|
OVERVIEW Section 1 is a brief statement of the importance of fish in the diet of sixteenth century Filipinos, so important that it gave its name to the other sources of protein which were consumed. Section 2 touches on finding of the fish, how areas where fish existed in large numbers could be identified and where these areas tended to be. Spears are introduced in Section 3, their names and how the terminology may have differed across the central Philippine languages. Discussed also is their construction and how they were used both during the day and at night when burning torches provided light to attract fish through the gloom. In Section 4 is an examination of hook and line fishing, how hooks were made, how lines were protected from deterioration in sea water, and which materials served as fishing poles when they were needed. Discussed as well are the types of sinkers used to keep the hook beneath the water, and the floats which identified where the line had been placed. In confined areas, individuals could use their hands to catch fish, and this is the topic of Section 5. These areas were rice fields where one bay flowed into another, pools of water left behind when the rainy season came to an end, or water-fillled depressions left along the beach by the outgoing tide. Mentioned here as well are the types of fish which tended to be caught in this way and what happened to them during the dry season when the rice fields were left without water. Poisons are discussed in Section 6, what they were, where they could be obtained and how they affected the fish. While each of the poisons acted somewhat differently, and the overall effect depended on their concentration in the water and the age of the fish, they tended to act on the respiratory system, more stunning fish than killing them. Included in this section is a brief discussion of an algal bloom and what happens to fish in these areas and to those eating them. Section 7 is an examination of baskets and traps and how they were used in the catching of fish. These were woven from rattan or a variety of vines and reeds that could serve the purpose. Mentioned as well are the techniques used to attract fish toward the traps. Of all of the ways for catching fish in the Philippines, the use of corrals was clearly of main importance. Section 8 looks in detail at some of these corrals, their construction and component parts, as well as their locations. The largest were set up along the shore line where the difference between the high and low tide was the greatest, and they extended from the high water mark to the lowest point at the water's edge. These elaborate constructions were built just once a year in places where fish were known to spawn or to congregate to escape rough seas or large predators. Nets are presented and discussed in Section 9. There was a great variety of nets, most of which are still used. Casting and seine nets were the most common types in use with some of them involving superstitions about when a new net could be talked about and what should happen to the first catch. This section also touches on the weaving of nets and the instruments used in this process. Section 10 is the cleaning of fish in preparation for eating or for preserving, removing the scales, fins and entrails. The discussion mentions the fish with poisonous spines that had to be removed carefully and gently or risk a scratch and excruciating pain. Ending the chapter is Section 11 which touches on consumption, the eating of fish fresh from the nets or corrals of fishermen who sold on their excess catch. Mentioned are some of the dishes which existed then and are are still commonly eaten now. When fish could not be eaten fresh they were preserved by salting, drying or smoking, or a combination of these methods. This is the discussion which ends the section and the chapter.
Fish (sirá') were one of the main sources of protein in the Philippines, both those of the open seas and the inland lakes and rivers. So important were they in the Bikol region that they gave their name to the main food eaten with rice along with young shoots and leaves (úlam) and supplementary vegetables (bángot). Tagalog and the Visayan languages share the term isda for 'fish', cognate with the Bikol, while in Kapampangan it is asan. A verbal form of this root has a wider meaning, referring, as in Bikol to the eating of meat as well as fish. The meaning of úlam is also shared with Tagalog and Kapampangan, while in Cebuano and Hiligaynon it carries a substantially different meaning.[1]
sirá' referring to anything eaten with rice; main course, viand; MAG-, I- to eat s/t with rice; to use a particular food for the main course; MAG-, -AN to eat rice with the main course; I- or PANG-: isisirá' or panirá' anything eaten with rice; the main dishes; viands [+MDL: referring to anything eaten with rice or bread; Íyaw an sirá' sa dágat; íyaw an sirá' sa gugón This is the fish of the sea and this is the fish of the cogon grass (Said to distinguish between fish and other types of meat eaten with rice); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to eat fish or meat with rice; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to accompany rice with a main course of fish, meat] úlam young shoots or leaves of particular plants eaten with rice together with other courses of a meal; MAG- to eat such shoots or leaves; MAG-, I- to serve s/t as the úlam; MAG-, -AN to eat s/t with the úlam [MDL: shoots and young leaves of the pútat tree, Barringtonia racemosa, which are eaten with fish; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to eat these leaves with fish; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to eat fish with these leaves; (fig-) Minaúlam si kuyán That person is looking like young leaves (Said when older people dress or adorn themselves like s/o younger) bángot fish or meat added to vegetables to provide additional flavoring; MAG-, I- to add meat or fish; MAG-, -AN to add meat or fish to vegetables [MDL: green vegetables added to meat or fish when cooking; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to mix meat or fish with green vegetables; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to add green vegetables as the last ingredient to cooking food]
Bikol fishermen knew the optimum time for catching fish, for the construction of corrals and the setting of nets (see Sections 8 and 9). They also knew their fish species and when the best time was to catch them. For the grouper (ábo, Epinephelus undulosus) this was at the start of the rainy season (gáwad-gáwad) when the fish began to reappear in the waters to spawn (pigá). They knew, as well, where various fish would feed, along the water's edge and the margins of rocks (abú'ab) and where to find those that burrowed into the banks of rivers and streams (gúngon).
gáwad-gáwad MA- or MAG- to approach (the rainy season, referring to the time the grouper fish appear and begin to spawn); (PAG-)-ON to change (the weather as this season approaches); (PAG-)-AN: (pag)gawád-gawáran to be affected by this change (an area of land) [MDL] pigá roe, fish eggs; spawn; -AN a fish with roe [+MDL: MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to lay eggs (fish); Kapanikáng buláwan iní, garó na ing pigá This is very fine gold, just like fish roe (Said when gold is of the highest quality)] abú'ab MANG-, PANG--AN to come to the water's edge or to the fringes of rocks to feed or in search of food (fish); MANG-, PANG--ON to come to the water's edge to feed on s/t [MDL] gúngon burrow-like holes made by fish in the banks of rivers or canals; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish at those holes [MDL]
pútok-pútok used to describe a school of fish where the heads poke out above the water: Pútok-pútok na iníng sirá' digdí sa lalamón The heads of the school of fish are poking out here among the sea grass [MDL] gibsáw ... [MDL: MA- referring to a great many fish that break the surface of the water; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to break the surface of the water (fish); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to come up to the surface of the water to feed on s/t (fish); (fig-) Garó naggibsáw an siminisingíl ki kuyán It's like the debt collectors are all feeding at that person's house]
salóng the ripples created when a fish swims with part of its body breaking the surface of the water; MA- or MAG- to form (such ripples) [MDL] rusóp-rusóp the sound of many fish moving, jumping and diving together in the water; MA- or MAG- to make this sound; Rusóp-rusóp na iníng sirá' These fish are noisily moving about together [MDL]
A variety of spears was used in fishing. All of the central Philippine languages, located in areas with populations having access to either the coast, or to lakes and rivers, had terms for this type of implement. Some of the same terms are found in each of these languages, although it is uncertain if they referred to an identical type of implement. Indeed, at times it is clear that differences existed. Other names appeared singly, or in just a few of the languages. Spears were also used in hunting and combat (see Chapter 1, 'War and Conflict,' Section 1), and Chapter 17, 'Hunting and Trapping,' Section 4), and there were occasions when distinguishing this usage from fishing was not always easy. Complicating matters even further was the Spanish use of 'harpoon' to refer to both land-based and water-based weapons. I have, however, tried to choose those spears which clearly referred only to fishing, although more general terms referring to how the spears were used as well as their component parts have a wider reference. The páray and búlos were two spears used in Bikol. As part of the entry for páray is the inflected form pinaparáyan referring to the fish caught with such a spear. This practice of associating the fish caught with a particular implement with the name of the implement itself is a pattern found throughout the central Philippine languages, particularly noticeable with reference to specific types of nets, traps and corrals. It is doubtful that the fish referred to come from one particular species, but that the implement used was suitable for catching particular species of fish. The fishing spear, búlos, also appears in the dictionaries for Tagalog and Waray, with the additional information coming from Waray indicating that it had two barbs, a description possibly applicable to both Tagalog and Bikol.[3]
búlos harpoon; fish spear; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spear fish [MDL]
singpí' wing of a harpoon or spear (generally placed behind the blade and used to limit penetration); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make such a wing; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to construct such a wing on a harpoon or spear [MDL]
tugdá' MAG-, -ON or MAG-, I- to hurl or fling s/t (as a spear) [+MDL: MA-, -I or MAG-, IPAG- to throw a spear, lance, harpoon or similar item with force; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to spear or harpoon s/t; KA--AN the place where a spear, lance or harpoon strikes]
sagód MA- or MAG- to become enmeshed, entangled (the shaft of a harpoon or spear (kaláwit) with its attached rope after it has hit its prey); MA-, -AN: sagorán or MAG-, PAG- -AN: pagsagorán to become enmeshed, entangled in s/t [MDL] kalawít harpoon, spear or lance (typ- possessing two barbs, used in hunting or in combat); MA- or MAG- to use such a weapon; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to injure or spear s/t or s/o with such a weapon [MDL]
sangkílaw a square of woven bamboo or reeds placed around one side of a torch so that the person using it is not affected by glare when fishing at night [MDL] [+MDL 1865: an oil lamp] A light source was not necessarily required when fishing at night. The Cebuano entry, ganta'aw, described a spear fisherman moving slowly in a boat, balóto, propelled by a single pole, searching out fish which sheltered in the shadows of submerged rocks with no additional light needed.[11] The Tagalog, tinggar, described what undoubtedly referred to the bioluminescence of fish, that is fish affected by the particular types of bacteria which caused them to glow in the dark when moving. What the Spanish entry defined as resplandor del agua salada clearly made these fish a moving target.[12]
Of the various methods of fishing, the bamboo fishing pole was in common use for the catching of single fish. For Bikol this was the digawnán and the modern variant ligawnán. These are complex, closely related entries showing the suffix -nan. This suffix, as well as the putative roots, digáw and ligáw, have no independent meanings in Bikol. The suffix also appears in the Tagalog, baliwasnan, along with the alternate, baliwasan, referring as well to a bamboo fishing pole. This alternation appears at least one more time in Tagalog: cama, referring to the tying together of two pieces of string. If -nan is an alternate for -an, then the meaning shared would be to indicate place or the location of particular actions or attributes.
