Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific
Monograph 1: The Philippines at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century


Malcolm W. Mintz



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Chapter 17

HUNTING AND TRAPPING


OVERVIEW

The opening sections of this chapter focus on the hunting weapons available in the Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century. Section 1 looks at the arquebus or matchlock gun, discussing its origin, its loading and firing and the game that were its target. In Section 2 is a brief look at darts and blowguns, used primarily for, but not limited to, the shooting of birds, and in Section 3 is a discussion of bows and arrows. Examined are the materials used in their construction and the poison that could be applied to their tips to make the hunt more successful. Spears and lances are discussed in Section 4 touching on the materials that made up the shaft as well as those that formed the spearheads. A variety of spears existed in the central Philippines, crowned by a variety of spearheads, and a description of these is included in the discussion and endnotes.

Section 5 is an extended discussion of snares and traps, beginning with the types which were found: those resembling a fixed crossbow which shot darts or arrows at passing game, those comprising a rope and noose which caught game by the neck or feet, and those which were simply pits dug in the ground and lined with sharpened stakes or spikes for larger game such as wild boar, buffalo and deer. The final parts of the section look at specific animals, how and why they were trapped, and the traps that were used against them. Included are monkeys, rats and mice, wild boar and buffalo, deer, civet cats, crocodiles, birds and fowl.

Nets are examined in Section 6, how they were made and repaired, where they were used and the variety that existed. Included in the discussion is the black dye applied to make them less visible to game, and the multiple numbers of small nets which were set up together to channel game in the right direction.

Section 7 is a general discussion of hunting. Touched on here is the number of hunters who would set out together and the preparation undertaken before setting out, including noting where animals tended to pass and where they tended to gather. Also discussed are the various techniques used to catch game, whether running after them, blocking their way, or lying in wait in a nearby shelter.

Dogs, accompanying hunters on most of their outings, is the topic of the final chapter. Examined here are how they were selected when puppies, how they were trained and how they were cared for throughout their lives.


1. GUNS
 
The early guns in the Philippines were the arquebus or matchlock. These were most likely based on the Javanese arquebus appearing in Java the 14th century, introduced into that region from China. There is a long and interesting history of the development of this type of gun in both Asia and Europe, and the Wikipedia references included here offer both a detailed summary and references for further research.[1]

The Bikol, bádil, with its identical forms in Waray and Cebuano, and the cognate baril in Tagalog, Hiligaynon and Kapampangan,[2] is a borrowing of the Malay bedil which is itself a borrowing from Tamil.[3] In Tamil the form veṭi is a root which refers to various types of detonations or explosions. It is the basis for a variety of terms having this basic meaning, such as veṭittal 'blasting'. Its earliest reference was probably to the detonation of gunpowder associated with the firing of guns.[4] A two page article in Dutch by H. Kern discusses the linguistic origin and subsequent borrowing of this term into various languages of Southeast Asia.[5]
    badíl gun, shotgun; piece of artillery; MAG-, -ON to shoot s/t or s/o with a gun; MAKA-, MA- to get shot; MANG- to go hunting with a gun; PARA-: parabádil or parapamádil shooter, hunter; badíl-bádil toy gun [+MDL: musket, matchlock gun, arquebus; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to shoot s/t with a gun] [MALAY bedil, from TAMIL veṭi root form for 'explosives']
A matchlock gun would first have to be loaded with gunpowder which would be compressed into the barrel of the gun (sansán). Bikol has two terms for gunpowder, manílang, a term it shares with the undoubtedly related malilang in Tagalog and Hiligaynon, and úbat which it shares with Tagalog.[6]

Úbat is a borrowing from Malay where it relates most commonly to medicines, with wider references to chemicals and potions. The reference to 'gunpowder' is clearly from the Malay ubat bedil which has this specific meaning.[7]
    sansán MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to squeeze or push s/t into a small opening (such as gunpowder into the barrel of a gun); to load gunpowder into the barrel of a gun; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to squeeze or push into a narrow space; to load a gun with gunpowder [MDL]

    manílang gunpowder; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to load a weapon with gunpowder; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place gunpowder into an arquebus or matchlock gun [MDL]

    úbat gunpowder; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to load a gun with gunpowder; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place gunpowder into a gun [MDL] [MALAY ubat as in ubat bedil 'gunpowder']
Gunpowder is a mixture of sulfur, charcoal and potassium nitrate or saltpetre.[8] In Bikol saltpetre is sanggáwa, a borrowing of the Malay sendawa. This, in turn, is a borrowing of the Sanskirt saindhava which refers to any type of salt.[9] In Tagalog, the borrowed term is sangyawa.[10]
    sanggáwa saltpeter, potassium nitrate or sodium nitrate; a white crystalline compound used in the manufacture of gunpowder and explosives [MDL] [MALAY sendawa from SANSKRIT saindhava 'any type of salt']
The gun would have to be loaded with bullets, pungló, the identical term found in all the central Philippine languages discussed here with the exception of Kapampangan.[11] Next the gunpowder would have to be lit, and this would be done by means of a wick or fuse. Bikol has only the general term subsób covering the meanings of lighting a fuse and any relevant material serving that purpose. Both Tagalog and Hiligaynon have specific terms, respectively pisi and anugot.[12] Písi' in Bikol, and the other central Philippine languages, refers to a thick rope or cord made of twisted strands, a material clearly suited for use as a fuse.[13]
    pungló bullet, cannonball; ammunition [MDL]

    subsób MAG-, -AN to sear or singe s/t [MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to light a fuse (such as that of a matchlock gun); to set light to s/t (such as the powder of a shotgun); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t for lighting (a wick, fuse, fire)]

    písi' rope, cord, heavy string; MAG-, -ON to twist strands into rope [+MDL: thick cord or rope MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to twist strands into rope]
The aiming of a matchlock gun or arquebus (ádo') would have been particularly difficult due to the length of the barrel. To overcome this problem, the barrel would be cradled on a fork-like rest which would steady the gun enabling a more accurate shot. Lisboa lists no term for this in Bikol, although the term kura-kura is found in both Tagalog and Kapampangan.[14]]
    ádo' MAPA-, PA--ON or MAGPA-, PAGPA--ON / MAPA-, IPA or MAGPA-, IPAGPA- to aim a weapon; MAPA-, PA--AN or MAGPA-, PAGPA- -AN to aim a weapon at a particular target [MDL]
As with all skills, there would be some people better at a particular task than others. Reference to a poor marksman in Bikol was nalá', a term derived from the more general salá' referring to 'mistakes' or 'errors'.
    nalá' MA- a poor marksman, referring to s/o who never hits the target they aim at; MA- or MAG- to miss the target (one who is usually a good shot); MAKA- to get off a bad shot [MDL]

    salá' incorrect, mistaken, wrong; ... MAKAPA-, MAPA- to make a mistake; to err or blunder; to fumble, miscalculate [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to aim incorrectly; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to throw s/t incorrectly; MA-, -AN: sa'lán or MAG-, PAG- -AN: pagsa'lán to miss the target; to fail to hit the right spot; Salá' mo You missed]
It is unclear how often guns were used in hunting. Mentrida for Hiligaynon refers to its use in the shooting of wild buffalo, as does Hernando de los Rios Coronel in his 'Memorial', and it is probable that guns, where available, were used to shoot larger game.[15]


2. DARTS AND BLOWGUNS
 
The blowgun, referred to as talayhóp (in modern Bikol talayóp), is described by Lisboa as reserved for the shooting of birds. The more general term for blowgun, sungpít, with cognate forms found in all the central Philippine languages, may also have been used primarily for the shooting of birds, although it clearly had wider usage.[16]
    talayóp blowgun or blowpipe; MAG-, -ON to shoot s/t with a blowgun [MDL: talayhóp blowgun, blowpipe used for shooting birds; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to shoot birds with a blowpipe]

    sungpít blowgun, blowpipe; MAG-, -ON to shoot s/t with a blowpipe [+MDL: generally used for shooting birds, but used as well for other game]
As for the dart that would have been shot from the blowgun, Lisboa has no reference for this in Bikol. The specific reference in Cebuano and Hiligaynon is gapasan. The Cebuano entry gives more detail, describing the placement of a small amount of cotton or paper at the tail-end of the dart, enabling it to fly straight.[17] Also used as the dart in a blowgun was a section of the thin bamboo, bagákay, whose sharpened end was hardened by fire. This is not a reference specific to Bikol.[18]
    bagákay bamboo (typ- thin with a rough exterior, containing widely spaced nodes, used as a siphon or staff, or in making rope) [+MDL]
References for darts, in general, appear to have been grouped with arrows and spears, and as such, are difficult to differentiate. The entry, sinambong, in Waray, however, does seem to specifically describe a dart: 'a weapon used for throwing, resembling a small, thin spear which is thrown with the arm'.[19] 'Dart', along with 'arrow' is also used in the definition of two further entries for Cebuano: calo-ay and hagod, the first a dart or arrow made of bamboo, and the second made from either wood or bamboo.[20] Lisboa does refer, in a broader context, to a dart which is thrown at something beneath the water or hidden in a thicket (hashás), and to a spear with a dart-like head (see tabulá', Section 4).
    hashás MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to shoot with a dart, s/t beneath the water, or hidden in a thicket [MDL]

3. BOWS AND ARROWS
 
The general term in Bikol for a bow which is used to shoot arrows is búsog, a term with an identical form in all of the central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan which uses bayi.[21] Additionally, Bikol has the unique entry sikaróm which is a bow described as so large that it has to be held in place with the feet when attaching the string.
    búsog bow (for shooting arrows) [+MDL]

    sikaróm bow (typ- for shooting arrows; very large, requiring it be held in place by the feet when attaching the string) [MDL]
The string, dulós, was used in both the stringing of musical instruments and the bow for arrows. This would most likely have been from abaca, as this was the dominant fibre in use in the Bikol region, although cotton was also available. Also in use for the stringing of bows were the hanging roots of the banyan tree (impíg).
    dulós guitar string, string for a bow; MAG-, -AN to string a bow or a guitar; MAG-, I- to use s/t as a guitar or bow string [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to string a bow, as for a violin or a bow and arrow; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as a bow string]

    impíg string for a bow made from the hanging roots of the banyan tree [MDL]
The string was attached to the wood or bamboo used for the bow at a series of notches (tihíl) made at either end. This would be stretched (hutáy) and kept taut (butád). The cord could be tightened by moving it to the outermost notch on the bow (dulóng) or slackened by moving to one of the notches furthest from the end (húkang). When the proper tension on the string was achieved, the centre point of the bow would be determined (sukód). The was necessary to enable the most accurate aim.
    tihíl a small notch or groove made in wood or bamboo so that s/t can be attached or tied to it; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make a notch or groove in s/t; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove a bit of wood, bamboo when making a notch [MDL]

    hutáy MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to stretch or tighten a string, cord; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG?AN to to tighten a cord or string between set points [MDL]

    butád MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to stretch s/t taut or rigid; MA-, -AN: butarán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagbutarán to stretch s/t taut across a particular space [MDL]

    dulóng MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to turn or tighten the string of a bow when it becomes slack; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to turn or tighten the string of a particular bow [MDL]

    húkang MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to slacken the string of a bow by moving it to the innermost notch; (fig-) Kada'í mahúkang kainíng bu'ót mo How inflexible you are (referring to s/o who refuses to change their mind or ways) [MDL]

    sukód the center-point of a bow or crossbow, used for taking aim; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to measure or calibrate the center- point of a bow or crossbow; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t for such calibration [MDL]
The arrow for the bow is pána', a term found in the other central Philippine languages, in some referring to both the bow and arrow, as in modern Bikol, Waray and Kapampangan, and in others to both the arrowhead and its shaft, as in Cebuano.[22]
    pána' bow and arrow; arrow; MAG-, -ON to shoot s/t with a bow and arrow; MAG-, I- to use s/t as an arrow; MANG-, PANG--ON to hunt s/t with a bow and arrow; -AN: parana'án archery; PARA- archer; PAG-: pagpána' or pagpaná'-pána' archery; lala'gán nin pána' quiver; paná'-pána' a dart [+MDL: arrow; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to shoot s/t with an arrow; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to shoot an arrow]
In arrows where the head and shaft were fashioned from separate parts, the shaft would most likely have been referred to as háwak, a general term relating to the core of a wide variety of items. More specific is the palsó, a shaft prepared with an opening into which the arrowhead, most likely the iron dungpíl, would be fit. In Tagalog, the palaso, clearly the same term, refers to a large, iron-tipped arrow, no doubt describing the combined arrowhead and shaft.[23] Such shafts could be made from a variety of materials; bamboo, as indicated in the entry for dungpíl, wood and even the stalk of the rice variety referred to as tinurón. To make the shaft more stable and enable the arrow to fly straight, feathers, panglád, were placed at the far end. Both Tagalog and Kapampangan also have terms referring to the indentation notched into the end of the shaft where the arrow would be placed against the string.[24]
    háwak body, torso; ... hull of a boat; stalk of plants; shaft of an arrow; MANI- to take the form of s/t [+MDL: also limbs ...]

