds., Loan Words in the World's Languages, The Hague: De Gruyter Mouton, 2009; Chapter 27 'Loan Words in Indonesian', Uri Tadmor, pp. 686-716; p. 694

[15] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see laric; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see laric, butung

[16] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ladic.

[17] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lalic; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lalic.

[18] 'Lathe,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 6 May 2018); Early Wood Lathes (accessed 6 May 2018.

[19] 'Plane (tool),' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 6 May 2018)

[20] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see catam; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see catam; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see catam; Bergaño, Pampanga, see catam.

[21] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sapio.

[22] 'Placoid scales on Sharks and Rays,' Thought Co (accessed 10 May 2018).

[23] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see quilquig; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see quilquig; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see kilquig.

[24] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pagi; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pagi; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pagi; Bergaño, Pampanga, see pagui; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pagui and pagui nga dahunan in the Appendix 'Nombres de algunos peces,' p. 427.

[25] 'Ficus ulmifolia,' Useful Tropical Plants (accessed 10 May 2018).

[26] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hagupit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hagopit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hagupit.

[27] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see Appendix 'Nombres de algunos áboles y plantas,' p. 409.

[28] P. Fr. Manuel Blanco, Flora de Filipinas: Segun el sistema sexual de Linneo, Agustino Calzado, ed., 2nd edition (1st edition 1837), Manila: Imprenta de Miguel Sanchez, 1845, p. 472.

[29] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gopit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see gopit which only appears in the Spanish-Kapampangan index.

[30] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see quiricod; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pait.

[31] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see locob; Bergaño, Pampanga, see licup; Fr. Andres Carro, Vocabulario de la lengua Ilocana, añ adido y puesto en major order alfabético por dos religiosas del mismo orden, primera edicion, 1849, Manila: Establicimiento Tipografico del Colegio de Santo Tomas, see licup.

[32] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see locob; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see locob.

[33] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tiguib; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tigib; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tiguib.

[34] 'Adze,', Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 16 May 2018).

[35] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see daldag; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see daldag; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see locob; Bergaño, Pampanga, see daras.

[36] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see paracol; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see palacol; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see palacol; Bergaño, Pampanga, see palacol.

[37] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see patoc, patoc patoc; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see patoc]

[38] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sondang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sundang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sondang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sundang; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sundang.

[39] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see itac; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see otac]

[40] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see goloc; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see goloc.

[41] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gonting; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gonting; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gonting, salagonting; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see gunting; Bergaño, Pampanga, see gunting.

[42] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see catli; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see catli; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see catli; Bergaño, Pampanga, see catli.

[43] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see katari.

[44] Henry Yule and AC Burnell, Hobson - Jobson: The Definitive Glossary of British India (1886), Kate Teltscher, OUP, Oxford: 2013; p. 179-180.

[45] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bontol; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bontol, bondol, bongdol.

[46] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see palo; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see palo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see palo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see palo.

[47] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see paco; Bergaño, Pampanga, see paco.

[48] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see raysang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lansang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see lansang.

[49] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sipit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sipit.

[50] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gimpit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see compit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see kimpit.

[51]] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gamat; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gamat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gamat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see gamat; Bergaño, Pampanga, see camang.

[52] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see golong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see golong; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calo; Bergaño, Pampanga, see calo.

[53] 'Understanding Wood Grain,' Wood Magazine.com (accessed 20 June 2018) .

[54] Alcina, Ignacio Francisco, History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, vol. 1 and vol. 2, translated, edited and annotated by Cantius J. Kobak and Lucio Gutiérrez, Manila: UST Publishing House, 2002, Chapters 1 and 2.

[55] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines: Their Preparation and Uses, Department of the Interior, Bureau of Forestry, Bulletin No. 14, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1916, pp. 122-123.

[56] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see balayong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balayong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bayarong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balayong.

[57] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 194; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see betis; Bergaño, Pampanga, see betis.

[58] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 178; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pagatpat; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pagatpat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pagatpat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pagatpat.

[59] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see losong losong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see losong losong.

[60] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 142 -143.

[61] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 120-121; 'Intsia bijuga,' Ecocrop (accessed 20 June 2018).

[62] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see ipil; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ipil; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ypil; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see ipil.

[63] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 116-117; 'Acle,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 28 June 2018).

[64] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see acli; Bergaño, Pampanga, see acli.

[65] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see guisoc; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gisoc; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see guiso.

[66] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 168-169; 'Shorea guiso', Useful Tropical Plants (accessed 28 June 2018); The Plant List: A working list of all plant species, (accessed 28 June 2018).

[67] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see molaluin; Bergaño, Pampanga; E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 208-209; 'Vitex parviflora', Tropical Plants, http://tropical.theferns.info/viewtropical.php?id=Vitex+parviflora

[68] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hamorauan nga lanhan, hamorauan nga manabahon; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hamolaoan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hamulauan.

[69] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 104-105.

[70] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 164-165.

[71] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 179; Flora Malesiana, 'Planchonia spectabilis,' http://portal.cybertaxonomy.org/flora-malesiana/node/7839.

[72] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 179; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see malabonga.