gatbó tiger grass (typ- Thysanolaena latifolia, a clumping grass with leaves resembling bamboo or sugarcane) [MDL] kawíl a type of fishing tackle in which a hook and line is attached to the mid-rib of a sugarcane leaf, tukádag, or the leaf of the tiger grass, gatbó, and used for fishing in streams and rice fields, referred to as tá'an in downstream towns; also refers to such a hook and line left suspended in a river to catch fish when no one is present; MANG-, PANG--ON to move through an area catching fish in such a way [MDL]
hagusúhos the sound made by a fishing line rubbing against the side of a boat when it is pulled by a fish: Hagusúhos na pakaraháy si hapón The fishing lines are really rubbing against the boat [MDL] Fishhooks came in various sizes and were referred to by names which varied with their size. For Bikol the small fishhook was banwít, a term now referring to fishhooks in general, a medium size hook was tagá' and a large hook, takdóg. The small barb or point on a fishhook was síma' a term now generalised to include the barb on arrowheads. A number of these terms also appear in the other central Philippine languages carrying similar meaning. Tagá refers to hooks in general in Tagalog and Cebuano, and possibly Waray and Hiligaynon where the definitions do not make this clear. In Kapampangan it is a large hook. Banwít with its cognates binwit in Tagalog and Waray and bunwit in Hiligaynon, along with the Hiligaynon alternate, bunit, the only form in Cebuano, also refers for the most part, to small hooks. Waray, however, makes no mention of size, and the term does not appear in Kapampangan. As for síma, only Cebuano mentions its relevance to hooks. More generally reference is to the barb on spears, lances and arrowheads.[23]
tagá' fishhook (typ- medium, used at the end of a fishing line) [+MDL] takdóg fishhook (typ- large) [MDL] síma' barb of a fishhook or arrowhead; MAG-, -AN to form or place a barb on s/t [MDL: the small barb at the end of a fishhook MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to form a point or barb at the end of a fishhook] The fishhook is prepared by bending wire, steel or another metal into shape, bitók, proceeding carefully enough so it does not break at the point of the bend, bungló'.[28] This is then attached to a wire approximately 85 cm in length, káwad, which is then tied with a special knot, taló', to the fishing line.
bungló' MA- to break (a fishhook at the point where it is bent); MA--AN to have one's fishhook break in this way [MDL] káwad wire about 85 cm in length, to which a fishhook is tied; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to thread such a wire through a fishhook; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to lace a fishhook with such a wire [MDL] taló' the knot used to tie a fishing hook to a fishing line; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to tie a fishing hook to a line; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to tie a fishing line around a hook [MDL] As with Bikol, most of the central Philippine languages have specific terms referring to the bending of fishhooks into shape, and the possibility of their subsequent breaking.[32] Cebuano and Hiligaynon also refer to the unbending of fishhooks to restore their original shape.[33] Where metal hooks were not available, alternatives were sought. The Kapampangan entry pabatkal, refers to coiled rattan which was used as a replacement, the root word here, batkal, referring literally to 'stopping something in its tracks'.[34] A fishing line with a hook attached would normally be caught in the current when dropped into the water, its position changing in unpredictable ways. To keep this from happening, a sinker would be added to the line, generally near the point where the hook is attached. This, if used in addition to a float, ga'án, attached higher up on the line and remaining on the surface, would keep the line nearly vertical in the water. A sinker, with its additional weight, would also make the line easier to cast further out into the water. No matter how careful a fisherman was, there would be times when the hook, dragged along the bottom of a river, lake or the ocean floor, would snag on something and be caught (sangót), causing difficulties in its retrieval.[35] The term, ga'án, with reference to a tree and the wood produced, may be a singularly Bikol association. It is probably a term borrowed from Tagalog where the meaning of ga'án is simply 'light in weight', which in Bikol is the cognate, gi'án. The tree identified is possibly Erythrina indica, one of a number of trees producing a light wood used for buoys and floats. Also used for floats were hollowed bamboo tubes, referred to in Tagalog as tumbok.[36]
sangót MA-, MA--AN to catch on s/t; to get hooked on s/t (as clothes when walking through an area of dense growth; a fishhook dragging along the bottom of a body of water) [MDL]
lúnod MAG-, -ON to sink s/t; to scuttle, capsize, submerge or overturn s/t; MAKA-, MA- to sink, capsize, overturn; to get sunk, capsized, overturned [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to sink (as metal, a stone); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to flood a boat, causing it to sink; MA- to sink (a boat and those on board); MAPA-, PA--ON to sink s/t; KA--AN: kalundán west (the direction where the sun appears to sink into the sea)] agdón a weight (for clocks, added to s/t to make it sink); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to add a weight; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place a weight on s/t [MDL] agód MAG-, -ON to haul or lug s/t; to struggle to lift or carry s/t; usually MAKA-, MA-: Naagód ko an káhoy na iyán I hauled that log or I could lift and carry that log [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to try to see if one can lift s/t; MA-, -AN: agorán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagagorán to try to lift s/t from a particular place] Before the fishing line is dropped into the water, the hook would be baited (pá'on). The fish, when attracted to the bait, would start to nibble (subád), causing the line to slightly jerk (tu'tó') if the nibbling is gentle, or, if harder, a more substantial pull (súrok).
subád MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to bite or nibble the bait on a hook (fish); to eat s/t in the water (fish); MA-, -AN: subarán or MAG-, PAG- -AN: pagsubarán to pull at s/o's line (fish nibbling at the bait) [MDL] tu'tó' referring to the slight jerk on a fishing line when a fish begins to nibble; MAG-, -ON to nibble at a fishhook; to pull on a fishing line when first starting to bite (fish) [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to nibble at a fishhook] súrok MA- or MAG- to pull at the line when nibbling at the bait (a fish); MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to pull the hook (a fish when taking the bait) [MDL]
bikyáw MAG-, -ON to pull back on a fishing rod in order to hook a fish; bikyáw na paglakáw describing a way of walking in which the feet are lifted in such a way as to approximate the movement of a fishing rod or pole being pulled back [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to pull back on a bamboo fishing rod when a fish bites]
The Spanish commented not only on the abundance of fish in the Philippines,[42] but aslo on the skill of the local inhabitants in catching them, remarking on their ability to do so by just using their hands.[43] The hands were used to feel for fish in the mud of rice fields or in other areas covered by a limited amount of water (gumá', labóg). These could be the remaining pools or puddles when fields had dried out (palpág) or ponds developed specifically for the raising of fish (lúwak). Fish that remained hidden, could inadvertently give their position away by wiggling in the mud (kibót-kibót). In Tagalog and Kapampangan, labóg refers to cloudy or murky water with Tagalog entries also referring to fishing in such waters.[44]
labóg or MAG-, -ON to catch fish in the mud, fields or streams using only the hands [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish with the hands in rivers and flooded fields; (fig-) Pinalabóg na kitá kainíng mga fiscal We have been caught by the law-enforcement officers (Implying: They do not leave us alone)] palpág small pools or puddles of water left in otherwise dry fields; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to hide in the mud or pools of water left in drying fields (fish); MANG-, PANG--ON to catch fish in such pools or puddles [MDL] lúwak fishpond; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make such ponds or pools for raising fish; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to make such ponds in a particular area [MDL] kibót-kibót ... [MDL: MAG- to move or wiggle about (fish in mud when there is little water, or when they have been speared) [MDL]
hamág MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish in small ponds using only the hands (a derogatory term used to describe s/o who does such a job badly, having to make many attempts before succeeding); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to search for fish in this way in a particular area; Harí nindó paghamagá, dakól an malilihísan ta Don't mess around when trying to catch fish with the hands; many will get away from us [MDL] sarúsod MAG-, -ON to move forward while sitting in shallow water, drawing fish into the V-shape formed by the outstretched legs; var- surúsod It was, in general, far easier to catch fish in areas with little or shallow water, and if fish didn't swim into such an area on their own (dalnáy) then they could be chased there (sunsón). Fish could also be attracted by sound, making them easier to catch . This was achieved by shaking stones or bits of pottery in the hands underwater, or by shaking a string of coconut shells (gugó'). The Tagalog and Waray entries indicate that the noise made by a string of coconut shells shaken underwater could attract fish to the side of a boat.[46]
sunsón MAG-, -ON to chase fish toward shallow water where they can more easily be caught [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish after chasing them into shallower water] gugó' MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make a sound by shaking s/t such as small stones or bits of china together in the closed hands; to shake a string of coconut shells underwater, making a sound which confuses fish, enabling them to be more easily caught [MDL]
huthót dried grass or rice straw, used to block the channels used by fish in rice fields so they will congregate and be easier to catch; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use dried grass, rice straw for this purpose; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to catch fish in this way; to block the channels used by fish in rice fields with such straw [MDL] purák ... [MDL: MA- or MAG- to spill over or splash out (water when channelled into a narrower area to catch the fish fingerlings called piyák when they head off in different directions trying to escape); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to spill over onto s/t] lalamón fishing holes; ponds or pools in rice fields where one usually fishes; reed-covered inlets or streams where fish are usually caught in traps or corrals (tambóng) [MDL] lámon seagrass (typ- eel grass, Enhalus acoroides, which grows under the water in inlets and streams); KA--AN an area containing a lot of this type of grass [MDL]