    palsó referring to the shaft of an arrow which contains an opening into which the arrowhead is placed [MDL]

    dungpíl an iron arrowhead which is placed at the end of a bamboo shaft [MDL]

    tinurón rice (typ- the stalk of which is also used for the shaft of an arrow) [MDL]

    panglád the feathers on the shaft of an arrow; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place feathers on the shaft of an arrow; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to put such feathers into place; -AN: an pinangládan an arrow with feathers [MDL]
In addition to iron, there were arrowheads, referred to as pagsík, made from the wood of the báhi' palm (Livistonia, rotundifolia). These could be further fashioned with saw-like indentations, garigí', enabling the arrow to remain in place once it had struck its target.
    pagsík arrowhead (typ- made from wood of the báhi' palm and not iron); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such an arrowhead on a shaft; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to affix such an arrowhead [MDL]

    báhi' palm (typ-, possessing a hardwood made into pegs used in the construction of boats and other structures); Livistonia rotundifolia [MDL]

    garigí' the saw-like indentations placed on arrowheads made from the wood of the bahí' palm; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make such indentations on this arrowhead [MDL]
Iron arrowheads also varied, possessing one barb or hook-like protrusion, síma', or many, sarapóng, which would have made the arrow particularly difficult to dislodge.
    síma' barb of a fishhook or arrowhead; MAG-, -AN to form or place a barb on s/t [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to add barbs to a fishhook or arrowhead]

    sarapóng arrowhead or spearhead with three or more barbs; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make such an arrowhead; (fig-) Kasarapongáng pútik mo iyán What a lie that is [MDL]
Both Tagalog and Kapampangan have references to arrows which, in place of a sharpened iron point, have a rounded head of wood. While there is no mention as to how and when such arrows were used, it is possible that they were used to stun small game, allowing capture without inflicting injury.[25]

Arrows in which the shaft and head were a single piece, generally of bamboo with a sharpened tip, must have also been common, although Lisboa has no mention of these for Bikol. The greatest number of references is for Kapampangan where Bergaño names various types of bamboo suitable for such a purpose.[26]

The arrowheads could be treated with poison. Lisboa's reference for Bikol is to the milky sap of the díta' tree. There is, however, a problem. A second entry in Lisboa, reflected as well in modern Bikol, is díta, and this is the Alstonia scholaris which produces a sap used medicinally for the treatment of sores and wounds, with other parts used to treat a wide variety of ailments. This reference is clearly not to a poison. Noceda, for Tagalog, also lists both forms; the first, the poison, given as a synonym for aboab. The second is in reference to a tree with the medicinal properties of quinine (due to the alkaloid echitamine found in the bark).[27] References in Cebuano are also separate: dita, given as a synonym for bota, described as a tree producing a poisonous sap, and a second entry as a tree useful in the production of cordage. Sánchez de la Rosa has only one listing, and he equates the two: the roots used medicinally, producing a type of quinine, and the sap producing a poison.[28]

The two terms are different, separated by a final glottal stop (and final stress in the Lisboa reference), and yet they are similar enough to wonder if their use as a medicine as well as a poison is one of dosage or amount and reference is actually to the same tree.[29]
    díta' poison (typ- drawn from the milky sap of a tree of the same name, commonly placed on the tips of arrows) [+MDL: MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place this poison on the tips of arrow; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to treat arrows with such a poison]

    díta tree (typ- possessing a sap said to aid in the healing of sores and wounds; Alstonia scholaris) [+MDL: ditá]
For transport into the field, arrows could be stored in a quiver. Tagalog and Cebuano both share variants of the term talanga for this reference. Lisboa has no relevant entry for Bikol.[30]

When ready to shoot, the arrow would be placed into the bow (supít), the string pulled back to create greater force and tension (híngat), and then released (lubtík).
    supít MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to place an arrow in a bow in preparation for shooting; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to load a bow with an arrow [MDL]

    híngat MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to prepare for shooting (as by pulling back the string of a bow or locking the string of a crossbow into position; and by extension: cocking the trigger of a gun; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PA--AN to threaten s/o by preparing to fire; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to load a weapon in preparation for firing [MDL]

    lubtík referring to the snapping action of the string of a bow; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to release s/t with a snap (as the string of a bow when shooting an arrow); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to hit s/o with a bow string when released [MDL]
There are a number of terms relating to the bow and arrow found in the central Philippine languages which have not been incorporated into the discussion above. These are listed as part of the endnote for those who would like to pursue this further.[31]


4. SPEARS AND LANCES
 
Spears were used for many purposes, in combat (see Chapter 1, 'War and Conflict,' Section 1), in fishing and in hunting. The greatest variety were used when fishing, and these were clearly defined. Spears used for combat and for hunting are far harder to distinguish, and this may have been because they were used for both. The discussion here looks at those spears which were used primarily for hunting.

The kaláwit is defined by Lisboa as a 'harpoon', a weapon used in hunting or in combat and so clearly not the weapon that English speakers would associate with the term. The definition in the dictionary of the Real Academia Española encompasses the broader definition used by Lisboa.[32] Spears with harpoon-like points are also mentioned by Francisco Colin in his 'Native Races and their Customs.'[33]

The defining feature of the kaláwit is its single or twin barbs, and this also accompanies the definition of the weapon found in Tagalog and Waray with Cebuano treating only its hooked nature.[34] The root word here is káwit 'hook', with the relevant infixation of -al- discussed in some detail in Chapter 11, 'Fibre, Cloth and Clothing,' Section 7(ii).
    kalawít harpoon, spear or lance (typ- possessing two barbs, used in hunting or in combat); MA- or MAG- to use such a weapon; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to injure or spear s/t or s/o with such a weapon [MDL]

    káwit a hook; also describing s/t shaped like a hook; MAG-, -ON to hook s/t [+MDL: kawít steel or wooden pot hook or grappling hook]
The head of the kaláwit penetrated the hide of the animal, and the single or dual barbs which faced backwards and were parallel to the haft of the weapon kept the head from being dislodged. Attached to the end of the kaláwit was a rope or cord (lantíng) enabling the hunter to keep hold of the prey after it had been hit. Problems arose if the cord somehow became entangled around the kaláwit (sagód) making the task of restraining the animal far more difficult. Such a weapon was used against wild boar as well as other prey (nínok). The attaching of a cord to the end of a spear was a common practice in the central Philippines, and relevant terms are found in most of the other central Philippine languages.[35]
    lantíng string attached to a harpoon (kaláwit) [MDL]

    sagód MA- or MAG- to become enmeshed, entangled (the shaft of a harpoon or spear (kaláwit) with its attached cord after it has hit its prey); MA-, -AN: sagorán or MAG-, PAG- -AN: pagsagorán to become enmeshed, entangled in s/t [MDL]

    nínok MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spear a wild boar at night using a kaláwit; also applicable to other animals; MAG-, -AN to hunt for wild boar in this way at night in a particular area; (fig-) Apa'nó na iníng paglakáw mo; garó ka na ing naninínok What's wrong with the way you are walking; it's like you've been speared (Said when one has trouble walking) [MDL]
There were numerous other spear-like weapons with the tumbák defined as the most general. Definitions in Cebuano and Kapampangan, where the identical term appears, describe this as 'shaped like a harpoon', no doubt comparing it to the kaláwit.[36]
    tumbák lance, spear; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spear s/o with a lance; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to spear a particular part of the body; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to throw a lance [MDL]
Other spears mentioned by Lisboa were the sugób, a weapon with a shaft made totally from the bahí' palm (see Section 3) with the exception of the blade, and the garód, which, for Lisboa, was a spear created by attaching the dagger, baladáw, to the shaft.
    sugób weapon (typ- resembling a lance or spear made totally from the wood of the bahí' palm, from bamboo or other similar material, except for the head); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to wound s/o with such a weapon; (fig-) Nagsugób kang iyán May you be speared (Said as a curse) [MDL]


    garód spear; MAG-, -ON to spear s/o or s/t [MDL: a dagger (baladáw) placed on a shaft, resulting in a weapon resembling a spear; MA- or MAG- to use this type of weapon for killing or wounding]

    baladáw dagger (typ-); MAG- or -ON to be armed with a dagger; to be carrying a dagger; MA-, -AN to arm s/o with a dagger; MA-, I- to place a dagger in s/o's waistband; MANG-, PANG--ON to kill s/o with a dagger [MDL]
Each of the central Philippine languages had its own listing of spears and lances used in hunting, Some were defined simply as lances with no further information given beyond the material of the shaft, generally of bamboo or the wood of particular palms,[37] while others gave some detail on the heads, either simply indicating they were made from iron (hálob), or adding information on the shape or the number of barbs, varying from two to eight.[38] Bikol also had the tabulá', a four-sided head resembling that used for darts. Spears were also defined by the use they were put to, those with a long, wide blade used for the targeting of wild buffalo, and others used for deer or wild boar.[39]
    hálob items made of iron; MA- or MAG- to work iron (a smith at his forge); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to forge items of iron [MDL]

    tabulá' spearhead (typ-, four-sided, like a dart); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to shape s/t into such a spearhead [MDL]
It is probable that the Bikol term, púlo, referring to the haft or handle of weapons such as knives, daggers and bolos, referred as well as to the shaft of a spear, although this is not specifically mentioned. These shafts could also be decorated, inlaid with lead, tin or other available metal (rímot). Entries in the other central Philippine languages present more specific terms, but, with the exception of Kapampangan and Tagalog, generally lack detail as to how these terms differed.[40]
    púlo handle (of a knife, hammer); hilt, haft; MAG-, -ON or MAG-, I- to use s/t as a handle; MAG-, -AN to place a handle on a hammer, knife [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a handle on a knife, dagger, bolo and similar weapons; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to affix a handle; -AN: pupuló'an haft, handle, shaft]

    rímot decoration or design made from lead, tin or another metal on the haft or handle of a lance or other weapons; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to decorate a haft or handle in this way; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use lead or tin for such decoration [MDL]
The shaft was positioned into the opening of the head (sulpót) where it was secured in a number of ways, but most commonly by a metal ring (tikalá). Again, Lisboa's reference is specifically to knives, but it is likely that the tikalá was also the ring used in the joining of the head and the shaft of other weapons. While the use of metal for such a purpose was undoubtedly common, only Waray has this specifically mentioned.[41] There were other materials which served the same purpose, such as rattan, bamboo or the stems of the climbing forest fern, níto' (Lygodium circinatum).[42]
    sulpót MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to position the end of a shaft into the ring used to secure the head of a tool or weapon; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fit a shaft with the head of a tool or weapon -AN: sulpótan the narrowed part of a shaft or handle which fits into the ring used to secure the head of a tool or weapon [MDL]

    tikalá a metal ring used to fasten a handle to a knife blade; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fasten a handle to a knife by means of a tikalá; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use such a ring for such fastening [MDL]
The wood of the shaft would also need reinforcing to keep it from splitting during use, or simply to provide additional strength.[43]
    baríbad rattan band (typ- placed around the handle of knives); MA- or MAG- to affix such a band to the handle of a knife [MDL]

    bá'at rattan band placed around the hilt of large knives or similar objects for added strength; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use rattan for this purpose; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to strengthen a large knife with such a band; -AN: an bina'átan a knife strengthened with such a band [MDL]
When used in hunting or combat, spears were flung over calculated distances (tugdá') so that the pointed head (barangbáng) would strike and embed itself deeply into the flesh (tutók). At closer range, the spear was held in the hand and used to lunge at the animal (duldóg) driving it fully into the body (kiból-kiból) or piercing it through and through (simát).
    tugdá' MAG-, -ON or MAG-, I- to hurl or fling s/t (as a spear) [+MDL: MA-, -I or MAG-, IPAG- to throw a spear, lance, harpoon or similar item with force; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spear or harpoon s/t; KA--AN the place where a spear, lance or harpoon strikes]

    barangbáng sharply pointed; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spear s/t with a sharply pointed object; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to throw s/t that is sharply pointed [MDL]

    tutók MA- or MAG- to be deeply embedded (s/t hurled or flung); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to be embedded deeply into s/t; to be stuck fully into s/t; to be driven deeply in [MDL]

    duldóg MAG-, -ON to poke or jab s/t [MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spear s/o without releasing the spear from the hand; to lunge at s/o with a spear; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a spear in this way; -AN shaft of a spear, lance]

    kiból-kiból MA- or MAG- to be driven fully into the body (the head of a lance or spear); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to drive the head of a lance or spear fully into the body [MDL]

    simát MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to pierce through and through (as clothing by a spear or lance; a leaf or other items when stringing them together); to spear s/t through and through; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to pierce with s/t (as with a spear, lance); MA- to get pierced: Nasimát nin tumbák si magibóng na pá'a ni kuyán Both that person's thighs have been pierced by a lance; MAGKA- to end up being pierced: Nagkasimát si bádo' ko kaidtóng tumbák My clothes were pieced through and through by a lance [MDL]
Spears could also be set out in a pit-like trap, such as that used to catch wild buffalo (see Section 5(iv)) or targeted at crocodiles found just below the surface of the water (hasád, also see Section 5(vii)).
    hasád MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to stick s/t into or pierce the skin of s/t beneath the water (as the skin of a crocodile) or caught in a pit or depression (as the hide of a water buffalo) [MDL]
If the initial spearing of an animal did not cause a fatal injury, or if death was delayed and the animal had a had chance to flee, it would run with the spear or arrow still embedded in its flesh (tiwátiw). This might then come loose of its own accord (halbó'), or it would have to be removed by the hunter (gáni). Removal might involve cutting around the entry wound (hihí') or enlarging the wound by moving the spearhead, arrow or knife that was embedded in the flesh (wa'íwa')
    tiwátiw describing a human or animal pierced by a spear or arrow, and still carrying the weapon in the body; MAG- to be wounded in this way; Nagtiwatiw na si kuyán kaiyán tumbák That person is still walking about with the spear that wounded him [MDL]

    halbó' MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fall from the place where it entered the body (an arrow from the body of an animal); MAKA- to shake the body free of an arrow (an animal) [MDL]

    gáni MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to remove a harpoon or spear from an animal where it is lodged; MAKA- to throw off a harpoon or spear; to shake free of a harpoon or spear (an animal [MDL]

    hihí' MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to enlarge a wound in order to remove a lance or harpoon [MDL]

    wa'íwa' MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to enlarge the wound in an animal by moving about the knife or other weapon which first caused the wound [MDL]

5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(i) Types
 
The balátik refers to snares comprising one or a series of stakes or poles (dáwot) which are driven into ground, stringed and arched to resemble a type of crossbow. This is set up in a particular area frequented by game and triggered when a string is tripped by the movement of a passing animal (taróg), shooting the animal with an arrow (bukás). The mechanism may also be inadvertently triggered by wind, debris, or less than adequate attention when setting it up (gubkás).