[73] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 103; 'Kalutot,' Philippine Medicinal Plants, http://www.stuartxchange.org/Kalulot.html

[74] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 101; 'Anubing,' Philippine Medicinal Plants (accessed 10 July 2018)

[75] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see anislag; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see anislag.

[76] 'Xylocarpus.obovatus,' JSTOR Global Plants (accessed 5 July 2018).

[77] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hulac.

[78] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 138.

[79] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 143-144; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see amoguis.

[80] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see banaba; Bergaño, Pampanga, see banaba.

[81] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, pp. 176-177; 'Lagerstroemia speciosa,' Useful Tropical Plants (accessed 2 July 2018).

[82] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hamogi.

[83] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hamong.

[84] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see kota; Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see koṭṭa.

[85] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see bentara; Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see vārttāhara, and Sanskrit Dictionary, see aṭṭāla; Malcolm W. Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' Currents in Pacific Linguistics: Papers on Austronesian Languages and Ethnolinguistics in Honor of George W. Grace, ed. Robert Blust, Canberra: Pacific Linguistics C-117, 1991, p. 265?91, pp. 274-276.

[86] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see moog; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see moog; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see moog.

[87] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gulang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see golang golang.

[88] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see payag; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see payag; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see payag.

[89] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see agad.

[90] Bergaño, Pampanga, see balay; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see balay; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balay.

[91] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see camalig; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see camalig; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see camalig; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see camalig.

[92] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see botocan.

[93] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see saod.

[94] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sangput.

[95] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sangpit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sangpit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sangpit (listed as sanpit, but clearly an error as it follows and precedes in alphabetical order the terms sangpay ... sangpot.

[96] Mintz, 'Anger and verse: two vocabulary subsets in Bikol,' in Vical 2: Western Austronesian and Contact Languages, Papers from the 5th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Auckland: Linguistics Society of New Zealand: 1991, pp. 231-244.

[97] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see honong, luyang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see honong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hunong.

[98] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see bhāṇḍa.

[99] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bahandi; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bahandi; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bahandi; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bandi; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bandi.

[100] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 270.

[101] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see alad; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see alad.

[102] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see silong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sirong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see silong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see silong.

[103] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see alimpungayan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see alimpongayan.

[104] Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' p. 272.

[105] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 270.

[106] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lapat; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lapat.

[107] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sorong, sorongan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see solong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see solong.

[108] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see locloc.

[109] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see aluntaga; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see alontaga; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see aluntaga, alintaga.

[110] ] Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' p. 273.

[111] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bantayao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bantayao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bantayao.

[112] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pantao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pantao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pantao.

[113] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sibay; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sibay.

[114] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dapog; Bergaño, Pampanga, see dapug; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dapog; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dapog; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see dapog.

[115] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sabao; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sabao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sabao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sabao; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sabao.

[116] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see hagdan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hagdan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hagdan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hagdan; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see tangga.

[117] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sandig; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sandig; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sandig; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sandig; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sangdi.

[118] Bergaño, Pampanga, see liquid; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see liquid.

[119] Bergaño, Pampanga, see tangan, nangan; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see tangan.

[120] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pinto; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see pintu.

[121] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tocyab; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see toquiab.

[122] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see kunchi; Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see kuñcikā; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see socog.

[123] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see solot; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sulut.

[124] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see galao; the reference to 'fish' seems partial and may indicate something is missing from the entry; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see garao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see galao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see galao.

[125] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see natad; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see natad.

[126] ] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see batbat; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tahang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tahang.

[127] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dapdap; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bucao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dapdap; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see dapdap.

[128] Bergaño, Pampanga, see anloagui.

[129] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tanay; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see báyang.

[130] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see socol; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see socol; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see socol.

[131] 'Carpentry/Hand Tools/Marking Tools,' Wikibooks, English, n.d. (accessed 25 July 2018.

[132] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see labtic; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see labtic; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see labtic; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see labtic.

[133] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see gabay.

[134] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pasagi; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see segi.

[135] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tapi; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tapi; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tapi.

[136] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bongcalo.

[137] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lantican.

[138] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see atup; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see atop; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see atup.

[139] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bobong; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bubung; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bobong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bobong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bubung.

[140] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sagyap.

[141] 'Phragmites karka,' Useful Tropical Plants (accesssed 28 July 2018).

[142] 'Vocabulario de la Lengua Bicol,' Wikipedia, Bicol, n.d. (accessed 1 August 2018).

[143] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see bidang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bidang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bidang; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see birang; Bergaño, Pampanga, see birang.

[[144] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see salsag; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see salsag, basag; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see salsag, basag.

[145] E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 93.

[146] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see siclat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see siclat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see siclat; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see siclat.

[147] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see salug; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see salog; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see salug.

[148] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see halhag.

[149] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see atang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see atang.

[150] 'Caryota cumingii: Fish-tail Palm,' NTFP Product Database (accessed 5 August 2018).

[151] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see banatan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see banata.

[152] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pasoc; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pasac.

[153] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see capul; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see capol; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see capol; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see capu l; Bergaño, Pampanga, see capul.




BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Published with the support of Gender and Cultural Studies, School of Culture, History and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University.
URL: http://intersections.anu.edu.au/monograph1/mintz_construction.html
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Last modified: 28 January 2019 0950