gúnaw MAG-, -AN to agitate shallow water for the purpose of chasing fish from their hiding places limás MAG-, -ON to bail out water; to drain water; MAG-, -AN to bail out (as a boat); to drain water from (as a bathtub); to remove the water from a dammed off area for the purpose of catching fish
atás fish (typ-, climbing perch, Anabas testudineus, living in rice fields, referred to in this way when medium sized; when small they are called turubóg and when large aro'án) [MDL] runtáw MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to appear on the surface of the water (fish such as atás); (fig-) Nagruntáw ka na lámang You're just standing there [MDL] The term salakát describes the season when the puyó come out of the soil in the rice fields where they have remained during the dry season to move to the higher ground of the embankments and bunds to spawn when the rains return. At this time they are vulnerable and easy to catch. While the villages believed that the fish remained in the soil of the rice fields through the dry season, this is questionable (also see Section 7). The climbing perch is popularly known as the 'walking fish' due to its ability to wiggle or crawl along wet ground and remain out of water for six to ten hours. It is likely that these fish move to a nearby river or stream when the rainy season ends, and then return to the rice fields when it again starts to rain.[49]
salakát MA- or MAG- to come out of the soil of rice fields, moving to the higher and drier ground of the embankments to spawn (the fish, puyó, following the first heavy rains at the end of the dry season); MANG-, PANG--ON to catch fish which have come out to spawn following the first rains; -AN: sinalakátan fish caught in this way [MDL]
Early civilisations on all the inhabited continents discovered and used strikingly similar plants to stun or kill fish as an aid in their capture. The stems, seeds, leaves, roots and bark of the plants could all be used to obtain the requisite poison. These, when crushed or pounded, would release a toxin when added to the water which acted on the respiratory system of the fish. The more confined the area of water, the greater the effect, leading first to the stupefying of the fish and then, possibly, to their death.[50] The Malay fishermen of what is now Malaysia, would pound the root of the Derris elliptica vine mixing this with water in a large, receptacle, sometimes a half-filled canoe, then tipping this out into the upper part of a river or stream where the flow had been restricted by a barrier. The fish, sensing the presence of the poison (in Bikol pásaw), would swim downstream away from the poison to a second barrier where fishermen would be waiting to spear or club them. This second barrier sometimes contained small openings through which the young fish could escape, enabling them to grow to maturity.[51]
Each of these poisons acted differently with some having an almost immediate effect, and others needing some hours or days before any effect was observable. It was uncommon for the poisons to cause death. They generally only stunned or stupefied the fish. Fish affected in this way would have to be collected quickly before they recovered, particularly if they drifted into water with a lesser concentration of toxins.[53] It was clear that younger fish succumb to these poisons far faster than those that were older and more mature, but there is no evidence that any one particular species was more susceptible.[54] Consumption of fish killed by most of these poisons did not seem to have a deleterious effect on those eating them.[55] There was a reason for this. The two primary chemicals found in plants which have the ability to stun or kill fish are saponins and rotenones. Saponins enter the bloodstream of fish directly when they are taken in through the gills. They breakdown the red blood cells and spread quickly, affecting only the respiratory organs of the fish. Rotenones affect the gill filaments of fish, reducing their ability to take in oxygen. Tublag in Cebuano refers to this inability of fish to breathe properly when affected by these toxins.[56] There were, however, exceptions. Fish killed with the berries of the vine Anamirta cocculus, (in the Visayan languages, lagtang),[57]] were known to transfer this poison to those eating the fish. In general, however, great care was taken in cleaning fish killed by poison, removing and discarding all the entrails, ensuring the fish was safe to eat.[58] Far more dangerous were those fish which were contaminated with a ciguatera toxin caused by the eating of toxic algae. Smaller herbivorous fish which fed on such algae were later consumed by larger carnivorous fish. The toxin became more concentrated as it moved up the food chain until it was eaten by those catching the fish. It was a toxin that was not eliminated by cooking, and while rarely causing death, led to unpleasant initial symptoms such as nausea, vomiting and diarrhea, possibly followed by more neurological symptoms such as headaches, numbness of the mouth and lips, and vertigo. The Waray entry, antong, specifically mentions this poisoning. As for Bikol, the area of an algal bloom is rungarí, and exposure can cause the death of fish, and irritations on the skin of those moving through the water. The 1865 edition of the Lisboa dictionary specifically mentions sickness caused by the eating of fish which had consumed the algae. Far less specific is the Bikol bálos referring to marks which appear on the body after the eating of unusual fish which are not commonly seen or caught. An identical entry refers to illness cause by an evil spell or charm.[59]
bálos marks which are said to appear on the body after eating a particular species of rare ocean fish; MA- to appear (such marks) [MDL] bálos MAKA- to cause s/o to fall ill (a witch or sorcerer); MA- to fall ill due to the influence of a witch or sorcerer; -AN a witch, sorcerer [MDL] The Report of the Philippine Commission to the President of the United States describes the use of makasla by the Tagbanuas of the Calamianes Islands to the north of Palawan. Here a mixture is created using the fruit of the bush referred to as makasla, pounded together with a tuber called carote, the leaves and fruit of the cayenne pepper and parts of two other vegetables. To this is added ashes and soil. The mixture is then left to ferment overnight in a wooden trough covered with banana leaves. The fermented mixture is then placed into wicker baskets and distributed among the group of people who will be fishing. These people walk out into the sea as the tide begins to ebb, place the baskets in the water and move them about until the toxic mixture is dislodged. The group then walk back toward the shore as the water continues to recede and the fish become affected by the poison. The smaller fish are collected as they float to the surface or sink to the bottom, while the larger fish are disabled when struck by a knife or club. Eventually the poison wears off and the fish that are not caught recover, with only the very smallest of them dying.[62]
tublí' a climbing vine (typ- Derris elliptica, possessing roots which produce a substance useful in treating sores or wounds, or in poisoning fish) [+MDL: ) MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to kill fish with the extract from this plant's roots; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use this root for treating sores, poisoning fish; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to poison an area of water with this root]
bugtóng fruit (typ- of the pútat tree) [MDL]
Baskets were used both for the storage and holding of fish and for their collection and capture. For this second purpose they served primarily as traps, discussed in more detail below. While the terminology for many of the baskets was the same across most of the central Philippine languages, their function often differed. For some languages reference was to the storage of fish and for others to their capture.[67] For modern Bikol the sildók is described as a basket of rattan or bamboo used for fish, although the Lisboa dictionary makes no mention of this particular usage in old Bikol. The balugbógan, however, was used specifically for holding fish while in the process of fishing.
balugbógan basket (typ- small with a tapering neck, used for storing fish while fishing) [MDL] All of the central Philippine languages have the bangkat. In Cebuano it is described simply as an ordinary basket of rattan or bamboo. For Bikol and Waray it is used for the transporting of unhusked rice. Fishing is first mentioned in Hiligaynon where it is a basket with a net-like weave of rattan or bamboo used for storing fish as they are removed from the fish corral, punot (see Section 8). For Tagalog and Kapampangan it is a fish trap placed in narrow waterways. In both of these languages, the trap is defined in Spanish as a garlito. If we follow this reference further in the Diccionario de la lengua española a second reference is made to the trap, buitrón. From this we come away with two possible descriptions. One is of a cone-shaped basket with a net fastened across the front and tapering loosly inside. Once a fish has swum through the mesh of the net into the interior of the basket it is trapped, unable to swim out again. A second possible description is of two cone-shaped baskets, an exterior larger basket with a smaller one inside, the smaller one open at the back. Again, once a fish has swum trough the opening at the back of the smaller, inner basket into the larger one, it is unable to swim out again.[69]
The meaning of taklob which is found across the three languages is 'to cover something' or 'to place something over'. In Cebuano it can be a basket made from any material capable of being woven, such as bamboo, vines or leaves. It is placed over a fish when it is sighted, trapping it beneath. In Hiligaynon it is the bottom half of a cut basket with a wide bottom which is used to trap fish in lakes and areas where the water-flow is restricted and visibility is obstructed due to silting or surface vegetation. In Waray, reference is to a narrow net in the shape of a sack which is placed over openings or holes in the river or lake bed where one suspects fish are hiding.[71] Bikol also has the term taklób which similarly carries the meaning of placing something over something else, in this case a net placed over poles driven into the riverbed to catch the fish congregating beneath (see tanóm, Section 8). The only possible root form from within Bikol would have to be kulu'ób which refers to the placing of a cover over something, objects varying from plates to a boats. The relationship between a possible underlying root of the form lu'ób in Bikol and a shared underlying root of the same form in the Visayan languages would be hard to prove given their distinctive meanings.