This type of snare appears commonly throughout the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia[44] although its exact form and purpose clearly varied. A detailed description and diagram of the type used in Zambales may be found in William Allan Reed's Negritos of Zambales.[45] Sánchez de la Rosa describes the form used in Samar as a bow, stick or bamboo, four or five palmos in length (that is the distance between the thumb and the little finger when the hand is fully extended - 80 to 100 centimetres), bent into a flexible arc with a strong cord drawn from one end to the other and loaded with an arrow or sharpened piece of bamboo which is released when triggered.[46]
    balátik snare, spring trap (typ- somewhat like a large crossbow, loaded with an arrow and set on a path frequented by game); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to hunt game with such a snare; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such a snare in a particular location; -AN: binalatíkan game caught with such a snare [MDL]

    dáwot stakes or posts used in erecting the snare or spring trap called balátik which resembles a crossbow; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to drive such posts or stakes into the ground in a particular location; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use posts or stakes for this purpose [MDL]

    taróg MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spring a trap; to trip a snare; also MAKA-, MA- [MDL]

    bukás referring to game shot when caught in the spring trap called balátik; MA- or MAG- to shoot when tripped (the balátik); (PAG-)-ON to be shot by a balátik (game); (fig-) Kí'isay daw naági iní? Garó na ing áging bukás Who passed this way? It is as if something passed by which was shot by a balátik (Said when one comes across a trail of blood) [MDL]

    gubkás MA- or MAG- to discharge; to inadvertently fire (a bow); to accidentally spring (a snare, trap); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to misfire or discharge a bow; to inadvertently set off a snare or trap; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to misfire or discharge a bow at s/o or st/; to catch s/t (a snare when it accidentally springs); (fig-) Pagkagubkasán iyán úlay mo Go on, finish saying what you have in mind [MDL]
Entries for Bikol, Waray, Tagalog and Kapampangan do not specify what type of game was shot by such a mechanism, although for Cebuano, Encarnacion indicates it was primarily used for targeting wild boar, and Mentrida for Hiligaynon specifies its use for targeting rats and monkeys.[47] The specific arrow mentioned by Encarnacion as used in the balátik, that is lais, is also found in Waray. Here it is further described as an arrow made from a sharped piece of the thin bamboo called bagakay and also used for the targeting of wild boar. This opens the possibility that the balátik in Samar was also used primarily for the shooting of this animal.[48]

In addition to the entry belantik in Kapampangan, there is a second entry, lantik 'to bend something outward'. This is clearly the root of the longer from, isolating the prefix ba- (or baN-) which, at least for Bikol, appears to carry the meaning of 'likeness' or 'similarity'.[49] Bikol, however, has no entry of the form látik with a relevant meaning which could serve as the root for balátik.

The balátik, while it was widespread, was clearly just one type of bow-like snare with a trip mechanism set to shoot an arrow at targeted animals. There are a number of other named snares which have the same mechanism. Tagalog and Kapampangan share the bala'is (note the root word, la'is, discussed above) with Bergaño for Kapampangan specifying its use in the shooting of wild boar and deer. Noceda further includes for Tagalog the para'ig and pasulo, defined simply as bow-like traps for the capture of animals.[50]

Cebuano and Hiligaynon also share a number of snares of this type: the guwa for targeting monkeys or rats, and the alugpit (also shared with Waray), igpit, and salipit for just rats. Cebuano has the additional bayubo, also used for rats (see Section 5(ii)).[51]

Entries in both Waray and Cebuano also refer to the piece of wood or bamboo which is arched to form the main release mechanism of the bow, baoganan, with Sánchez de la Rosa for Waray including two clearly related alternates.[52]

In addition to the snares that were set up with a mechanism similar to a bow and arrow there were commonly two other types of traps, those using a looped rope or lasso, and those involving a spike-lined pit into which the prey would fall.

The bitík, not an entry in Lisboa, but used in modern Bikol, is a spring trap set up so that when a bird or animal enters an area set out with bait, it triggers a mechanism which causes a surrounding noose to lift, trapping and lifting the animal by the feet into the air where it hangs until removed (also see Section 5(vi)). The entry for Waray further explains the spring mechanism which is achieved by bending, almost double, a length of bamboo or pliant wood. Both Cebuano and Hiligaynon also list the bitík, used primarily for the catching of birds and chickens, but adaptable as well for the catching of larger game such as wild pigs.[53]
    bitík spring trap (typ- consisting of a noose which is tightened and pulled when sprung, causing what is caught to be pulled and to hang until freed); MAG-, -ON to trap s/t with such a trap

A similar type of trap was the silá'od used primarily for the catching of birds in modern Bikol, but described far more generally by Lisboa as a noose of cord or rattan set out on a trail and used to catch passing prey. A noose was also the main component of the si'ód where it was tied to the end of a stick and used to catch pigs and snakes. Such traps would work efficiently as long as the noose was properly tied. If it came loose, the knot would open, and the noose would unravel allowing the prey to escape.[54]
    silá'od bird trap, snare (typ- consisting of a noose tied to a spring mechanism so that when the bird is caught it is pulled up to hang; MAG-, -ON to trap a bird with a silá'od [MDL: sila'ód a noose or lasso of cord or rattan set out on the ground with the aim of catching or trapping s/o or s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set such a noose or lasso on a trail; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to ensnare s/t in such a noose; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a snare for this purpose; MAKA-, MA- to become ensnared]

    si'ód lasso, noose; loop; also: a snare consisting of a noose tied to the end of a stick or pole, used for catching pigs, snakes; MAG-, -ON to snare s/t; MAG-, -AN to lasso s/t; to hobble s/t [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to set a snare; MA- to become ensnared]
Lisboa includes a trap for catching monkeys (amátong), but presents no detailed information about how it functioned. The name itself may be related to the sound produced when attempting to drive monkeys into such a trap.
    amátong trap, snare (typ- used for catching monkeys); MA- or MAG- to resonate with a particular sound (s/t which is struck to drive monkeys into a trap); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to set such a trap; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to trap monkeys in such a trap [MDL]
Snares or traps were set up in areas frequented by game. To make sure that someone did not inadvertently stumble into the trap, a mark or warning was set up nearby indicating its location (táraw). The warning may have also served another purpose, and that was to keep people far enough away from the traps so as not to scare off the game (áwong). Traps may have been further protected by an enclosure which served to keep out unwanted game, or, conversely, to keep game confined temporarily until they could be transported to another location (balungbóng).
    táraw a mark or warning sign placed on spring traps or snares so that no one stumbles into them; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to mark a trap or its location in this way; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to put in place a particular mark or warning [MDL]

    áwong MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place o/s in front of another, cutting out the light; to place o/s too near a trap, frightening off game, fish: Harí akó pagawongi Don't cut off my light or Get out from in front of me [MDL]

    balungbóng an enclosure placed around the sides of a snare, trap or fish corral to keep out unwanted birds, game or fish; also used as a temporary shelter for game until they can be properly confined, or as an enclosure to keep a child from falling; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to enclose a trap, animal or child in such a way; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t to form such an enclosure [MDL]
Once the traps were set, they would have to be checked on a regular basis to see if any game had been captured.
    mandáw MANG-, PANG--AN to check a fishing line, snare or trap to see if anything has been caught; MANG-, PANG--ON to check to see if anything has been caught on a line, in a snare [MDL]

    niráw MANG-, PANG--AN to check a fishing line, trap or snare to see if anything has been caught; MANG-, PANG--ON to check to see if anything has been caught on a line, in a snare; (fig-) Hírak saímo kapapanirawán ka na lámang ngápit, nagadán na How sorry we are for you; you'll only be looked in on when you are found dead (Implying: There is no one who cares about you) [MDL]
Traps could also be baited (pá'on), For Lisboa, pá'on referred only to the bait placed on a fishhook, a definition identical to that found in Waray. Modern Bikol has a broadened definition which also corresponds to that found in the other central Philippine languages.[55]
    pá'on bait; decoy or lure; MAG-, -AN to bait or set a trap; to place bait on a hook; to decoy or lure s/t; magpá'on nin atipíl to set a mousetrap [+MDL: bait which is placed on a fishhook; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place bait on a fishhook; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG-to use s/t as bait]

5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(ii) Rats and Mice
 
Rats and mice (kinó') would have presented a recurrent nuisance, both in the fields where they would have nibbled their way through grain crops, and in the house where they would have found other ways to be destructive. In addition to the term of general reference, Lisboa also includes terms for mice that were newborn (bayukbók, generalised in modern Bikol to refer to small, rice-eating mice), mice that were small (bagtó), and two references to other mouse-like animals, bugkón and bú'ot.
    kinó' mouse, rat, rodent; GARÓ mousy; -ON to be eaten, nibbled or gnawed on by a rat or mouse [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to eat or nibble s/t (a mouse or rat); (PAG-)-AN to have one's food supplies eaten by a mouse, rat; MA- an area with many mice, rats; (fig-) Garó na kinó' daw akó They say I am like a mouse (Said when one is tired and needs a brief nap)]

    bayukbók mouse (typ- small, rice eating) [MDL: mice, rats (recently born)]

    bagtó mouse (typ- small) [MDL]

    bugkón animal (typ- similar in coloring and shape to a mouse, but larger) [MDL]

    bú'ot animal (typ- similar to a mouse, but larger) [MDL]
Mousetraps took a number of forms. The tabakáw, set in the loft or roof of houses, caught rodents in a noose. The padlóng was a short length of bamboo in which the opening probably sprang shut once a mouse or rat had entered, and the atipíl is described as bow-like mechanism, not unlike the balátik, which shot out a needle or pick-like dart or arrow (dágom-dágom) once it was triggered. More general was the átob, a spring trap which must have varied in size depending on its intended prey for it was used in the trapping of rats and mice as well as wild boar. Rats and mice could also be eliminated by forcing them out of their burrows by smoke, and then killing them as they emerged (kabkáb).
    tabakáw a looped rope or noose forming a snare used for catching rats and mice in the loft or roof area of a house; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch mice and rats with such a snare; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set out such snares in a particular area [MDL]

    padlóng a mousetrap; MAG-, -AN to set a mousetrap; MA- to be trapped (a mouse or rat) [+MDL: mousetrap made from a length of bamboo; MA- or MAG- to set such a trap; MAPA- to be caught in such a trap (a mouse, rat)]

    atipíl mousetrap; MAG-, -ON to trap a mouse; MA- to be trapped in a mousetrap [MDL a mousetrap comprising a crossbow-like mechanism which releases an arrow, dart or other pointed instrument when triggered; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to trap a mouse in a mousetrap]

    dágom-dágom pointed instrument (such as a pick) placed in traps for catching mice, rats [MDL]

    átob spring trap, used for catching rats and mice, wild boar; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to set such a trap; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set such a trap at a particular place; MA- to be trapped in such a trap (rats, wild boar) [MDL]

    kabkáb MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to smoke rats or mice from their holes or burrows (so that they can be killed upon emerging); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to smoke rat or mice burrows [MDL]