kulu'ób covering (as for a plate, a boat); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to cover a plate, boat; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t as a covering; also see lu'ób [MDL] We now come to those baskets which served primarily as fish traps. The búbo in Bikol is a long, narrow basket-like fish trap woven from rattan and used for catching fish and prawns. Modern Bikol indicates it is used in rivers. Lisboa does not restrict the entry to only this area, and judging from definitions in the other central Philippine languages, it probably was used in both in rivers and the open sea. Both Tagalog and Kapampangan simply define búbo as a trap for catching fish. Hiligaynon adds that for the Western Visayas it was in the form of a buitrón, (see above), that is, a nest of two elongated cone-shaped baskets, and in Cebuano the definition covers its use in both the ocean and rivers. A more inclusive definition is given for Waray where it is described as a basket of woven bamboo or rattan, with a narrow-enough mesh so that the fish are unable to escape once they enter. When it is placed in a river or the sea, stones are placed along the edges so that it sinks to the bottom. Attached to it as well is a line with a float at the end so that its location can be found when it is time to return for the catch. In the Tagalog region similar traps are baited with meat and the line which attaches the float to the trap is a long series of split rattan strips. When it comes time to raise the trap, a quick jerk on the line causes the stones to dislodge making the trap easier to raise to the surface.[74]
As for the dalag, villages tended to believe that the fish, sensing the end of the rainy season and the start of the dry, would bury themselves in the mud of the rice fields, like the atás or 'climbing perch' (see Section 5), to reemerge when the rains again began to fall. Alternately, it is also probable, perhaps more so, that the fish, were able to move across shallow water, and even damp grass, at the approach of the dry season to streams where they spent the months without rain. They were then reintroduced to the rice fields from the irrigation canals drawing on the water in the streams.[76]
agkáyan a hoop or ring of rattan forming the opening of the fish trap called salakáb; (PAG-)-AN to be constructed with such a ring (the salakáb); I(PAG)- to be used for such a hoop or ring (rattan) [MDL] gáraw pointed sticks located inside the entrance to fish traps which keep the fish from swimming out once inside; also: the ward of a lock or keyhole (the projecting ridge which prevents the turning of a key other than the proper one); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such a guard on traps, locks; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use s/t for such a guard [MDL]
rupók-rupók a crunching sound; MAG- to make this sound; to crunch [MDL: the sound made by the split bamboo rod, called takdóng, when striking the water to drive fish into the trap called salakáb; sound of bamboo breaking in a strong wind; MA- or MAG- to make this sound] buró'-buró' small bubbles which appear on the surface of the water (such as that caused by fish diving deeper into the water, as when being driven into the trap called salakáb); MA- or MAG- to rise to the surface (bubbles); to blow bubbles beneath the water (as children exhaling or trying to talk when playing in the water); (PAG-)-AN to show signs of such bubbles (the surface of the water) [MDL] dumágat MA- or MAG- to fish at night using the fish trap called salakáb; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish using such a trap [MDL]
sagád a series of fish traps (pugád) placed close together in a field; MA-, -AN: sagarán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagsagarán to set out such fish traps in a field; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish in these traps [MDL] kiríkid MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to attach the trap called pugád to a pole or other object serving to anchor it in place; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to attach rattan to a púgad [MDL]
si'íd fish trap (typ- small, heart-shaped, made of matted bamboo and used to catch the freshwater catfish called híto'; MAG-, -ON to trap catfish with such a trap
áwong MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place o/s in front of another, cutting out the light; to place o/s too near a trap, frightening off game, fish: Harí akó pagawóngi Don't cut off my light or Get out from in front of me [MDL]
The use or corrals was the most widespread method of catching fish in the Philippines.[80] These could be seen in great numbers along the coast in areas where the shallows would periodically be inundated by the high tide, and then left relatively dry when the the tide went out. For the Tagalog region some of these corrals were made so the their walls would be fully submerged at the high tide with the fish coming in over the top. More commonly the walls of other corrals always remained above water with the fish channelled into the trap by a long barrier or enclosure, as in the detailed description by Alcina for the Visayas below. There was also a corral where the barrier or long enclosure led from the low water mark on the beach to the corral which was set in relatively deep water. This long enclosure ended in a larger, rounded enclosure where the fish were gathered. The opening to this was lined with sharpened bamboo stakes which pointed inward and stopped the fish from escaping once they had entered. From this enclosure the fish were either speared or scooped out with nets.[81] The corral referred to by Alcina in his description of the Visayas is called paraan, a complex structure which is set up only once a year. It is set out on beaches where the difference between high and low tide is great, exposing the beach almost completely when the tide is low, and covering it fully when the tide is high. It is constructed at a time when fish have shown themselves to be most abundant in that area, coming down from the river systems to the sea, congregating near the beaches to spawn or take shelter from larger predators, or to escape storms which form further out at sea. A lattice-like mat of thick bamboo is prepared beforehand with a mesh open just wide enough for a finger to pass through. This is divided into sections and baked in the sun to make it more resistant to salt water. These are then folded or rolled up until ready for use. When the corral is ready to be set up, thick poles about 20-30 centimetres in circumference and 3-4 metres in length are driven into the mud or sand at the low water mark until they are firmly anchored, generally to a depth of one half to one metre. These poles are placed in particular arrangements to suit their location, round or square, large or small. This section is referred to as ligaw. At one end of the ligaw is constructed another section called karitan, the section in which the fish will ultimately be gathered. To the walls of this enclosure are strapped the lattice like mats of bamboo which were previously prepared. The karitan includes a narrower section so that the fish are unable to move freely and therefore obtain enough momentum to break through the bamboo mesh which encloses them. There is also a flap-like half door through which the fish enter but cannot leave once inside. Leading from the ligaw and almost reaching the high water mark on the beach is a long, narrow enclosure, almost like a pathway, called habong. This can be of considerable length, with measurements of 175-250 metres recorded. At the top end of the habong it is also possible to place one or two wing-like barricades which guide the fish into the corral, reducing the chances of them being drawn by the outgoing tide into the open sea. Alcina does not give a term for this, although in Samar the two possibilities mentioned in the Sánchez de la Rosa dictionary are bira and punot.[82] The walls of the ligaw, habong and the wing-like barricades are also lined.[83] The Report of the Philippine Commission describing the corrals in the Tagalog region indicates that the lining was lengths of split bamboo, tied together with rattan and made in such a way that they could be detached from the poles that anchor them, rolled up and transported to a new location for use. This would be particularly useful for the second type of corral described by Alcina, the bunoan.[84] Possible English terms which can be applied to the habong, ligaw, and karitan are, respectively 'leader', 'playground' and 'bunt'.[85] The bunoan is smaller and more portable than the paraan. It is set up for three or four days on the occurrence of the high tide in a place where the fish are known to feed. As the tide goes out, the fish become trapped and are netted or speared before they have chance to escape. Hiligaynon has specific terms for fishing at this time of day; nanalinaga for fishing at the outgoing tide in the morning, and nanaghinapon for fishing at the outgoing tide in the afternoon. The Tagalog sabo also identifies the period of the rising or falling tide as the time fish gather to feed and an optimum time for fishing.[86] The corral is dismantled and moved once the fish become aware of its purpose and quickly find areas elsewhere to feed.[87] For Bikol, the bunó'an is defined simply as a corral and the section where the fish are collected as karitán, terms which are also found in Alcina's description, although with reference to different types of corrals. The action of baiting and setting the bunó'an in place is referred to as bungsád, a term with cognates in the Visayan languages carrying a similar meaning. In Waray and Hiligaynon reference is made specifically to the anchoring of the corral walls to the prepared poles, while the Cebuano reference is simply to a type of corral.[88]
karitán the semi-enclosed side of the fish corral called bunó'an where fish which enter the trap are directed and where they congregate and can be collected [MDL] bungsád the fish corral called bunó'an when baited and set in place; MA-, -AN: bungsarán or MAG-, PAG- -AN: pagbungsarán to bait or set out this fish corral [MDL] Tambóng is the corral most frequently referred to in the the Bikol dictionary, although it is possible that Lisboa has chosen to reference this for components that also apply more generally to other corrals. Its walls are mat-like, woven from reeds, which are then tied to poles driven in the ground in the location where it is to be set up. The lashings are either of rattan, talákid or a vine called hangáya known for its ability to last in water.
talákid tie, lashing (typ- generally of rattan, used to tie the bamboo floor slats of a house and the posts of fish corrals); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to secure s/t with such a tie; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use rattan or rope for such a tie; MA-, -AN: talakirán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagtalakirán to fasten or tie s/t in this way to s/t else [MDL] hangáya vine (typ- known for its ability to last in water, used for lashing together fish corrals) [MDL]
likós MAG-, -ON to fence s/t in (commonly with a rope enclosure); to encircle or enclose s/t; to girdle [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to surround or encircle s/t in order to catch it; to set out fish corrals (tambóng) in a particular area; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to set out fish corrals (tambóng), probably in a circle] láwas MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to string a set of fish corrals (tambóng) across narrow rivers, streams or canals [MDL] tabón a small corral placed in canals near the fish corral called tambóng to facilitate the capture of fish when the tide is low; MAG-, -AN to place a such a corral in a particular area; to catch fish in this way [+MDL] alipós MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG-, -AN to escape (fish, around the sides of a tambóng) [MDL]
gáhod sound of things moving that one hears at night; the sound made by a fish trapped in a fish corral (tambóng); MA- or MAG- to make such a sound; (PAG-)-AN: (pag)gahóran the place where such sounds come from; MAKA-, MA- to hear such sounds or movement; Da'í gayód nin gáhod digdí ka kuyán na hárong There doesn't seem to be any movement or sound emanating from those peoples' house (Implying: No one is home) [MDL] sansán MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to probe a fish corral with a pole to make sure there are no crocodiles [MDL] sílo' scoop net (typ- used for catching fish in rivers and fish ponds, and for removing fish from fish corrals); MAG-, -ON to catch fish with such a net [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to catch fish with such a net; -AN: siniló'an fish caught with such a net]
Fish could also be obtained from a corral that one did not own and would otherwise have no access to by offering to help in the catching and removal of the fish from the corral. These Cebuano entries cover the offering of assistance (dugok), the removal of the fish (sugman) and the division of the fish, stringing each person's share on a line (gutas).[93] Those who had no access to fishing areas, or had no time to assist those who did, would resort to buying the fish they needed (námal). These could be bought fresh from the fishermen who had just removed then from a corral (Hiligaynon lab'asero) or purchased sometime later from a market in the larger towns where such a facility existed. Diego de Artieda remarks in 1572 that the fishermen of the coast bartered their fish with the inhabitants in the inland areas in return for the fruits and vegetables which were harder to access along the coast.[94] Also see Chapter 16, Towns, Trade and Travel, Section 3, where this is discussed in more detail.
anság fish corral (typ- constructed of bamboo in rivers, the upper portion always remaining above the level of the water); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish in such a fish corral; -AN: an inaanságan the fish caught in such a corral; (fig-) Garó na iníng anság iníng satóng hárong Our house is like an anság (Said when one side of a house is falling down) [MDL]
banáta the mat-like walls of the fishing corral called sagkád, woven from fine bamboo [+MDL: bundles of bamboo used for weaving the walls of fish corrals or constructing the floors of houses; MAG-, PAG- -ON to place two bundles of bamboo side by side; MA-, -ON to place one bundle of bamboo by the side of another in such constructions; saró' kabanáta one bundle of bamboo] It is not possible to include all of the corral types, their positioning, their component parts, and the actions involved in setting them up, using them and taking them down in a narrative form for each of the central Philippine languages. What I have done is include lists of the relevant terms which have not been referred to in the previous discussion in this endnote for those who would like to pursue this futher.[99]
Fishnets were many and varied, adapted for use in rivers and streams, lakes, rice fields and the open sea. Although nginá'on is defined by Lisboa as a general term for 'fishing', the affix possibilities indicate that the use of nets was a significant part of this activity.
ganák the part of the hunt or catch of fish given to one's friends or relatives; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to distribute a portion of the hunt or catch; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to distribute part of the hunt or fish catch to s/o; MAKI- to ask to be included in the distribution; MAPA- to ask for a portion of the hunt or fish catch [MDL] A number of superstitions were associated with the use of nets and corrals. For example, the fish caught in the first casting of a net or those that first entered a corral had to be released. Keeping them would result in a lack of fish later being caught. Additionally, before nets were used for the first time, they could not be discussed. Any mention of them would result in their efficacy being weakened and any resulting catch diminished.[101] In Cebu, if one were to request a part of the catch before the fishing had taken place, the result would be no fish being caught (gahoy). Additionally, a poor catch could be blamed on someone dying in the family, or the result of some other major event (hagas).[102] Not all superstitions had negative consequences. In Hiligaynon, the tiutio was a charm that so enchanted fish that they would follow its possessor onto dry land. This is probably cognate with the Kapampangan nio indicating that one always had good fortune when out fishing or hunting. And there were also celebrations. This occurred in the Tagalog region upon completion of a net or its use for the first time and was referred to as pahimis or sinaya, this last term said to be borrowed from Kapampangan where it is an inflected form of the root saya 'an expression of joy'. The simple return from a fishing trip was also a welcome event, with fishermen in Cebu being met with a welcoming drink (bagat).[103] And now to the nets. In the Tagalog region, with nineteenth century references indicating that this was particularly true in the areas of Manila Bay and Laguna de Bay, the salambaw was a net which was commonly used. Noceda and de Sanlucar describe this as a large net mounted on a raft of bamboo. Further details of how this was mounted and how it worked can be found in more modern descriptions. A pole 15 to 20 metres in length was anchored securely upright in the centre of a bamboo raft. Attached to the top of the pole were two crossed, curving pieces of wood or spars. To the ends of these spars was fastened a square lift or dip net. The net was lowered into the sea by tilting the centre pole. Initially this was done manually, the weight needed to tilt the pole and lower the net supplied by one of the fishermen climbing the pole. When the weight was removed, the pole moved back to the perpendicular lifting the net and any fish which were caught. In later years the lowering and raising of the pole was done mechanically. The salambaw was usually operated by two people, with the lifting and lowering of the nets occurring frequently, catching small numbers of fish in each set.[104] The term salambaw appears as a headword entry only in Cebuano, and there it is defined simply as a type of fishnet. There are, however, references to it in Kapampangan and Hiligaynon where it also appears to be a general term for net. In Waray, the headword entry is verbal, indicating the action involved in operating the net, 'to pull or raise something up', but with no indication that its reference is to a net. What appears to have happened is the Tagalog term which referred to a very specific type of net, was used by the Spanish to refer to nets in general, resulting in some misidentification. Alcina, who discusses in detail many of the nets used in the Visayas (see below), makes no mention of the salambáw or any similarly functioning variant.[105] As for Bikol, the sapyáw is used in the modern language to describe what in Tagalog is the salambaw. It is not an entry in the Lisboa dictionary, and therefore may not have been used at the turn of the sixteenth centruy. The identical term appears in Tagalog and Waray where it refers to a large fishnet, and in Cebuano where it is a net used for catching crabs.[106]
The nets were made in various sizes. Alcina describes some of the larger at nine to ten brazas and the smaller at six to eight. Using a conversion table for old Spanish measurements, these turn out to be very large nets, respectively 15-17 metres and 10-13 metres, rasing the question if the conversion is indeed accurate considering how the nets had to be held and cast. The Report describes considerably smaller nets used in the Tagalog region at the turn of the twentieth century and still in use at the present time, these being three to 3.5 metres. Aside from this difference in circumference, the workings of the nets are identical. Lead sinkers or stones are tied along the outside of the net. These are the weights which were also used in hook and line fishing (see Section 4). The dictionaries for Tagalog, Waray and Cebuano also have a term for the cord to which these weights were attached, respectively lawayan, bahayan and gahid.[107] A strong rope which is used to retrieve the net is knotted at the centre and special knots referred to as púko' are tied along the borders or edges of the net. To prepare the net for casting, it is gathered in such a way that it can be unfolded without tangling and placed over the left or right arm. Stones or bait are then thrown into the water to attract the fish. Once fish have gathered, the edge of the net is raised above the sections gathered over the arm and cast over the fish, the centrifugal force of the weights causing it to open out. The weights then cause it to quickly sink, trapping the fish within. The net is retrieved by pulling on the cord at the centre which causes the weighted ends to be drawn into the middle, enclosing and trapping the fish.[108]
bayhán two ropes which are woven through the mesh at the edges of a net and held to set the net out and pulled to draw it in when the fishing is finished; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to place such ropes on a net [MDL] talugmatí' MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to test the rope holding an anchor, or the ropes holding a fishnet, to make sure they are firmly attached [MDL]
bukatót fishing net (typ-) [D- DAET] básing fishnet (typ-) and the boat which draws it in trawling [D- DAET]
bitaná' fishnet (typ- long dragnet, used for fishing in the sea); MA- or MAG- to fish with such a net; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish with such a net; -AN: binibitaná'an fish caught in such a net [MDL] agáhid MA- or MAG- to drag a net for the purpose of catching fish; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish in this way Further nets used in Bikol in the open sea are the ánod, bahít, and probably the lambá and tíbaw although the area of use of these last two nets is not specifically mentioned. Additionally, the tíbaw is a term in modern Bikol and not found in Lisboa. The patarók was a net which had wide usage from rice fields to the sea. Because the root word here is tarók 'to dance' or 'to transplant rice from the seedbed to the rice field', it may possibly give some clue as to the movements when using the net. Of these five nets, only the ánod is mentioned elsewhere, and that is for Cebuano where it described simply as a fishing net.[116]
bahít fishnet (typ- used for fishing in the open sea); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish with such a net; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to spread such nets in a particular area; an binahítan fish caught with such a net [MDL] lambá fishing net (typ- large, round); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch fish with this type of net; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fish a particular area; -AN: linambáhan fish caught with such a net [MDL] tíbaw fishing net (typ- large); MAG-, -ON to catch fish with such a net patarók fishnet (typ- used for catching fish in the sea and in rice fields); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to catch fish with such a net; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to use such nets in a particular area; -AN: pinatarókan a fish caught in this way [MDL] tarók MAG- to dance; MA+KA- to dance with s/o; tarók-tarók MAG- to prance about as if dancing [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to dance; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to dance with s/o; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to move the feet when dancing]
kudól MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to be wedged in a fishnet (the head of small fish due to the mesh of the net being too small; such fish would normally be allowed to swim free); Kudól an sirá kainíng patarók ta' saradáng an matá The fish have become wedged in the mesh of the patarók net since the mesh is too small [MDL] laghós MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to pass through a net due to the mesh being too wide (fish); Laghós an sirá' pagtarók ta' darakól an matá All of the fish have passed through the net because the mesh is too wide [MDL]
piyák fingerling, young fish; also piyák-piyák [+MDL: píyak fingerlings, young fish which are just beginning to grow, found in large numbers in rice fields] unók-unók describing a large school of small fish or fingerlings called piyák: Kabalakíd na piyák iní; unók-unók na doy What a large number of fingerlings this is, swimming about in a massive school [MDL] lubóg MA- or MAG- to dive to the bottom (the fingerlings called piyák when one tries to catch them with the net called saráp, disturbing them by the noise made with the hands); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to dive out of sight of s/o; to dive to the bottom (such fingerlings); (fig-) Naglubóg na lugód si kuyán kon nangána-ána That person might just as well sink to the bottom when deep in thought (Said when one does s/t in a rush, and ends up accomplishing nothing) [MDL] limbáng MAG- to sink (a boat); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to sink a boat (for the purpose of attracting small fish or for another end); (fig-) Garó na kitá linimbáng na piyák We are like a sunken boat of fingerlings (Said when all those in a household die) [MDL] kámas MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to gather in the net called saráp from the sea, folding it over carefully with the hands so that the fish do not escape [MDL]
sirók a small net fastened to the end of a long bamboo pole, used for collecting clams and mussels; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to collect clams and mussels with such a net [MDL] tugód handle of a hoe; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to place a handle on a hoe, a spade (landók) or a long-handled net used for collecting clams (sirok); MA-, -AN: tugdán or MAG-, PAG--AN: pagtugdán to finish a hoe or spade by adding a handle; -AN: tutugdán a fitted handle [MDL] lawláwan hoop or ring to which the net called sirók is attached, used for catching crabs [MDL] hukhók MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to agitate the sea or riverbed with a net attached to a long bamboo pole (sirók) in order to catch clams or mussels driven out from their hiding place by this movement; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to move the net against the sea or riverbed; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to catch clams, mussels in this way in a particular area [MDL]
ikáy MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to turn up or dig up sand or soil (as when looking for clams); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to dig in this way in a particular area; MA- to be overturned (sand, soil) [MDL] bakúlod rocky shoals; MANG-, PANG--ON to search for shellfish in such shoals [MDL] buntóg ... [MDL: MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to throw s/t into the water, intending that it sink (as a stone); -ON: buntógon stone which serves as an anchor to keep those who search for clams in rivers from being carried downstream; (fig-) Garó akó ibinuntóg so-ba'góng natutúrog akó It was like I was dead to the world earlier when I was sleeping; nabubuntóg an aldáw exactly midday]
hiksán MA- or MAG- to spend a number of nights away from home for the purpose of fishing or collecting crabs (bibí); MAG-, -ON to spend these nights fishing for fish or crabs; Paghiksán kitá sa Punóng Let's spend a few days fishing at Punong [MDL]
gudá' ... [MDL: MA, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to catch a lot of fish] rangín term used to describe the quantity of fish one has caught; -IMIN- to be in great numbers (fish); Kabalákid na sirá' iyán ni kuyán; riminangín na What a great quantity of fish that person has; they are everywhere [MDL] The leader of the expedition announces the intention to set out by sounding a conch shell or a cut bamboo tube. Those who are interested, have the day to prepare a single net about 3.5 metres high and the length of their boat, and two long poles which they will set up at the prow and stern of their boats to which the net will be attached. In addition they carry another net, pukot (see above). Fishing for mullet using this technique, takes place in shallow water. On the night they set out to fish, the boats, sometimes as many as 30 or 40, move out together behind the leader who searches for a school of mullet. Once this is found, the boats encircle the school forming an enclosure. Each of the boats now has set up the biday net so that it stands perpendicular to the water. Additionally, two or three men go into the water with the pukot nets which are stretched out around the school of fish. These nets are used not to catch the fish, but to frighten them. The fish sensing the nets below them and moving in on them from the side jump into the air (in Bikol, lukwág) and on doing so strike the nets set up perpendicularly. Once they hit the nets, they fall into the boat, often in great numbers. All the fish that fall into a particular boat belong to the skipper and crew of that boat. At the end of the session, however, a count is taken and the leader of the group is given one of every ten fish (10%) caught. Those who were unfortunate enough to have no fish fall into their boat, are also given a share to take home to their families.[120]
balának fish (typ- mullet, Mugilidae sp., found in rivers, referred to by this term only when young) [+MDL: Garó nang balának iníng baladáw ko My dagger is like a mullet (Said when one's dagger is clean and shiny)] agwás fish (typ- mullet, Mugilidae sp., large found in lakes and rivers) [MDL] saranáw fish (typ- (typ- mullet, Mugilidae sp., adult, inhabiting rivers); syn- ugapáng [MDL] batikúnol mouth of fish such as the mullet [MDL] One further technique used in Samar is explained in Sánchez de la Rosa's Waray dictionary. Prior to setting out, a small corral is set up at the mouth of a river. Subsequently a number of boats enter this area with nets to catch the available fish, Those that they fail to catch with nets, move further down the river and into the waiting corral (sigin). Noceda and de Sanlucar also have an entry for Tagalog that briefly defines a type of fishing where a number of boats surround a school of fish which are trapped between them, although no further detail is given (takip).[123] Nets were woven from rattan and bamboo and a variety of available fibres, in particular abaca and balanák, a fibre used for the weaving of fine nets and still in use today. Lisboa describes this as derived from a shrub and just as durable as abaca, but I have not been unable to identify it further.