5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(iii) Wild Boar
 
Traps could serve another purpose, and that was to warn a cultivator when an unwanted animal wandered into his fields. The Waray entry, kaya, is an interesting example of the extent someone would go to be apprised of an intrusion by a wild boar. What follows is a general translation of the dictionary entry.[56]
    The kaya is a type of trap comprising a half a coconut shell which is baited with meat and placed into the fields. Attached to this shell is a rope which runs to the house of a cultivator who wants to be awakened if a wild boar enters his field, signalled by an attempt to eat the bait. To achieve this, he attaches the end of the rope which extends into the house to a glass or coconut shell filled with water and located over the area where he sleeps. When the wild pig attempts to take the bait, the movement of the baited shell pulls on the string which in turn causes the glass of water in the house to overturn, spilling its contents on the farmer and thereby waking him up.
Wild boars, or pigs, most commonly referred to in Bikol as báboy, and less commonly by upón, a term now associated with the district of Partido, while hunted for their sought-after meat, also had the potential to cause repetitive damage to growing crops (sugsóg) and therefore had to be stopped. Doing so came with inherent dangers.
    báboy wild boar[MDL]

    upón wild boar [D-PARTIDO] [+MDL: this term is less commonly used than báboy]

    sugsóg MA- describing s/t or s/o that continually causes harm or destruction in a particular area (as a wild boar entering rice fields, pirates raiding a town or robbers returning over and over again to a particular area): Masugsóg ka nang labí, álang-álang kang da'í masalagbát You continually cause terrible trouble; it's not right that you have not yet been given a taste of your own medicine (Meaning: You have not yet also been robbed or victimized); MA- or MAG- to continually or repeatedly cause harm or destruction in a particular place [MDL]
Wild boars fought among themselves, wounding each other with their tusks (tildís). The same fate awaited a hunter stumbling upon a particularly fierce boar (amumuklód) while out hunting or when removing a captured boar from a trap. Chirino makes a brief reference to the grievous wounding by a boar's tusks in his 'Relacion,'[57] and Lisboa also includes entries to this in his dictionary (húmok, wáting).
    tildís MAG- to wound one another with their tusks (two boars); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to wound a boar when fighting (another boar); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to gore a particular part of the body; (fig-) Kamakititildisán mo doy! You are argumentative; Naninildís ka giráray You go around picking fights with people [MDL]

    amumuklód wild boar, old and fierce, found hunting alone [MDL]

    húmok MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to gore s/o with its tusks (a wild boar); MA- to be gored by a wild boar (a person) [MDL]

    wáting MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to gore s/o (a boar); to hit s/o following behind you with s/t carried in the hand or on the shoulder; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to gore s/o with the tusks; to hit s/o with s/t; MAKA-, MA--AN to get gored; to get poked or hit from behind [MDL]
Amumuklód is part of series of terms relating to raised areas on land or under the sea. The root here is kúlod carrying the meanings of 'hillock', 'mound,' and 'knoll'. Various affixes extend the meaning: takúlod 'a small plot of land on high ground', bakulod 'rocky shoals', buklod 'anthill', 'hill' and buró-buklód 'hillock', 'knoll'. The derivation of amumuklód involves an affix of the from aN- prefixed to a derived root of the form buklód presenting a basic meaning of 'something associated with the hills', not an unreasonable assumption considering where wild pigs might be found. While there are other pairs of affixed and unaffixed terms, such as amúkid 'wild abaca found in the mountains' and búkid 'hill' or 'mountain', it is difficult to assign a specific meaning the prefix -aN. Not all of the examples involve a clear association of object and place.[58]


5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(iv) Wild Buffalo
 
The use of pits to capture game was clearly common in the central Philippines for each of the languages makes reference to this practice with particularly numerous references for Waray.[59] For Bikol the bila'óng were dug to capture larger animals such as deer and wild boar. These were lined with sharpened sticks or spikes which impaled the prey which fell into them (duháng). Larger pits (atbóng) were dug to capture the wild buffalo. Where the intention was to capture these as a source of food[60] then these pits, too, would be lined with sharpened stakes.[61]
    bila'óng a pit dug as a trap; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dig a pit to serve as a trap; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to dig such pits in a particular area; MA- to fall into such a trap [MDL]

    duháng a sharpened stick or spike used for trapping deer and wild boar; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to set out such stakes or spikes; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to trap deer or wild boar which fall into pits lined with such stakes or spikes; MAKA- to lure a deer or wild boar (such a trap); MA- to fall into such a trap, impale themselves and be injured (game); (fig-) Naduhángang iyán May you be hurt in such a trap (Said as an insult to men) [MDL]

    atbóng a large hole dug for the purpose of catching water buffalo; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to dig such a hole; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch water buffalo in such a hole; MA-, MA- -AN to fall into such a hole (water buffalo) [MDL]
Where the intention was to capture wild buffalo to be trained for use in cultivating agricultural fields, the technique was different. The following description refers in general to the situation on Luzon, and not, specifically, to Bikol. The Bikol entries which are included in the discussion make no specific mention of the capture of wild buffalo.

For the purpose of capturing wild buffalo alive, a strong enclosure was first constructed (álad). Then a line of men, each carrying palm leaves which were opened out to touch one to the other, moved out from each side of the enclosure's opening to a distance of just over one kilometre (tíkop). When they reached a heard of wild buffalo, they frightened them with shouts and the sound made by striking the palm leaves, driving them toward the entry of the enclosure. Once inside, the entry was then barred. Subsequently, each buffalo was tied and placed into a smaller enclosure so narrow that it could not turn around. Food was withheld for two weeks, weakening the animal and making it more compliant. At the end of this time, the individual wanting to train the animal for work in his fields would appear with a small amount of hay which the animal would accept. This would go on for twenty days, after which the animal would bond with the person feeding it, allowing it to be led by a rope attached to a ring placed through its nose. This bonding was to one individual only, with aggression shown to others who approached it.[62]
    álad enclosure; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to enclose or corral s/t with a fence of wood or bamboo; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fence off or enclose a particular area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use particular wood or bamboo for such an enclosure [MDL]

    tíkop MAG- to meet (two ends, as of a circle); MAG-, PAG--ON to bring two ends together; MAG-, PAG--AN to enclose s/t by bringing two ends together [+MDL: a flank or group of people who gather together to form an open circle for purposes of battle or to catch s/t; MAG- to join together (both flanks); MAG-, PAG--ON to join one flank with another; MAG-, PAG--AN to go into this formation in a particular area or for a particular reason; MA-, -AN to join a second flank or group of people (the first flank or group)]
Both damúlag and anwáng refer to the water buffalo in Bikol, both domesticated and wild. Lisboa also includes the term karabáw which he indicates is a foreign borrowing. While not borrowed directly, this must be originally from the Malay kerbau. A fourth term, samáyaw, is used in polite conversation.

The reference to the water buffalo in the Spanish dictionaries of the central Philippine languages, is, with the exception of Bikol, always to karabáw. While Tagalog records the identical terms as Bikol, that is anwang and damulag, and Kapampangan damulag alone, references throughout the Noceda dictionary are to karabáw with the occasional use of kalabáw, the term which eventually becomes the dominant Tagalog form.[63] Of the Visayan languages, only Waray has karabáw as a headword entry, although there are numerous references to the term in the Cebuano and Hiligaynon dictionaries.[64]
    damúlag water buffalo, carabao; (fig-) -ON: damulágon describing a person with a large build and a dark complexion; duró-damulágon hardworking, industrious; damulágon or dinamúlag mango (typ- large, juicy, yellow) [+MDL: (fig-) Garó na haból na damúlag si kuyán That person is like the cloth woven by water buffalos (Said when one does not want to associate with others)]

    anwáng water buffalo [MDL]

    karabáw water buffalo (a foreign word; Bikol uses damúlag or anwáng) [MDL] [MALAY kerbau]

    samáyaw water buffalo, used in polite conversation in place of damúlag: Anó daw iyán dará mo? - Samáyaw What are you bringing? - A water buffalo; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to call s/o by the name of an animal, such as damúlag, kabáyo; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to call s/o's relation by the name of an animal; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use the name of a particular animal when referring to s/o [MDL]

5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(v) Deer
 
The Philippine deer (usá), once plentiful across the county, is now extinct on a number of islands and severely threatened on others. The Philippine brown deer is the dominant species on Luzon and adjacent islands with the spotted deer found across the Visayas.[65] Lisboa includes specific terms referring to a female deer, or doe, líbay, and to a young deer, natí. A male deer, or stag, was identified by the number of points or branches it grew on its antlers, and this was the feature that distinguished male deer from the females which did not grow antlers. The age of a stag could also be determined by the points or branches on its antlers (manggí), and when hunting this, too, was the identifying feature when someone was asked what kind of deer had been caught (turó')
    usá deer [+MDL: deer, both male and female]

    líbay doe, female deer [MDL]

    natí' deer (young) [MDL]

    manggí particle, placed before numbers to indicate how many points there are on a deer's antlers as well as its age; for each year of age a deer grows a new set of antlers with an additional number of points: manggí apát four points, two years old; manggí anóm six points, three years old; manggí waló eight points, four years old [MDL]

    turó' a deer which has only one pair of antlers without branches or points; also referring to such antlers; Gurá'nong usá an naba'ól nindó? - Turó' or Turó' pa saná an súngay What kind of deer did you catch? - One with just one pair of antlers without branches or points [MDL]
In Bikol, deer were trapped in much the same way as wild buffalo, that is, in a pit lined with pointed stakes or spikes (duháng, see Section 5 (iv)), although there is also reference to the bow-like snare, bala'is, used for this purpose in Pampanga (see Section 5(i)).

Deer were plentiful, and as long as they were hunted for their meat and their skins served only a local industry, they would remain so. But that was not the case. Deerskins were highly sought after by the Japanese and Chinese, and such large numbers were exported that Antonio de Morga in his 1578 'Report on Conditions in the Philippines' indicated that if the export of skins was not stopped, the supply would be exhausted.[66] The numbers were truly staggering. An unsigned report from 1618 indicates that within an 85 kilometre radius in Pangasinan anywhere from 60,000 to 80,000 deer could be trapped and killed every year.[67]


5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(vi) Civet Cats
 
The civet or civet cat (singgálong) is a cat-like mammal belonging to the family Viverridae. Both males and females produce a musk-like secretion from their anal glands (didís) which collects in a large pouch below the anus. This is the secretion used by the singgálong to mark its territory, and by humans, attracted by its strong scent (anghít), as an ingredient in perfumes.[68]

The term didís is found in this identical form in the Visayan languages, with the cognate dirís used in Tagalog and Kapampangan. As for singgálong, only Hiligaynon has this identical form. Alcina refers to the civet cat as singarong (probably a mishearing of singgarong) a term which is not found in the Sánchez de la Rosa Waray dictionary where the reference is iro, generally considered a different species of cat referred to by Alcina as miru. The modern Cebuano dictionary by John Wolff also includes a reference to singgalong, but in the older Encarnacion dictionary, the only reference is to didisan, literally, 'that which has 'didis'. Both Tagalog and Kapampangan have musang, the term cognate with Malay.[69]
    singgálong civet cat, wildcat (typ- Philippine); a catlike mammal of the family Viverridae having anal scent glands that secrete a fluid with a musky odor [+MDL: Abóng hamót singgálong doy idtó That civet cat smells very nice]

    didís civet, the fluid excreted from the anal glands of a civet cat, used in the manufacture of perfumes [MDL]

    anghít the smell of civet; also used to refer to other strong and overpowering smells; MA- to have such a smell [MDL]
The civet which was obtained was put to a number of uses in the Philippines. In Bikol it was used as a scent for clothing (dagpí'), and more generally in the Philippines as a hair dressing when mixed with sesame oil, applied after bathing, or at other times to just freshen the hair.[70] It also was used in Tagalog religious ceremonies, applied to idols during periods of worship and feasting.[71]
    dagpí' MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to salt s/t one is seasoning or preserving; to perfume clothing with civet or musk; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to add salt; to add civet or musk to clothing [MDL]
Both the cats and their civet were in demand outside the Philippines. Records show that the export of civet to Spain via Acapulco was well established by the mid seventeenth century.[72] Previous to that the cats formed part of the trade with China which imported live animals in cages.[73] Live animals were also sold in the Philippines, although at cheap prices due to their abundance.[74] For the most part, however, the cats were captured, and then freed once the civet had been removed from their anal pouches.[75]

Civet cats could be trapped in nets (see Section 6), a technique described by Morga as used in Mindanao,[76] but more commonly they were trapped in a spring-loaded noose (see Section 5(i)). This is the technique described by Alcina for Samar, who also goes on to describe how the civet was removed before the cat was released.[77]

To form the trap, a cord with a noose at its end is tied to a long stick. One end of the stick is planted securely in the ground and the other end is pulled forward, creating tension. It is then secured in this position. A piece of pork or fish is placed near the noose to serve as bait, and pegs are placed along the edges of the trap to direct the cat to this area. When the cat nears the bait, it trips the restraint. The stick then springs upright pulling the cord with it, the noose catching the cat by the feet or neck, and pulling it upward where it hangs suspended.

After the cat is removed from the trap, it is placed in a cage if the intention is to keep it, or in a rattan basket if it is to be milked of its civet and released. To do this, just the head of the cat is placed in the rattan basket with the two back legs remaining outside. If this technique does not work, then two pieces of crossed wood are driven into the ground. The head of the cat is then placed between the cross and the ground. This keeps it from biting.

If there are two people, one person holds the cats legs apart exposing the cavity where the civet has collected. The civet is then gently removed. If there is only one person, then he uses his feet, holding each of the cat's legs between his toes while his uses his hands to remove the civet.