arangtáng a small card with which one measures the string when weaving a net so that the size of the mesh will be equal; a gauge, sizing card [MDL]
rantás MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut the bottom of a casting net or other nets when it is worn and needs to be repaired or replaced [MDL] hayúma MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to repair broken thread on a loom or ripped cord on a net by tying new thread or cord to the broken ends; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to repair cloth or a net in this way; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to tie thread or cord to the broken ends to effect a repair [MDL]
However fish was to be eaten, whether fresh from the river or sea, or preserved by drying, salting or smoking for later consumption, the first stage in its preparation was the cleaning. Lisboa describes a technique in which a small stick is placed through the mouth of the fish and on which the fish is then rested (balihóg). This exposes all sides of the fish at the same time for cleaning, for removal of the scales (kiskís) and the internal organs (dimpót), including the stomach (bubugwangón), resulting in a clean and gutted fish ready for cooking (dapót). Subsequently the head can removed by slicing it off at the neck (gúlok, lipók) as well as the fins running along the back and underside of the fish. For Cebuano, Encarnacion presents a technique whereby the scales of small fish are removed by shaking them in a basket (bundo), and a similar technique, also applicable to meat and vegetables, where they are shaken in a basket, any dirt then falling through the openings in the weave (lusgos).[129]
kiskís fish scales; MAG-, -AN to scale a fish; MAG-, -ON to remove the scales of a fish [+MDL: MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to scale a fish; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove the scales of a fish] dimpót guts, intestines and scales of a fish [MDL] bubugwangón the stomach of animals, fish [MDL] dapót fish cleaned, gutted and ready for cooking; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to fully clean a fish; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to remove scales and guts when cleaning a fish [MDL] gúlok MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut off the head of a fish at the neck ... [MDL] lipók MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to cut off the head of a fish (such as the climbing perch, aro'án or atás) ... [MDL]
salakát MA- or MAG- to come out of the soil of rice fields, moving to the higher and drier ground of the embankments to spawn (the fish, puyó, following the first heavy rains at the end of the dry season); MANG-, PANG--ON to catch fish which have come out to spawn following the first rains; -AN: sinalakátan fish caught in this way [MDL] The fins of a fish are also generally removed in cleaning. Bikol has a number terms relating to fins, depending on the type of fish referred to. The general term is ilalangóy, clearly based on the root langóy 'to swim'. Sharks have two dorsal fins, and the two entries in the Bikol dictionary reflect this. Panúbo-túbo, a term also occurring in Cebuano as tubo-tubo, is the high fin near the centre of the back (udóg), differentiated from the páyik which is closer to the tail.[133] These terms are not unique to sharks, but apply as well to fish with a similar physical characteristics, such as particular species of skate or ray fish.
panúbo-túbo dorsal fins of sharks and similar fish [MDL] udóg back (of humans, animals, fish) [MDL: spine of a fish] páyik dorsal fin, the fin found along the back, and on the tail of sharks and similar fish [MDL]
kikiró fish (typ- butterfish, spotted scat, Scatophagus argus, found in rivers and lakes); the fins which run along the back (dorsal) and underside (ventral) of the fish have spines containing a venom which produces a painful wound that can cause dizziness and temporary, local paralysis [MDL] kúgo spines which run along the backbone of fish, capable of wounding and causing pain [MDL]
híto' catfish (typ- freshwater, Clarias batrachus) tabangúngo' catfish (typ- large, saltwater, Arius maculatus) [+MDL]
Whenever it was possible, fish would be eaten fresh (la'bás), with villagers buying the fish they needed directly from fishermen after hauling in their nets or emptying their corrals. The Bikol term is shared with the Visayan languages, whereas Tagalog and Kapampangan use the cognates, respectively sariwa and sagiwa.[138]
daráng MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to roast fish, meat in coals; MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG- -AN to place fish, meat on coals to roast [MDL] dupóng MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to st ring together fish or eels (in the way of stringing together sausages), when grilling, turning them for even cooking [MDL]
pangát MAG- to cook pinangát, a dish of minced meat, shrimp or fish, chopped coconut and spices, wrapped in a taro leaf and cooked in coconut milk [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to cook meat or fish in a small amount of water until dry] paksíw a dish (typ- usually of fish or pork cooked in a sauce of vinegar, soy sauce and sugar and seasoned with garlic, bay leaf and marjoram) [HOK- bé5 shó1 cooked in light-colored sauce]
Fish that were not eaten fresh were preserved by drying, salting or smoking, or a combination of these methods. Weather permitting, they were commonly spread out on racks or flat surfaces to dry in the sun (ragáy, balád), and when this was not possible, over an open fire (ágil). Bádi' is a fish which is first split open before being dried, and the tuyó' one that is dried whole, this last entry not found in Lisboa. Cognates of balád appear in all of the central Philippines languages, both with the general meaning of exposing items to the sun, and the specific meaning of drying things in such an environment: bilad in Tagalog, Waray and Kapampangan, balod in Cebuano and balor in Hiligaynon. Tuyó' is probably a borrowing from Tagalog where it has the general meaning of 'to dry' as well as the specific referent to dried meat or fish.[144], Búdo, or its cognates. is a term appearing througout the central Philippine languages. In each of these languages it refers to the salting of food, generally fish or beef. Bikol is the exception, where it refers only to the drying of beef to produce jerky. It also does not appear in the Encarnacion Cebuano dictionary, but the modern Wolff dictionary where it is defined as salting for taste, more than preservation.[145]
balád MAG- to be exposed to the sun; to sunbathe; to bask in the sun; MAG-, -ON to dry s/t in the sun; to expose s/t to the sun; MAG-, -AN to dry s/t on a surface (as a mat) in the sun [+MDL: MA- or MAG- to expose o/s to the sun in order to dry off; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG- -ON to place s/t in the sun to dry (as rice); MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to spread s/t out on a surface (as a mat) to dry; (fig-) MAG- to be right in front of one's eyes: Da'í nakakakíta', nagbalád na You couldn't see it, and it was right in front of your eyes] ágil dried up, shriveled (meat, fish); MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to dry meat, fish in the sun or over a fire; MAKA- to cause meat, fish to dry up and shrivel (the sun, a hot fire); MA- to become dry and shriveled; MAGKA- to end up dry (meat, fish): Nagkaágil na It's become very dry [MDL] bádi' dried fish (typ- split in half before being dried); MAG-, -ON to prepare fish in this way [+MDL: MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to split a fish open along its back for salting or drying] tuyó' dried fish (whole)
tásik brine, concentrated saltwater solution; a salt pond; MAG-, -ON to preserve s/t by salting [+MDL: salt, used when annoyed or angry; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to salt meat or fish; to preserve meat or fish by salting] sa'sá' MAG-, -ON to prepare fish by rubbing salt into the flesh until the flesh becomes soft gútas fish or meat which spoils due to improper salting; MA- or MAG- to spoil due to improper salting [MDL]
pága storing loft made from bamboo, attached to the ceiling just above the stove, usually used for storing firewood [MDL: a bamboo platform located above the stove upon which food is smoked for the purpose of preservation; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON to make such an area for smoking food] tápa smoked beef; MAG-, -ON to cut beef or fish thin for the purpose of smoking; to smoke beef, fish; tinapá smoked fish; -AN smokehouse [+MDL: tapá smoked beef or smoked fish which has been split and opened out; MA-, -ON or MAG-, PAG--ON / MA-, -AN or MAG-, PAG--AN to smoke beef or fish; -AN: tinatapáhan smoked beef or fish]
Fish was the most import source of protein in the central Philippines. It was varied and plentiful, and caught by a variety of methods by fishermen who were expert at the task. It gave its name to the other sources of protein and was mixed with other foods to add extra flavouring. When fresh it was cooked in a variety of dishes, many of which are still used today, and when this was not possible, it was preserved by salting, drying or smoking. Fish gathered in large schools, identified by their heads or backs showing above the water, or by their jumping noisily out of the water and then back again. Most fishing took place in rivers and lakes, or areas of the open sea closer to the shore. In these areas the fish were caught singly with spears or hook and line, and in large number by traps, corrals or nets. There were a large number of spears in use, each somewhat different in design. The names were often identical across the central Philippine languages but reference was frequently to different types of weapons, with variations in the head and shaft design, and the materials used. Night fishing was not uncommon, and spears were used along with torches which attracted fish to the side of the boat or the bank of a river where they could easily be speared. A variety of poles were used when fishing with hook and line. These could be of bamboo, or wood or less common materials such as the stalk of the sugarcane used when fishing for mudfish. The pole was not always wanted or needed, and hooks could be set in a river or rice field with an individual returning only later to see if anything had been caught. Such hooks could be suspended from the midrid of the sugarcane leaf for the catching of smaller fish, or from a line suspended from two poles set in a river or the open sea for a larger catch. Fishing lines, as well as the fibre used for nets, were strengthened, waterproofed and dyed by the bark of specific trees to delay the effects caused by immersion in water. Hooks were generally constructed from wire and attached to the line by a corded tie or metal clip, and when wire was not available, a makeshift hook could be constructed from coiled rattan. Sinkers and floats were used both for nets and lines, to sink them in specific areas and to mark the area for a future time of return. Catching fish with the hands was also not uncommon, with this taking place in rice fields and other areas where the water was restricted. This was a slippery task and one in which not everyone was successful. Fish could be chased into more confined spaces, and in dammed areas the water level could be lowered to make the catching easier. The rice fields were home to fish that flourished in the wet season and then seemed to disappear during the dry. While villages felt they had simply buried themselves in the drying mud, it was more likely that they slithered their way across wet grass to a nearby stream to wait out the dry, and were brought back again by the water in irrigation canals when the rains began to fall. The poisoning of fish was universal, and the types of poisons used were remarkably similar across all the inhabited continents. These were poisons which, for the most part, affected the respiratory system of the fish causing them to struggle for air. This had the effect of stunning them and making them easy to collect from the water before they fully regained consciousness. Baskets of various materials and sizes were used for the holding of fish and for their collection during the process of fishing. Others served as traps with the mesh size set to the type of fish a fisherman wanted to keep and those they wanted to slip away. Some were set in rivers and streams, and others were handheld, with the individual moving slowly through the water, dropping the basket over a fish that might be seen. Corrals were the greatest source of fish capture, with both both large and small constructions set out along the sea shore and rivers to catch the fish swimming by. The most elaborate structures were built on the coast where the difference between high and low tides was the greatest. As the high tide gradually ebbed, fish would be drawn into these corrals by a series of outer constructions which led them toward the centre where they would eventually be caught and collected. Nets were of various forms and sizes, from seine nets spread out long and parallel to the coast, drag nets pulled by boats, to casting nets thrown from the arm, and scoop nets used for lifting fish from overcrowded corrals and gathering up mussels and crabs from the sand. While the materials have changed dramatically, from abaca, split rattan and bamboo to a variety of synthetic fibres, the nets described in the 400 year old central Philippine language dictionaries are very much still in evidence today. The cleaning of fish had to be done with care, for the catfish and butterfish both had spines hidden within their dorsal and pectoral fins which caused excruciating pain when piercing the skin Scales were removed from fish that had them, and for fish like sharks, these were first singed and then scraped with their own fins to remove the tooth-like structures which coverd their skin. Fish were eaten fresh whenever possible, with purchases made directly from a fisherman emptying out his nets or reducing the numbers in a fish corral. Fish that were not immediately eaten were preserved by salting, drying or smoking, or a combination of these methods. ENDNOTES