5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(vii) Crocodiles
 
The crocodile in the Philippines (bu'áya), once widespread and feared[[78] has in modern times become severely endangered with populations eliminated throughout much of the Visayas and southern Luzon due to the destruction of their habitat and use of dynamite when fishing.[79] At the turn of the sixteenth century, however, crocodiles were plentiful and precautions were taken either to avoid them, making sure they were not present when checking the catch in fish traps (sansán), frightening them away from boats by striking them with an oar (kampóg), or trapping them when they interfered with the rhythm of everyday life.
    bu'áya crocodile, alligator; MA- a place with many crocodiles; buró-bu'áya ground lizard (typ- large, green, with a yellow stripe) [+MDL: matáng bu'áya dimple found on each buttock]

    sansán MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to probe a fish corral with a pole to make sure there are no crocodiles [MDL]

    kampóg MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to frighten away crocodiles by hitting them with the oar of a boat; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use an oar for this purpose [MDL]
Crocodiles were trapped with a large, baited hook (kiwál) which was attached to a length of bamboo (palátaw) set out in areas which they frequented. After the crocodile had taken the bait it would swim off, eventually exhausting itself in repeated attempts to free itself from the hook. Once it was still, its position would be revealed by the floating length of bamboo, and it could be retrieved and killed by those pursuing it.
    kiwál hook (typ- large, used for catching crocodiles); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to set out such a hook to catch a crocodile; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use such a hook for catching crocodiles; to bait such a hook [MDL]

    palátaw a hobble, a restraint attached to the feet with a chain to keep fugitives from absconding; a length of bamboo attached to a hook for catching crocodiles, used to locate the crocodile after it has taken the bait; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to hobble or shackle a fugitive in this way; to attach a length of bamboo to a crocodile hook; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as a hobble; to use a piece of bamboo for attaching a crocodile hook [MDL]
A similar, though more involved, method used in Samar to capture rogue crocodiles is described by Alcina. Here two hooks attached to a length of rope were set at opposite sides of a shaft the width of a man's chest. These were baited, placed on a small bamboo raft and suspended at a height about 85 centimetres above the base. The raft was then located in an area of water of suitable depth frequented by crocodiles. A crocodile which had spotted the bait would jump to retrieve it, taking the bait and hook to which it was attached. It would then swim off. Similar to what happened in Bikol, it would eventually exhaust itself, and the place where it stopped moving would be marked by the raft.[80]

There was also another method used in Samar to trap both wild boar (see Section 5(iii)) and crocodiles. This is described in some detail by Alcina, and also referred to by Sánchez de la Rosa in the dictionary entry andog. This particular trap was formed by creating a narrow passage of stakes which led to an area topped by a heavy log, made even heavier when weighted down with stones. When the crocodile had worked its way to the covered area, it triped a small stick which caused the log and stones above to crash down, thereby trapping, if not, killing it.[81]


5. SNARES AND TRAPS
(viii) Birds and Fowl
 
Antonio de Morga has a small section in his Sucesos where he describes the wide variety of birds (gamgám) found in the Philippines, birds of striking plumage found on both dry land and lakes, and those quail-like birds (púgo') suitable for eating.[82] Even more detail is provided over four chapters by Ignacio Alcina describing the birds of Samar, parts of which will be touched on in more detail below.[83] Birds were also included among the vast array of items available for trade and barter.[84]

Judging by the amount and diversity of traps used in their capture, birds were either a commodity prized for their beauty, utility, monetary or culinary value, or dreaded for their detrimental effect on fruit or grain crops (dignós). Noceda for Tagalog includes the specific entry, panaklit, which is a type of net woven from rattan, used for the capture and killing of grain-eating birds,[85] and in Bikol the bakuróng was the specific trap set out for such birds. This is a complex entry built on the root kuróng 'cage' (see the following paragraph) and the prefix baN- generally showing 'likeness' or 'similarity' (see Section 5(i)). Where the intent was not to kill or capture, birds could be scared off by targeting them with the sharply-pointed burrs of particular trees (daklág, also see Chapter 6, 'Rice,' Section 3 (iv)).
    gamgám bird [+MDL: the term most commonly used in the area of the Bikol river; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to eat s/t (birds); yámon kagamgáman a flock of birds]

    púgo' mountain or forest quail; MANG- or MANGGA- to hunt for such quail [+MDL]

    dignós maya (typ- small bird, commonly found in rice fields); dignós sa kósta sparrow (typ- bird; lit: dignós of the coast); syn- amamanglón, máyang kósta [+MDL]

    bakuróng snare (typ- small, used to catch birds such as the maya or dignós); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to set such a snare; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to catch a bird in such a snare; MA- to be trapped in such a snare (a bird); -AN: binakuróngan a bird trapped in this way [MDL]

    daklág MAG-, I- to cast, hurl or throw s/t; MAG-, -ON to cast, hurl or throw s/t at s/t else [MDL: burr (typ- with many points, obtained from the branch of particular trees, used for throwing at birds); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to throw a stone or stick; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to throw a stone or stick at s/t]
Birds, once captured were kept in cages (kuróng), generally of wood or bamboo, where they could be enjoyed, traded or, to their detriment, turned into playthings by children (lído'). Kuróng in modern Bikol has the widened meaning of 'cage' for a variety of animals, a meaning shared by Tagalog and Kapampangan, but it was the more restricted meaning as a place to hold birds or fowl which was used by Lisboa and found as well in the Visayan languages.[86] They would remain there until they were removed or the opportunity arose for them to escape (pulsát).
    kuróng MAG-, -ON to pen s/t up; to place s/t in a cage or coop; -AN cage, coop, pen [MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to place a bird or fowl in a cage; -AN bird cage, coop]

    lído' MA- or MAG- to fly back and forth, going nowhere (a bird held by the beak by a child when playing); (fig-) Lído'-lído' na lámang si kuyán It appears as if that person is flying back and forth, going nowhere (Said when one cannot move) [MDL]

    pulsát MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to escape (an animal or bird from a cage or other area where it is kept) [MDL]
The traps used to catch birds were generally of two types, those that would spring shut, trapping them inside, and those that used a looped cord or noose that would catch them by the feet. Common spring traps for birds in Bikol were the li'tág, also found across the Visayas and used for trapping birds as well as other animals, the kisíw and the tanáw, differentiated from the others as it was baited with fruit.
    li'tág snare (typ- for catching birds); MAG-, -ON to catch birds with such a snare; MAG-, I- to set such a trap [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to catch birds with such a snare; MA- to be trapped in such a snare (a bird)]

    kisíw snare, spring trap (typ- used for catching birds); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to set such a snare or trap; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch a bird with such a snare; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set an area with such snares; MA- to fall into such a snare or trap (a bird) [MDL]

    tanáw PA- snare (typ- for birds, baited with fruit); MAPA- or MAGPA- to set such a trap; MAPA-, PA--ON or MAGPA-, PAG--ON to trap a bird in such a snare; MAPA- to be snared, trapped (a bird); PA--AN: pinatanáwan a bird trapped in this way [MDL]
Of the traps comprising a loop or noose (lábang), these were generally attached to the end of a stick or length of bamboo (silábong, tiwtíw). Some were used to reach out and catch birds in trees (kurukód), and others were incorporated into fixed traps set out in palms to catch birds which had come to drink the sap collected for tubá' (dukót). Birds which had struggled to free themselves may have ended up entangling themselves (purúpot), a term with this specific meaning in old Bikol which has come into modern Bikol as with the general meaning of 'to wind or coil something up'.
    lábang the loop of a snare or trap, generally used for catching birds; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to set out such a snare; MAG-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to capture birds with this snare [MDL]

    silábong bird trap (typ- consisting of a noose tied at the end of a piece of bamboo); MAG-, -ON to trap a bird with a silábong; MAG-, -AN to set this trap at a particular place [+MDL: silabóng MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch birds with such a noose; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use such a noose for catching birds]

    tiwtíw MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to reach out with a hook attached to the end of a bamboo pole to try to hook a fish; to reach out with a noose attached to the end of a bamboo pole to lasso a chicken or bird; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to catch a fish, chicken or bird in this way [MDL]

    kurukód a noose attached at the end of a long bamboo pole, used for catching birds in trees; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch birds in this manner [MDL]

    dukót PA- snare, trap or noose (typ- placed in palm trees, used to catch birds which come to drink the sap collecting for tubá'); MAPA-, PA--ON or MAGPA-, PAGPA--ON to catch a bird with such a snare; MAPA-, PA--AN or MAGPA-, PAGPA--AN to set such a snare in palm trees [MDL]

    purúpot MAG-, -ON to wind or coil s/t up; MAG-, -AN to wind or coil s/t around; -AN a coil [MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to be completely entangled in a snare or noose (a bird in a trap); (fig-) Nagpurúpot na sa pandóg si kuyán That person is firmly locked in the stocks]
There were also other methods of catching birds. One was to attach the sticky gum or resin exuded by trees to a particular surface which birds would be likely to cross, or to a length of wood or bamboo which was placed in such an exposed position (pulót). Once in contact with the resin, the bird's feet would be held firmly in place. While pulót is the common term in the central Philippine languages for some form of adhesive, only Cebuano and Hiligaynon also make reference to its use as a bird trap.[87]
    pulót sap, resin; glue; MA- sticky, tacky; glutinous; MAG- to become sticky; MAKA- ... SA to stick to s/t; to get stuck to s/t [+MDL: sap or resin which flows from trees; MA-, -ON or MANG-, PANG- -ON to catch birds with such resin; MA-, I- or MANG-, IPANG- to use such resin for catching birds; MA- to be stuck in such resin (birds); (fig-) Anó iníng pagtarók mo garó ka na ing napulót What kind of dance are you doing, as if you are stuck in resin (Said when a person can't dance); pulót píli resin or sap of the píli tree, distilled to make a kind of spirit or turpentine]
Shelters (hámong), large enough for hunters to hide in, could also built in trees. These would be baited with fruit to attract birds which would then be shot with arrows by those hiding inside..
    hámong a small shelter built in trees and baited with fruit to attract birds which are then shot with arrows by those hiding in the shelter; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to construct such a shelter; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct such a shelter in a particular tree [MDL]
Traps which contained nooses were made less visible by dying the rope and the loop black. Tína' refers to this process in Bikol. In the other central Philippine languages, with the exception of Cebuano, it refers more generally to dying a variety of things black, while for Cebuano the term is generalised further to simply 'dying'.[88] The black dye is obtained from the leaves of the plant, tiná'-tiná'.
    tína' MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dye or tint s/t black [MDL]

    tiná'-tiná' plant (typ- possessing leaves from which a black dye may be obtained, used to dye the ropes used in bird snares or traps) [MDL]
Snares could also be grouped. In this case they were set out at various places within an enclosure (pidpíd), snares of ropes and loops for the birds and spring traps for mice. To entice the birds into the enclosure where they would inadvertently trigger one of the snares, a previously captured or tame bird may have been set out as a decoy (katí'), a term found in all of the central Philippine languages.[89]

Alcina describes what was probably a similar situation in Samar pertaining the trapping of wild roosters which were caught for food. There the hunters found a place in the fields frequented by these fowl. They marked out a square with four pegs and in the centre they placed a tame cock which was tethered so that it remained in one place. This was the katian or decoy. On four sides of the decoy, the hunters placed their snares. The wild roosters, responding to the crowing of the decoy, entered the enclosure to attack it, thereby triggering one of the traps and ensnaring itself in one of the nooses. The hunter then removed the captured rooster and placed it in a safe place, returning to wait for the next rooster to appear. If the area for the enclosure was well chosen, many roosters would be caught at a single outing.[90]
    pidpíd a small bamboo or wood enclosure placed in a field in which one places snares for birds or traps for mice; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build such an enclosure; MA-, -AN: pidpirán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagpidpirán to enclose a portion of a field in this way; MAG-, I- to make such an enclosure from s/t [MDL]

    katí' MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to set out a bird as a decoy; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to trap birds with such a decoy; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set decoy birds in a particular area; -AN a decoy (bird); (fig-) nagkakati'án úlay speech which entices, cajoles [MDL]
Wild chickens were also caught by hobbling them, that is, throwing a piece of string with a small shell attached at either end at the feet of the fowl (bingkít). Similar techniques, with different terminology, are mentioned for Tagalog and Cebuano, with Tagalog also applying them to the capture of wild ducks.[91]
    bingkít a piece of string with a small snail shell tied at either end, thrown at the feet of chickens to catch them by hobbling their feet; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to throw a bingkít at a chicken for this purpose; to hobble s/o (as a prisoner) [MDL]
An interesting method of catching wild ducks in Samar is also described by Alcina. These are caught in lakes at the time they are particularly fat and ready for eating. To begin with, the hunters float large gourds which they call tabayag in the lakes where the ducks are plentiful. This is to enable the ducks to accustom themselves to the presence of such objects. After a sufficient period of time, the hunter enters the water naked carrying only an empty sack slung over one shoulder and tucked under his arm. Placed over his head is a hollowed-out gourd of the same type previously floated in the lake. This has two eye-holes cut into it to allow him to look for ducks. He moves quickly, but quietly, to the place he has spotted a duck. Once reaching it, he grabs its feet and pulls it under water and places it in the sack. This has to be done as quietly as possible so as not to alert the other ducks in the area to his presence. This is repeated until the hunter has caught as many ducks as is needed.[92]

Each of the central Philippine languages has numerous terms relating to the capture of birds and animals with a variety of traps and snares. The terms which have not been referenced in the above discussion are listed in the endnote here for those interested in investigating further.[93]


6. NETS
 
In addition to snares and traps, nets also had a central place in the hunting of birds and animals. These were of various types depending on the game that was being pursued. A number of these served more than one function, such as the hikót used for catching fish as well as game. While this term is also found in Tagalog and the Visayan languages, its reference there is to the construction of such nets, and not to the finished product.[94] The batóng was a wide mesh nets used for catching larger animals such as wild boar and deer. This was a commonly used net, with cognate terms found in each of the central Philippine languages.[95]
    híkot fishnet (typ-) [MDL: hikót net (typ- used for hunting or fishing); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make such a net from particular materials; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set nets out in a particular area; PARA- one who hunts or fishes with such nets; hiníkot na buláwan gold which has been spun to resemble a net]

    batóng net (typ- with a wide mesh, used for catching animals such as wild boar and deer); MA- or MAG- to go hunting with such a net; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch game with a batóng; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set a batóng in a particular area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a batóng for hunting; PARA- a hunter using such nets [MDL]
The fruit bat or flying fox, paníki, was caught with the kupót. What was probably a more spontaneous method of catching such bats was in the ribs of a fan or opened umbrella. This method was the pipípit which also referred to the catching of flies in abaca fibre.
    kupót net (typ- used for catching the fruit bat or flying fox called paníki); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to set such a net; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to set such a net in a particular place; MA- to be trapped in such a net (bats) [MDL]

    pirípit MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch flies in abaca fiber; to catch bats in the ribs of a fan or those of an opened umbrella [MDL]
Nets were made from a variety of fibres, most commonly cotton and abaca, woven to the thickness required for catching the intended game. While Lisboa does not make any specific reference to the material used, there is a reference in Cebuano to abaca, and to cordage in general in Tagalog.[96]

The chosen fibre would be tied on a board (arangtáng) so that the squares of mesh would be equal. The weaving of the net involved similar instrruments to the weaving of cloth (see Chapter 11, 'Fibre, Cloth and Clothing,' Section 3). All of the central Philippine languages mention use of the shuttle (siko'án). Additionally, Tagalog, Waray and Cebuanao also refer to a section of bamboo used in the weaving to keep the sections of mesh equal.[97]
    arangtáng a board on which one ties the string or other material used in making nets so that the size of the mesh is even [MDL]

    siko'án shuttle of a loom; also used in weaving nets; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to wrap thread around a shuttle; (fig-) Garó nagsisiko'án si kuyán kon minakakán That person is like a shuttle moving back and forth when eating (Said when one eats quickly) [MDL]
Nets that were constantly in use, or those that were misused or damaged as prey attempted to escape, would eventually need to be repaired (hayúma). This is the same term found in Tagalog and Kapampangan,[98] with puna the term used in the Visayas.[99]
    hayúma MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to repair broken thread on a loom or ripped cord on a net by tying new thread or cord to the broken ends; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to repair cloth or a net in this way; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to tie thread or cord to the broken ends to effect a repair [MDL]
Finished nets would have needed some mechanism allowing them to be pulled closed once game was trapped inside. To accomplish this, two ropes (bayhán) would be woven through the mesh to enable them to be drawn closed. Another addition, far less clear as to its purpose, were the small triangular pieces of cloth sewn to the mesh (tugbán). This may have been done to enable nets to be more easily joined when necessary, or to adjust their shape to fit a particular application.
    bayhán two ropes which are woven through the mesh of a net and used to draw the net together by pulling on one side or the other; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such ropes on a net [MDL]

    tugbán a net which has the addition of small triangular pieces of cloth; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to attach such pieces of cloth; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to attach such pieces of cloth to a net [MDL]
As with the ropes used in snares (see Section 5(viii)), the nets were dyed, no doubt to also make them less visible. The dye, sabúraw, was made from the bark of the putótan tree, the Bruguiera gymnorhiza, popularly known as the 'Black mangrove'. The bark contains a high percentage of tannins which produce a black or dark brown dye.[100] Also used in dying nets was the outer covering of the bu'óng vine, of which I have been unable to find any further information.
    sabúraw dye made from the bark of the putótan tree, used for dying nets; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dye nets with such bark; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use such a dye for nets [MDL]

    putótan tree (typ- possessing a bark which produces a dye used in the dying of nets; Bruguiera gymnorhiza, the 'Black mangrove') [+MDL]

    bu'óng vine (typ- ivy-like, the outer covering of which is used for dying nets); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dye nets with the outside of such a vine [MDL]
To be effective, nets had to be set out in a location frequented by game. These nets could be deployed as game moved through a particular area at night when the hunters might not be seen (tá'op) or, more commonly, be fixed to a predetermined spot. The area would be prepared by flattening the grass and other vegetation (gapí') levelling it before laying out the net (takták) and pegging the ends to hold it firmly in place (tagdóy). Smaller nets may then be added which directed the game into the main net (kálong). These would have to be firmly attached, for any openings which were left would enable to game to escape (kuláng). Favourable spots for setting up nets may have been in high demand leading to some competition to be first in securing such a location. While Bikol has no entry indicating this, the Cebuano lukod expresses just such an action.[101] Additional terms referring to the setting up and securing of nets may also be found in the other central Philippine languages.[102]
    tá'op MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to attack one's enemies at night to catch them while sleeping or otherwise unaware; to hunt game at night with nets, waiting in a location where game usually pass; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to attack one's enemies in a particular area or hunt game at a particular place [MDL]

    gapí' MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to beat down or flatten grass, usually to prepare an area for setting up nets used in hunting; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to flatten grass in a particular area [MDL]

    takták MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to spread out nets for hunting; to set out corrals for catching fish; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to spread such nets or set out corrals over a particular area; to catch s/t with such nets or corrals [MDL]

    tagdóy stakes, pegs or poles which are used to hold the ends of nets during a hunt; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to stake out a net [MDL]

    kálong MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to attach other nets to a main net which has been set in a hunt so that animals are directed into it; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to extend a main net by attaching other nets to it [MDL]

    kuláng MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to set nets in hunting which do not meet end to end (an incorrect arrangement which allows game to escape); MAKA- to escape from such poorly placed nets (game) [MDL]
When things went according to plan, the intended game ended up being caught in the net (dagás), either by venturing into it, or being driven into it by the shouts of their pursuers (kurá). Animals, however, might just run along the edges of the net without triggering the mechanism that would cause it to close (puró), or, once caught, they could apply enough force to break through the mesh that was holding them and escape (bálda).[103]
    dagás MAG-, -ON to lunge at s/o or s/t [MDL: MA- or MAG- to be caught in a net (game); to catch game with a net (a hunter)]

    kurá MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to shout at game, driving it into a net set out for the hunt; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to shout out s/t in order to drive game [MDL]

    puró edge, rim; tip; end, (as of a road); NASA at the edge, end; MAGHING-, HING--ON to cut off the end; MAGHING, HING--AN to cut the end off s/t [+MDL: SA at the tip, end; (PAG-) -AN to come to a point; → MAKA- to run along the edge of a net without triggering it (animals); MAHING-, HING--ON or MAGHING-, PAGHING- -ON to cut off the end; MAHING-, HING--AN or MAGHING-, PAGHING--AN to cut the end off s/t]

    bálda MAG-, -ON to pierce or break through s/t; usually, MAKA- to break through (as a fist punched through a wall) [MDL: baldá (a ripped net); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to break through a net (game, fish); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to break through s/o's net; MAKA- to break through a net and escape (game, fish); (fig-) Da'í na akóng binabaldahán kainíng pagkará'ot ko I won't be able to escape from my troubles (Implying: It is as if I am caught in a net)]
The successful setting up of a net, or the first game caught in a newly deployed net called for a celebration involving drink and the sharing of the catch (also see Section 7). The terms referring to this, pahimis and sinaya', the second of which is noted as a borrowing from Kapampangan, are included in the Noceda Tagalog dictionary. They are not Bikol.[104]


7. HUNTING
 
Hunting parties set out to capture wild game (ba'ól) which included wild buffalo, wild boar, deer and civet cats. Crocodiles were also trapped and removed when they posed a danger (see Section 5)
    ba'ól wild game; MANG-, PANG--ON to hunt wild game; MAKA-, MA- to capture wild game; Anó ba'ól a? - Usá What are you hunting? - Deer [MDL]
Hunters took one specific precaution regarding dress when setting out on the hunt, and that was to protect their feet from thorns. This was done by donning what was probably a makeshift pair of sandals (langán) that could be discarded when the hunt was over. Most walking was done barefoot, but entering the forest for a hunt presented unique problems.
    langán sandals; MAG- to wear sandals [+MDL: lángan sandals (typ- worn when on a hunt to protect the feet from thorns); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to cover s/t in order to protect it; to protect s/t with a covering; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as an outer covering for protection; PAG- protection; and by extension: to protect, save: Si Jesucsísto, Kagurangnán ta, nagadán lángan satúya' Jesus Christ, our Lord, died for us]
A hunter could go off alone to hunt (bugtóng, mu'nóng) or with a companion (ágom), sharing hunting equipment, provisions and the resultant catch. The companion may have also brought along his own dogs (see Section 8) to aid in the hunt (ábay). Most of these terms do not refer uniquely to hunting, but have been adapted from use elsewhere. Bugtóng is the term for an only child, and this is the meaning it has across the Visayan languages, with Kapampangan having the more general meaning, 'alone'.[105] Mu'nóng refers to any action which is done without a companion or without others present, and ágom, with a change to final stress, is the term for marriage and for the general pairing of one item to another.
    bugtóng MAKA- to hunt alone; MAKA-, MA--AN to catch game when hunting alone [MDL]

    mu'nóng MAG-, PAG--AN to eat alone; to do s/t without companions; MAKA-, MA--AN to catch prey when alone (a hunter); to have to do s/t alone or take sole responsibility for s/t: Namumu'ongán ko iníng dakól na gíbo All of this work is now my responsibility alone [MDL]

    ágom MA-, -AN to join another who goes out to hunt or catch fish, sharing nets, provisions and the resultant catch; MA-, I- to share nets jointly on such an occasion; MAG- to join together in a hunt or share nets when fishing; MAG-, PAG- -ON to take along shared provisions when hunting or fishing with s/o; MAG-, PAG--AN to hunt or fish together at a particular place; MAKA- to end up joining s/o on a hunt or when fishing; MAGKA- to end up hunting or fishing together [MDL]

    ábay MANG-, PANG--AN to accompany s/o on a hunt along with one's hunting dogs; MANG-, IPANG- to take one's hunting dogs along on a hunt in the company of others also hunting with dogs; MANG-, PANG--ON to hunt for game in this way [MDL]
At the end of a successful hunt, the animal that was caught was divided and shared with one's friends and relatives (ganák). Alcina mentions that this sharing was expected, not only as a sign of generosity, but also as a guarantee that at some future time, those whose hunt may not have been successful, would receive a portion of someone else's catch. There were consequences for those who ignored this convention. Their dogs might be deliberately poisoned, thereby affecting the success of any future hunt.[106]
    ganák the part of the hunt or catch of fish given to one's friends or relatives; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to distribute a portion of the hunt or catch; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to distribute part of the hunt or fish catch to s/o; MAKI- to ask to be included in the distribution; MAPA- to ask for a portion of the hunt or fish catch [MDL]
The hunt was not undertaken without some preparation. Areas where animals passed or gathered (anóg), or signs indicating the existence of a burrow or lair (lúhos) would be observed (salisí) and once this was done, a plan or strategy would be devised for proceeding with the hunt (ságap).
    anóg path or trail of a bird or animal; (fig-) Pa'anó kitá an umági kainíng dálan na garó na lámang anóg nin tiklíng? How are we going to pass on a trail that is like that of a tiklíng (Said when a trail is very narrow) [MDL]

    líhos referring to marks or signs indicating the existence of a burrow, den or lair; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to go in search of the burrow, den or lair of an animal [MDL]

    salisí MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to observe animals, birds at a location where they gather in order to capture or kill them; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to go a particular place in order to observe animals, birds [MDL]

    ságap MAG-, -AN to gather information or facts by listening; to induce s/t [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to devise ploys, strategies or tactics for catching s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to catch s/t in this way; MAKA-, MA--AN to catch s/t by luck or chance; Kasasagápan tang maku'á an tibá'ad nang úlay kon maguurúlay kitá giráray We might be able to learn some words if we always converse with people]
Hunters may have also looked for divine help in the capture of game. Some may have carried a part of the plant, tagalpó', which served as a charm to keep wild game from fleeing. The root word is lapó' referring to a sprain or a broken bone. The prefix tagá- indicates, among other things, the agent of an action. Here we are looking at something that causes a sprain or a broken bone. Merito Espinas in 'The supernatural world of the ancient Bikols', defines ukót as a god of hunting who guides hunters to their prey by whistling.[107] There is no confirmation of this in the Lisboa Vocabulario where it is defined simply as a household spirit who communicates by whistling.
    tagalpó' plant (typ- carried by hunters and used to charm wild game so that they will not flee); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to charm wild game in this way; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use the plant for this purpose [MDL]

    lapó' a dislocation or sprain; dislocated, sprained; MAG-, -ON to deliberately cause a dislocation or sprain; MAKA-, MA- to get a sprain; to dislocate a joint [+MDL: a broken bone; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to break the bones of an animal]