[1] Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1754, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, reimpreso 1860, see isda, olam; Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario español - bisaya para las provincias de Sámar y Leyte, 3rd edition, aumentado por Antonio Valeriano, Manila: Santos y Bermal, 1914, see isda; Feliz de la Encarnacion, Diccionario español - bisaya, Manila: Imprenta de los amigos del pais, á cargo de M. Sanchez, 1852, see ysda; Alonso de Mentrida, Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya de la Isla de Panay, Manila: La Imprenta de D. Manuel y de Felix Dayot, 1841, see isda; Diego Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, en romance, 1732, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see asan, ulam.
[2] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see looc; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dagat, panagatan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bolbog, nacnac. [3] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala see bolos; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bolos. [4] Noceda and de Sanlucar,Tagala, see salapang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sarapang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see salapang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see salapang; Diego Bergaño, Pampanga see salapang. [5] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see salait; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see salait; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see salait. [6] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tugda. [7] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calauit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see calauit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see calauit. [8] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see palihan, bugauin; De Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see palihan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see paliha, bahangan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see pamuga; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pamoga. [9] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sagangat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sagangat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sagangat. [10] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pindan, ilao; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see solo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see solo, ngalab, lanao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sulu, suga, ilao, iuag, lanao ; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sulo. [11] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gantaao. [12] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tinggar; Charles Wilkes, U.S.N., 'Jolo and the Sulus,' from his Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, Philadelphia, 1844, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 43, pp. 128-192, p. 146; also see Annie Molina, Rhea Abisado and Ronie J. Calugay, 'Bioluminescent Vibrio spp. with antibacterial activity against the nosocomial pathogens Staphylococcus aureus and Klebsiella pneumoniae,' April 2016, AACL Bioflux, vol. 9 (issue 2), pp. 185-194; 'Bioluminescent Bacteria,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 12 October 2022). [13] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dogcal, gani, bog-uang; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see ualisuis. [14] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bacsay, bagsay, bagsaya, pamaca, tansag; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see buntal, isi, singcap / sicap, dugoc, labgao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bontal, dogocan, togdan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bacal, isi. [15] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see baliuasnan, cama, bauay; further fishing rods are banyogan, bauig, biguasan, pangalay; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balaogan, tigaoan, bagacay; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balaogan, tigaoan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see baynauan, bauai. [16] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tagtag; also relevant are lambang, sagat, siit, tonda. [17] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see cauil, taan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see cauil, taan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see taan, cao-il; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see caoir, taan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see cauil; 'Tambu,' Philippine Medicinal Plants (accessed 22 October 2022). [18] Noceda and de Sanlucar,Tagala, see quitang, patao. [19] Ignacio Francisco Alcina, History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, vol. 1 and vol. 2, translated, edited and annotated by Cantius J. Kobak and Lucio Gutiérrez, Manila: UST Publishing House, 2002, vol. 2, Chapter 14, p. 287; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see cait, tilay, tapon, taclir; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hangtad, talonton; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pasol, oay oay, bandas, hapon, locon, bacol; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tonda, tao tao; Bergaño, Pampanga, see cauil, totao. [20] 'Anabiong,' Philippine Medicinal Plants (accessed 26 October 2022); 'Trema Orientale,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 12 October 2022); de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bonga, hagod, lagicao; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hagud; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hagor. [21] E. E. Schneider,Commercial Woods of the Philippines: Their Preparation and Uses, Department of the Interior, Bureau of Forestry, Bulletin No. 14, Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1916, p. 115; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bagnat, dampol. [22] Santos B. Rasalan, Preservation of Fishing Gear in Samar Province, Philippines,, Philippine Journal of Science, 73, No. 3, pp. 321-335. [23] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see taga, binuit, sima; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see taga, binuit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see taga, bonit, sima; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see taga, bonuit / bonit; sima, bocong; Bergaño, Pampanga, see taga, also see sagauit. [24] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pamitin, bivas; Bergaño, Pampanga, see paduas. [25] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala see baguan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see quiual, rambo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lambo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see lambo; Bergaño, Pampanga, see quioua. [26] [Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see qiua, tiua; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see balicogcog; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balicogcog, gogo, quioal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see go-go, kiual. [27] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bingsit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see puapo. [28] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see biloc. [29] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see cauar; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see cauad; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see cauad; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see cauar; Bergaño, Pampanga, see cauad. [30] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dauay; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see curambut; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bogaot, colambot, talicol; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bugaot. [31] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see langgos, halab, pangot. [32] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see aloc, balicoco; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bocong, bonggo; Bergaño, Pampanga, see aloc, balicungcung. [33] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bonganga; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bingat. [34] Bergaño, Pampanga, see pabatcal, batcal. [35] also see: de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sacat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sangat, sangit. [36] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gaan, tumboc; E. E. Schneider, Commercial Woods of the Philippines, p. 63. [37] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see batobato; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bato bato; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bato, calogcog; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bato; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bato. [38] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see biguas, dag-is, dagos, quibit / quitid / quibquib; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bolos, daui, sibo, subad, tocmol; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bonlat, docmol, daoi, halic, labni, gani; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see cobit, dapo, daui, hulic, subar; Bergaño, Pampanga, see balic-cuas, damit, sacdo, quitil. [39] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see buluuas. [40] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see rabia; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, boyla; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sacdo. [41] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tagostos, lolos; also see tangtang. [42] Miguel de Loarca, 'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,' Arevalo, June, 1582, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 34-87, p. 45. [43] 'Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,' 1564-68', Resume of contemporaneous documents: 1559-1568, in Blair and Robertson, vol 2, pp. 77-100, p. 113. [44] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see labog, talabog; Bergaño, Pampanga, see labog. [45] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bisaog; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see quinhas, dalisot; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see quinhas; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see kinhas, sicup, alangan. [46] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gogo; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gogo. [47] 'Lamon,' Philippine Medicinal Plants, (accessed 29 November 2022). [48] Albert W. Herre and Agustin F. Umali, English and Local Common Names of Philippine Fishes, Circular 14, United States Department of the Interior, Fish and Wildlife Service, Washington: United States Govenment Printing Office, 1948, p. 19. [49] Herre and Umali, English and Local Common Names of Philippine Fishes, pp. 4, 19, 33, 48; 'Anabas Testudineus,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 5 October 2022); Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see puyo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see poyo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see puyo. [50] F. N. Howes, 'Fish-Poison Plants', Bulletin of Miscellaneous Information (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew), vol. 4, 1930, no. 4, 1930, pp. 129-153, JSTOR, (accessed 15 November. 