    ukót a god of hunting who guides hunters to their prey by whistling [BIK MYT] a household spirit which communicates by whistling; -AN one who has the aid of such a spirit [MDL]
Cebuano had a particular meaning associated with the term sumpá which has a more general set of meanings throughout the central Philippine languages relating to swearing or taking an oath, as well as cursing or wishing someone ill. The Bikol entry below exemplifies these meanings. In Cebuano, however, it also relates to a particular superstition that if someone were to look at a specific object when they were about to set out on a hunt, then the hunt would not be successful and whatever they were after would go uncaught.[108]
    sumpá' oath; MAG- to take an oath, vow; to blaspheme; MAG-, I- to pledge or promise s/t; to swear or take a vow to do s/t; MAG-, -AN to give one's word to s/o; to swear allegiance to s/o; MAGPA-, PA--ON to swear s/o in; to give an oath to s/o [+MDL: curse; MA-, I- to take a particular oath, such as that one will die (see gadán, matáy), that one will be split asunder (see si'sí'); to put a particular curse on s/o; MA-, -AN to swear to do s/t or take an oath about s/t; MAG- to swear to one another; MAG-, IPAG- to take a mutual oath (that one will die, be split asunder); MAG-, PAG--AN to take a mutual oath about s/t]
Hunters could approach the capture of their game in a number of ways. If the hunt was to take place in one area, then they may have built a shelter or hut (údong) which served as protection from the sun and rain. From there they could venture out to lie in wait for the particular game they were pursuing (batí'). Where a group of people were out on the hunt together, they could spread out at intervals and move in a line through an area hoping to discover hidden game (aták), and once discovered, they could form a circle around it, determining how best to safely catch it (sarimbáy).
    údong a hunter's shelter or hut; MAG-, -ON to construct such a shelter [+MDL: a shelter built by hunters, offering protection from the sun when out on a hunt; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to build such a shelter]

    batí' MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to be on the alert for s/t; to lie in wait for s/t (as game in order to capture it) [MDL]

    aták MA- or MAG- to stand at intervals, as if attempting to catch s/t; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to stand in this way across a particular area; to search for s/t in this way [MDL]

    sarimbáy MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to glide or circle in flight over potential prey (birds of prey); to encircle s/t you want to catch to see how best to do this safely; to wander around town looking for a place to eat or drink, so that you will be seen and invited in [MDL]
It was also possible to run after particular types of game (alayáw, lásay) hoping to kill or capture it while on the move, or waiting until it tired from the chase (ládag). Running towards game would mean it could be caught by grasping the front legs (balagát). This could also occur when blocking its path as it ran forward (ábong).
    alayáw MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to pursue s/t with the intent of catching or capturing it; to chase s/t into a snare or trap [MDL]

    lásay MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to follow or run after an animal in order to catch or kill it; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to follow an animal in this way through a particular area [MDL]

    ládag MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch s/t by running after it until it tires; to follow after an animal, fish or bird until it tires and one is able to catch it [MDL]

    balagát MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to run quickly toward s/t so as to catch it (as an animal to be grabbed by its front legs), or wound it, or throw s/t at it (as a bird trying to fly away) [MDL]

    ábong MA-, -AN to catch or aid s/o in catching an animal or bird by blocking its way or grasping it from the front; MAG-, PAG--AN to aid one another in catching an animal or bird in such a way (two people or many people helping each other) [MDL]
The animals themselves had their own strategies for avoiding capture. In areas where they had been hunted before, they would be wary and ready to run at the slightest sign of danger (tarhí'). Hunters also had to be careful not to place themselves in a position upwind from game (bungábong) so that their scent could easily be detected (sarungát). Once found and pursued by dogs, game would run, and where possible this would be to a body of water for protection (sugbó).
    tarhí' MA- or MAG- to be wary; to be ready to run (animals in a area where they have previously been hunted); also refers to humans who have previously been punished for s/t; MAKA- to put animals to flight; MA- to flee when spooked (animals) [MDL]

    bungábong MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place o/s upwind from game, allowing one's scent to be detected; MAKA-, MA--AN to reach game (a particular scent): Nabungabóngan na si ba'ól The wild game has caught the scent [MDL]

    sarungát MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to raise the head and flare the nostrils when catching the scent of s/t (a dog, another animal); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to catch the scent of s/t, reacting in this way; (fig-) Siminarungát na doy si kuyán That person has his nose up in the air (Meaning: That person is arrogant) [MDL]

    sugbó MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to run to a body of water for protection (such as deer when chased by dogs); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to run to a body of water for a particular reason ... [MDL]
Each of the central Philippine languages has a set of terms relating specifically to hunting. Those terms which were not referenced in the discussion above are listed in the endnote.[109]


8. DOGS
 
Filipinos at the turn of the sixteenth century hunted with dogs. Áyam is the term used in Bikol and the Visayan languages, while in Tagalog it refers to a dog that is not used in hunting. The general term for 'dog' in Tagalog and Kapampangan is aso.[110] Ído' meant 'puppy' in old Bikol, a term shared with Waray and Hiligaynon, although this has come to mean simply 'dog' in the modern language, a term it now shares with Cebuano.[111] Additionally, there were also specific Bikol terms which referred to dogs which were trained to hunt. These were langgán and gánib, this last term shared with Tagalog.[112]
    áyam dog; canine [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to hunt with dogs; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to hunt a particular type of game with dogs; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to take particular dogs on a hunt; PARA- a hunter who hunts with dogs; -ON referring to s/o with dog-like habits]

    ído' dog, canine [MDL: idó' puppy; MAG-, IPAG- to give birth to a litter of puppies]

    langgán a hunting dog; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to train a dog to hunt [MDL]

    ganíb alert, watchful; having sharp senses; on the prowl (animals) [MDL: a hunting dog; MA- or MAG- to develop into a hunting dog; (PAG-)-AN to be the owner of a hunting dog; (fig-) Si ganíb na táwo si kuyán sa panha'bón That person is a great thief; Si ganíb na táwo si kuyán sa pakibabáyi That fellow is a great womanizer]
Alcina describes the dogs in the Western Visayas, and by extension, possibly throughout much of the Philippines, as of just one species displaying a variety of colours. While Alcina mentions dogs with stripes somewhat like tigers or cats, Lisboa includes entries which describe dogs with a variety of distinctive markings.
    ba'áng dog (typ- with a yellow patch near the snout and paws) [MDL]

    burók dog (typ- with small, white and yellowish markings) [MDL]

    dayáng-dayáng dog (typ- with colorful spots or markings) [MDL]
Alcina describes the dogs as stout and short in stature, with the largest no more than 30-50 centimetres in height. Their ears were generally short and upright. They didn't bark, but howled (ángol). Lisboa has an entry describing dogs with floppy ears (lupíng), perhaps an exception and a reason for comment.[113]
    ángol MA- or MAG- to howl (dogs); MA, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to howl at s/o or s/t [MDL]

    lupíng floppy-eared (dogs); syn- kupíng [+MDL]
Alcina goes on to describe the selection of hunting dogs from a newly born litter. This is done when the pups are between six and eight days old and is accomplished by examining the teats of both the male and female puppies. These are counted, their size is noted and the distance between them is measured. From this information, it was possible to select those puppies which would turn out to be the best hunters. Noceda for Tagalog has a similar entry,[114] and in Bikol the teats also had a special role, and that was in foretelling the future (súso'). At some point in their development, Bicolanos could also determine a dogs hunting prowess by examining their teeth. Those which had teeth with a reddish stain were believed to be the best hunters (dalugo'án). The root word here is dugó' 'blood'.
    súso' breast, teat, udder; bust ... [+MDL: súso: kaitmánan nin súso the dark area surrounding the nipple; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to suckle milk; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to nurse, suckle (a child); MAPA- or MAGPA- to nurse a child (the mother); → MANG- to predict or foretell the future by looking at the teats of a dog; TAGÁMA- midwife; MAGTAGÁMA-, PAGTAGÁMA--AN to serve as a midwife to s/o; to deliver a baby for s/o]

    dalugo'án teeth (typ- of a dog, stained with a blood-red color); dogs with such teeth are said to be great hunters [MDL]
The puppies which were selected would receive special food and care. Encarnacion notes for Cebuano that the first solid food that was given to one of these dogs was accompanied by particular religious rites.[115] Training followed, teaching the dogs to run faster and be more agile.[116] Part of this training may have involved the addition of the root banggád to the animals food, a root which was believed to increase the dog's ability to track game. Noceda for Tagalog has entries for three different types of plants which were administered to hunting dogs for the same reason, the fruit bangar which was rubbed on their teeth to turn dogs into better hunters, and the herbs higar and langa-langa which were mixed with their food to embolden them on a hunt.[117]
    banggád root (typ- given by hunters to hunting dogs, said to increase their ability to track game); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to feed such a root to dogs [MDL]
Those puppies which were not chosen were abandoned and left to die. To control the number of puppies born, as well as the quality of the off-spring born to the females, some of the males were castrated (pákal) in what must have amounted to a selective breeding process.
    pákal boar (domestic); (fig-) a glutton, describing s/o who eats like a pig or horse [MDL: (PAG-)-ON to grow thin and weak (a boar or dog after being castrated as part of a selective breeding process); -ON: pakálon castrated boar or dog]
A rattan collar (tálang) was placed around the neck of pets, whether dogs or cats, with no indication for Bikol if these were used for a particular reason, such as marking a dog as a hunter. For Tagalog, however, Noceda does indicate that a special leather collar was used for hunting dogs.[118]
    tálang rattan collar placed around the neck of a dog or cat, a prisoner or robber, or worn when mourning; MAG- to wear a rattan collar; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to put on a rattan collar; MA-, -AN or MAG- PAG--AN to place a rattan collar on s/o or an animal; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to make a collar from rattan [MDL]
The care shown to hunting dogs extended throughout their lives. Alcina writes that Visayan women embraced and kissed these dogs, permitted them to sleep next to them and covered them with the same blankets. When it was time to go out on a hunt, the men carried them into the fields or forest so as not to tire them out. And when they were too old to hunt they were left to roam on their own. They were not killed. Great pride was taken in a dog's hunting prowess and the lower jawbone of wild boar and the antlers of captured deer were prominently displayed in a household for all visitors to see, and the number of kills was also frequently recounted.[119]

Dogs were used on most of the hunts that were undertaken, except when they involved areas of dense, tall grass (rantíg). While the dogs were probably still able to track a scent, passage for the animals must have proven just too difficult.
    rantíg dense, thick (grass); Da'í kitá nakakapagáyam dihán; rarantíg an gáho' We can't hunt with dogs there; the elephant grass is too thick [MDL]
When the dogs caught the scent of an animal, they would follow its tracks (hunggóy) with the hunters not far behind. This would be accompanied by a loud, excited howling as the dogs gradually closed in on their prey (amúlaw). Once discovered, the dogs could flush the prey out of their hiding place (ibát) enabling them to be caught (tukób).
    hunggóy MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to follow the trail or tracks of an animal; to follow the scent or blood of an animal; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to follow a trail or tracks in a particular area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to take s/t along when tracking an animal [MDL]

    amúlaw MAG-, -ON to disturb s/o; MANG- to be a disturbance [MDL: the howling of dogs in pursuit of game; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to howl while in pursuit of game (dogs); MAPA- to be on the scent or trail of game (dogs)]

    ibát MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to flush out game on a hunt (dogs) [MDL]

    tukób MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch live prey or game (a dog on a hunt, a cat); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to catch live game for s/o (a dog) [MDL]
There was communication between the hunter and his dogs, calling out to them (panglót) or inciting them to attack (híyan). The hunter worked together with his dogs, moving in once the prey had been caught and held in the dog's jaws,[120] coming to the rescue if the dog had been wounded by the tusks of a wild boar,[121] and sometimes arriving too late, finding the prey had broken free from the dog's grip[122] or that it had been eaten by the dog before his arrival.[123] A number of other terms relating to dogs and hunting can be found in the dictionaries of the central Philippine languages. Those which have not been referenced in the above discussion are included in the endnote here.[124]
    panglóy MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to call dogs in a loud voice [MDL]

    híyan sig, attack; said to a dog to get it to attack, usually repeated a number of times ... [MDL]

9. CONCLUSION
 
Hunting and trapping formed an integral part of the lives of Filipinos long before the arrival of the Spanish. Animals were hunted, not only for their meat, but for any number of other reasons. Where they posed a danger, crocodiles were removed so fish traps could be safely accessed and the rivers made secure for bathing. Where wild boar continually raided cultivated fields destroying crops, they were killed, and where birds daily descended on the ripening rice, their numbers, had to be restricted. Large numbers of rats and mice, nibbling on grain in the fields or in granaries, also had to be reduced to ensure the security of food supplies. But these weren't the sole reasons for setting out traps and nets.

Birds were not only trapped because they were a nuisance, but also because their caged presence was deemed pleasant to a household or community. Civet cats were captured only to be released once their valuable musk-like secretions, used to dress the hair and freshen the clothes, were collected, and wild buffalo were caught not only to be slaughtered, but to be tamed and trained for the cultivation of fields.

Commerce also played a part. Civet cats were, from early times, caught and caged for export to China. By the mid-seventeenth century their musk-like secretions were collected and shipped off to Spain via Mexico. Deer skins were in great demand in both China and Japan leading to extraordinary numbers of deer being captured and killed, threatening their very existence.

A large variety of traps and snares were used in the capture of birds and animals. There were those resembling crossbows fixed in position which would shoot darts or arrows of sharpened bamboo or iron into passing game, and others with a spring-like mechanism that would catch game in a baited noose, lifting them up to hang. And there were also the pits dug into the ground, lined with sharpened stakes, spikes or spears, waiting for passing wild buffalo, boar or deer.

Nets were constructed using the implements of weaving, taking care to create mesh of even squares, then dying the cordage black to avoid detection. These were set out in clearings to catch flying foxes as well as many of the same birds and animals caught by traps and snares.

The matchlock gun had some limited distribution in the Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century, and where this was used in hunting, it was used against larger game such as wild buffalo. Far more common were the weapons that could be manufactured locally: darts and blowguns, bows and arrows, and spears and lances. Handles could be made from local wood and spearheads and arrowheads from sharpened bamboo or iron. Heads containing barbs of varying numbers and sizes were also available, ensuring the weapon stayed in place once it had reached it target.

Hunters went out alone or with others, taking their hunting dogs with them. These were dogs that were specially chosen a week after birth by examining their teats. Those that were chosen received special care and affection from that moment to the end of their lives. They were held and petted, and allowed to sleep alongside their masters, sharing the same blanket.

The catch, whether captured by traps or snares, by nets, or by spears or arrows, was brought back to town by the hunters and shared. This was the expectation. Sharing ensured that the hunters, as well as those incapable of hunting, had something to eat, and guaranteed that those who had grown too old or feeble to hunt in the future, would always have some sustenance.


ENDNOTES

[1] 'Arquebus,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 12 March 2020); 'Matchlock,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 12 March 2020); 'Bedil,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 12 March 2020.

[2] Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario español - bisaya para las provincias de Sámar y Leyte, 3rd edition, aumentado por Antonio Valeriano, Manila: Santos y Bermal, 1914, see badil; Juan Feliz de la Encarnacion, Diccionario español - bisaya, Manila: Imprenta de los amigos del pais, á cargo de M. Sanchez, 1852, see badil; Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1754, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, reimpreso 1860, see baril; Alonso de Mentrida, Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya de la Isla de Panay, Manila: La Imprenta de D. Manuel y de Felix Dayot, 1841, see baril; Diego Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, en romance, 1732, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see baril.

[3] John Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, 2 vols., London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1852, see badil; William Marsden, A Dictionary of the Malayan language, London: Cox and Baylis, 1812, see bedil; R. O. Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, Singapore: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, n.d., see baril.

[4] Tamil Dictionary, see veṭi.

[5] H. Kern, 'Oorsprong van het Maleische Woord Bedil', Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, Volume 54: Issue 1, 1902, pp. 311-312.

[6] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see malilang, obat (in the index only); de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see malilang.

[7] Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, see ubat, badil; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see ubat bedil.

[8] 'Gunpowder,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 15 April 2020).

[9] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see saindhava.

[10] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sangyaua.

[11] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pong-lo; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ponglo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ponglo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see ponglo.

[12] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pisi; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see anugut.

[13] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pisi; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pisi; Bergaño, Pampanga, see pisi.

[14] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see coracora, pasang; Bergaño, Pampanga, see curacura.

[15] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see salabat; Hernando de los Rios Coronel, 'Memorial, y relacion para su magestad,' Madrid, 1621, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 19, pp. 183-288, p. 280-281.

[16] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sumpit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see siimpit, sungpit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see songpit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sumpit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sumpit.

[17] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gapasan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see gapasan.

[18] Diego de Bobadilla, S. J., 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands', 1640, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, pp. 277-312, p. 291.

[19] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sinambong.

[20] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see calo-ay, calaoay, hagod.

[21] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bosog; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bosog; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bosog; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bosog; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bayi.

[22] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pana; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pana; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pana; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pana; Bergaño, Pampanga, see pana.

[23] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see palaso.

[24] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sabac; Bergaño, Pampanga, see singit.

[25] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bongol; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sulpung; 'Arrowhead,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 20 April 2020).

[26] Bergaño, Pampanga, see betu, dit-ta, lasac, tayang; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see solpong.

[27] 'Alstonia scholaris - Dita Tree,' Ethnology.com (accessed 29 April 2020).

[28] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dita, abo ab; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bota, dita; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dita.

[29] 'Alstonia scholaris,' Useful Tropical Plants (accessed 5 May 2020); 'Dita,' Stuartxchange (accessed 5 May 2020; E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines: Their Preparation and Uses, Department of the Interior, Bureau of Forestry, Bulletin No. 14, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1916, pp. 202-204.

[30] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see talanga; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see talangan.

[31] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see binit, bolot, dumpil, giay, loyong, posor, salait, sima'; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see odyong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bingat, bocas, holac, olas, talabas; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see oryun; Bergaño, Pampanga, see binit, litid, pulad.

[32] Real Academia Española, Diccionario de la lengua española, 23. ed., versión 23.3, en línea, see arpón.

[33] Francisco Colin, S.J., 'Native Races and their Customs,' Madrid, 1663, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 37-98, p. 87.

[34] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calauit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see calauit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see calao-it.

[35] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sagor; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bugauin; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bahangan, lagoay.

[36] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tombac; Bergaño, Pampanga, see tumbac.

[37] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gayang, sibat, sinampacan, suligui, taliposo / tilaposo; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bancao, hagos, ipamono, sugob; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bancao, hagos, isi, lamay, sinampacan, sombiling, songgil; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bangcao, bolhog / bolog; Bergaño, Pampanga, see tumbac.

[38] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pamoga, panamit, pinagualohan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see binalo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lomanab, sinayac.

[39] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see panganuang, salait; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pangayam; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bodyac, pinalincod, simot, salait; Bergaño, Pampanga, see saláit, sima, tumbac.

[40] Bergaño, Pampanga, see pulu, lang-gangan; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tagdan, tininggaan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dugoc, duldug, ilhi; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see mangao, olongan, pooa.

[41] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pitara, tunao, uahing.

[42] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see rimot, piquit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see alimot, balicascs, pitala, limot.

[43] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see balongbalong, halotactac; Bergaño, Pampanga, see alutactac; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see isorolob.

[44] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see belantek; Kamus Dewan, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1994, see belantik; Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia, Tim Penyusun Kamus, Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1990, see belantik.

[45] William Allan Reed, Negritos of Zambales, Department of the Interior, Ethnological Survey Publications, Vol. ii, Part i, Manila, Bureau of Public Printing, 1904, pp 45-46.

[46] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see balatic.

[47] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see balatic; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balatic, daitol, lais, dangat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balatic, paquil, olub, sang-at.

[48] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lais; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see lais.

[49] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' Currents in Pacific Linguistics: Papers on Austronesian Languages and Ethnolinguistics in Honor of George W. Grace, ed. Robert Blust, Canberra: Pacific Linguistics C-117, 1991, p. 265-291, pp. 274-276.

[50] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see balais, paraig, pasolo; Bergaño, Pampanga, see balais.

[51] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gaoa, alogpit, ygpit, salipit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see gaua, alugpit, igpit, salipit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see alugpit.

[52] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see baoganan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see baoganan, baraogan, bauog.

[53] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bitic; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bitic.

[54] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hiyud; Bergaño, Pampanga, see cab-bius.

[55] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pain; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see paon; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see paon; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see paon; Bergaño, Pampanga, see apan.

[56] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see caya.

[57] Pedro Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' Roma, 1604, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 13, pp. 27-220, p. 89.

[58] Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' pp. 268-269.

[59] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see loong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see auang, bilaho, cadang cadang, hagnus, liong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gahong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bauug;

[60] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 188; Ignacio Francisco Alcina, History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, vol. 1 and vol. 2, translated, edited and annotated by Cantius J. Kobak and Lucio Gutiérrez, Manila: UST Publishing House, 2002, vol 2, Chapter 2, p. 37.

[61] Bergaño, Pampanga, see sulu.

[62] Hernando de los Rios Coronel, 'Memorial, y relacion para su magestad', in Blair and Robertson, vol. 19, p. 281.

[63] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see anuang, damolag; Bergaño, Pampanga, see damulag.

[64] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see carabao.

[65] 'Philippine Deer,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 25 June 2020); 'Visayan Spotted Deer,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 25 June 2020).

[66] Antonio de Morga, 'Report on Conditions in the Philippines,' June, 1578, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 10, pp. 75-102, p. 84.

[67] 'Description of the Philippine Islands,' Unsigned report, Manila, 1618, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 18, pp 93-106, p.98-99.

[68] 'Civet,' Britannica.com (accessed 25 June 20); de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 302.

[69] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see diris, musang; Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 5, p. 89; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see didis, iro; John U. Wolff,A Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan, Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines, 1971, see singgalung; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see didis, singgalong; Bergaño, Pampanga, see diris, musang.

[70] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 212.

[71] Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F., 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' Manila, October 21, 1589, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 73-98, p. 190.

[72] Juan Grau y Monfalcon, 'Informator y memorial addressed to the king,' Madrid, 1637, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 27, pp. 55-214, p. 198.

[73] de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded)', in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 184, 236.

[74] de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, p. 105.

[75] Hernando de los Rios Coronel, 'Memorial, y relacion para su magestad,' in Blair and Robertson, vol 19, p. 282; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol 29, p. 302.

[76] de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, p. 105.

[77] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 5, p. 89-91.

[78] de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' in Blair & Roberton, vol. 16, p. 93.

[79] 'Philippine Crocodile,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 5 July 2020).

[80] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 7, pp. 135-137.

[81] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 7, p. 135; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see andug.

[82] de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' in Blair & Robertson, vol. 16, p. 91.

[83] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapters 23-26, pp. 460-540.

[84] Juan Francisco de San Antonio, O.S.F., 'The native peoples and their customs' (from his Cronicas),' Manila, 1738, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 296-373, p. 360.

[85] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see panaclit.

[86] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see colong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see corongan, also see panggal, tangcal; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see colongan, also see tangcal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see colong, aso see tangcal; Bergaño, Pampanga, see culung.

[87] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see polot, also see lag-i; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see polot.

[88] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tina; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tina; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tina; Bergaño, Pampanga, see tina.

[89] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see cati; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see cati; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see cati; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see cati; Bergaño, Pampanga, see cati, also see calubcub.

[90] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 23, p. 477.

[91] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see libir, palipao, sanlong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see salapid.

[92] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 25, pp. 511-513.

[93] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bantay, bauigan, bisanlong, bitag, colocob, latay, mononoctoc, pana, panac, panat, panyapoc, palacao;, pansipit, sagar, silo, taguin talabing; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see alicopcop, atub, balolang, balaong, corag, cotay, gahit, gaua / cagauahan, laang, langub, lit-ag, loyloy, lugpit, padlong, palyang, pasabduc, patuctoc, pilpig, pulao, sabdoc / sapdoc / sapdu, saliang, salicobcob, siay, sinipong sin pisi, suay; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balobo, binta, bitoca, galao, hagad, ipit / ypit, laang, labay, lit-ag, logpit, soay, sagpinit, salicobcob, taclob, tocao, talocso; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see amihas, balang, binta, laang, langub, lit-ag, salicubcub, siay, suay; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bagcus, banglat, banlat, bicus, bitag, lipao, partai, saguilut, sanlong, silo, umang.

[94] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see hicquit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hocot; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hocot; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hucut.

[95] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bating; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see batong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see batong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see batung; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bating.

[96] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see baling; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calatao, labayan.

[97] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sinicquan, agpang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see adpang, sicohan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see adpang, sicohan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sicoan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sic-cuan.

[98] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see hayoma; Bergaño, Pampanga, see ayuma.

[99] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see puna; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pona; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pona.

[100] 'Bruguiera gymnorhiza,' Useful Tropical Plants (accessed 8 August 2020); E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines: Their Preparation and Uses, Department of the Interior, Bureau of Forestry, Bulletin No. 14, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1916, p. 180.

[101] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see locod.

[102] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see catcat, tugday; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see calang, taroctoc; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see cayáoan, lohaloha; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see cayauan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see catcat.

[103] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gotos, sobli; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bolho, lingcapas, podlos, soab, socab; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see losot.

[104] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pahimis, sinaya.

[105] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bugtong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bogtong; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bugtong.

[106] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 4, p. 75.

[107] Merito Espinas, 'The supernatural world of the ancient Bikols,' in Unitas, vol. 41, no. 2, 1968, pp. 181-191.

[108] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sumpa; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sumpa; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sompa; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sumpa; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sumpa.

[109] Noceda and de Sanlucar,
Tagala, see onog, salang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see anob, banua, gura, sab-o, sula, tigdakop; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balang, cagol, habong, hocas, lan-o, libo; sab-o, socob; Bergaño, Pampanga, see alas, lucluc, nio.

[110] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see ayam, aso; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ayam; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ayam; Bergaño, Pampanga, see aso.

[111] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ido; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see iro; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ido.

[112] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see ganib.

[113] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 4, p. 73-77.

[114] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see soso.

[115] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sicomol.

[116] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see halay, basbas; Bergaño, Pampanga, see anad.

[117] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bangar, higar, langalanga.

[118] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see balata.

[119] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 4, p. 75.

[120] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pangayam.

[121] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sibol.

[122] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see alingar.

[123] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see cagud.

[124] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see banagan, hacao, hasohaso, pangloy, tiac, tongar; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see osot; de la Encarnacion, see bogno, cagat, sogmac, tacoy; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see osoy, sica.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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