2022). [51] Howes, 'Fish-Poison Plants,' p. 139. [52] Howes, 'Fish-Poison Plants,' p. 139. [53] 'Fish Poison,' Primitive Ways, (accessed 15 November 2022). [54] Howes, 'Fish-Poison Plants', p. 131. [55] Howes, 'Fish-Poison Plants', p. 132. [56] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see toblag; Primitive Ways, (accessed 15 November 2022); P.E. Lindahl and K.E. Öberg, 'The effect of rotenone on respiration and its point of attack,' Experimental Cell Research, vol. 23, issue 2, March 1961, pp. 228-237, p. 1. [57] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see lagtang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lagtang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see lagtang. [58] Howes, 'Fish-Poison Plants,' pp. 138, 141. [59] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see antong; 'Ciguatera Fish Poisoning,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 5 October 2022). [60] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tuba, tubli; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tuba, tubli, lasagas; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see toba, tobli, yangyang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tuba, toble, sab-og sab-og; Bergaño, Pampanga, see tuba; 'Extract from a letter from Father Pablo Pastells,' Manila, April 20, 1887, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 43, pp. 268-288, p. 273; 'Tuba,' Philippine Medicinal Plants, (accessed 29 November 2022); 'Tubli,' Philippine Medicinal Plants, (accessed 29 November 2022). [61] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tibalao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see nocnocan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see macasla; E. L. Ponce de Leon, 'Botanical pesticides for rice blackbug (Scotinophara coarctata) control,' 1990, Palawan National Agricultural College, Aborlan, Palawan, Philippines, Agricultural Association of the United Nations, Conference paper, pp. 15. [62] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President vol. III, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1901, pp. 319-324, pp. 321-322. [63] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tigao, yac yac; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tigao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tigao; 'Tigau,' Philippine Medicinal Plants, (accessed 14 November, 2022). [64] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bacong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bacong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bacong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bacung; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bacung; 'Crinum Asiaticum,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 5 October 2022); 'Bakong,' Philippine Medicinal Plants, (accessed 11 October 2022). [65] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see putat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see potat; Bergaño, Pampanga, see putat; 'Putat,' Philippine Medicinal Plants, (accessed 11 October 2022). [66] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see burao; 'Coca Levante,' Ethnoplants (accessed 6 January 2023); Antonio Mozo, O.S.A., Madrid, 1763, 'Later Augustinian and Dominican missions,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 48, pp. 59-123, p. 122. [67] Antonio de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas,' (concluded), Mexico, 1609, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp 25-210, p. 96. [68] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see boslo, alobohan, balanan, bacay; Bergaño, Pampanga, see buslu, bacay, catut. [69] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bangcat, bangcatan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bangcat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bangcat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bangcat; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bangcat; Diccionario de la lengua española, Edición del trecentinario, Asociación de Academias de la Lengua Española: Actualización 2021. [70] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' Currents in Pacific Linguistics: Papers on Austronesian Languages and Ethnolinguistics in Honor of George W. Grace, ed. Robert Blust, Canberra: Pacific Linguistics C-117, 1991, p. 265-291, p. 287. [71] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see taclub, colub; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see taclob, colob; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see taclub, colub. [72] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bala; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balaon, yosyos; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balaun. [73] Bergaño, Pampanga, see alaua. [74] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bobo; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bobo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bobo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bobo; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bubu; Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 320. [75] 'Channa Striata,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 15 January 2023). [76] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see salacab; Bergaño, Pampanga, see salacab, lambang; Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 321. [77] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bangan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see garao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see galao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see galao. [78] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pugar; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pugad, puragan, habong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pogad, habong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pogar; Bergaño, Pampanga, see pugad in the index only, habung. [79] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see siir; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sid. [80] Antonio de Morga, Mexico, 1609, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas,' (concluded), in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 25-210, p. 96. [81] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 319. [82] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bira, punut. [83] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 14, pp. 283-287. [84] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 319. [85] Livelihood Options for Coastal Communities [86] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sabo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see taguinhapon, talinaga. [87] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 14, pp. 283-287. [88] [Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bungsad; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bongsod; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bungsar. [89] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bonohan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bono-an, logao, sagar; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bunuan, in the index only. [90] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lihian. [91] Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F., 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' (two relations), Manila, October 21, 1589, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 73-198, p. 175. [92] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 321. [93] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dogoc, sogman, gotas. [94] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see lab-acero; Diego de Artieda, 'Relation of the Western Islands called Filipinas,' Documents of 1573, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 2, pp. 190-208, p. 202. [95] Huli sa Ansag, (accessed 15 January 2023). [96] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see banata, banatan, kabanata, pocot; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see banata; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see banata; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see banata, sagpur. [97] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see baclar (baclad in the index); Bergaño, Pampanga, see baclad; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see punut; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ponot; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see ponot, paunay. [98] Jose S. Domantay, 'The Fishing Industries of Zamboanga,' Philippine Journal of Science, 71, no. 1, pp. 81-112. [99] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see adto, banlat, liring. loblob, pamaspas, pandau, panlob, pangalaua, payimpin, pinir, tambac, tiric; Bergaño, Pampanga, see abang, baquicong, balisasa, bulusuc, cubcub, cubut, culung, pindao, silao, tiric, umang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see atabay, barug, dangan, gasa, hagnus, hilcas, lagahit, lotud, pahat, pondol sin isda, salanao, sohot, tabulilid, tibao, toladoc; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bacod, balot, bocatot, bolho, bongtol, cogang, docmon, domo, gapi, hamlas, hibon, hiclas, higad, holip, labat, langlang, lapay, lihang, odoc, pipi, polot, sangol, sapgod, siquib, soblang, tamba, tapan, tocao, togmad, toloy; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see alar, bacor, bolho, domoc, ducmon, layao, nga nga, sohot, sugman, sugmar, tabtab, tagduc, tigbauan, tugmar. [100] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gabas. [101] Francisco Colin, S.J., 'Native races and their customs,' Madrid, 1663 (from his Labor Evangelica), in Blair and Robertson, vol.140, pp. 37-98, pp. 77-78. [102] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gahoy, hagas. [103] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pahimis, sinaya; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bagat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tio tio; Bergaño, Pampanga, see nio, saya. [104] Antonio de Morga, 'Report of conditions in the Philippines,' Manila, June 8, 1598, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 10, pp.75-102, pp. 85-86 and note 7; Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas, ó 'Mis Viajes por este País,' extensamente anotada por W. E. Retana, Madrid, 1893, vol. 1, pp. 199-200; Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 320; 'Salambao,' Wikipedia, English, n.d., (accessed 15 January 2023); Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see salambao, bintag. [105] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see salambao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see salambao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sihur; Bergaño, Pampanga, see alaua. [106] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sapyao; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sapiao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sapyao. [107] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lauayan, pabato; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bahayan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gahid. [108] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, pp. 320-321; Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 14, pp. 277. [109] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dala; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see raya; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see laya; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see laya; Bergaño, Pampanga, see dala. [110] Laya. [111] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 320; 'Seine Fishing,' Wikipedia, English, n.d., (accessed 15 January 2023), [112] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lambat; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see baring; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see baling; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see baling; Bergaño Pampanga, see lambat; Baling. [113] Bukatot. [114] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pocot, bitana; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pocot, bitana; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pocot, bitana; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pocot, bitana; Bergaño, Pampanga, see pucat, bitana; Pukot; Bitana. [115] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President, p. 321; Republic of the Philippines, Municipality of Maribojoc, Municipal Ordinance No. 546 Series of 1992, An ordinance banning the use of illegal fishing gears in the municipal seawaters of Maribojoc, Bohol, see point g, (accessed, 25 January 2023); Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sod sod; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sodsod. [116] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see anod. [117] Pangki. [118] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see salap; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sarap; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see salap, camas camas; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see salap, camas; Bergaño, Pampanga, see salap; Hiroshi Motoh, Fishing gear for prawn and shrimp used in the Philippines today, Technical Report No. 5, Aquaculture Department, Southeast Asian Fisheries Developments Center, Tigbauan, Iloilo, August 1980, p. 6. [119] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 14, p. 279. [120] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People,' vol. 2, Chapter 14, pp. 279-283; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see biday. [121] Herre and Umali, English and Local Common Names of Philippine Fishes, pp. 23-24. [122] Alcina, History of the Bisayan People, vol. 2, Chapter 22, pp. 456-457. [123] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see taquip; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see siguin. [124] English - Hokkien Dictionary; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sicuan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sicohan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sicohan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sicoan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sic-cuan. [125] Make a Handmade Fishing Net; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see agpang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see adpang; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see adpang; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see agpang; Bergaño, Pampanga, see agpang / abpang. [126] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see hicquit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hocot; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hocot; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hucut. [127] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see hayoma; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see puna; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pona; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see pona; Bergaño, Pampanga, see ayuma. [128] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bangcat, bicatot, catcat, colongcolong, comos, gahir, himocas, himonga, himoco, homoto, lacaya, latag, laylay, lubayan, pamanac, pangol, pangolang, pangti, patay, qitig, sacag, soong, sosog, sugapa, tapon, tibyong, timo, togda, tolong, yamba, yangio; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see apiat, bantas, bintol, bongabong, bulhad, copot copot, cuyog, dacot, duyan, licom, lituc, mata sin hinoc-tan, panhot, sabud, saquiao, sibot, siogao, sirap, ticum, tolbong, tolbong, tongquil, tulib, turay; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see abong, alom, apyat, balahan, bangquiao, bolho, bololang, calong, cayaoan, copot, dingco, gabo, goyod, hacdol, homom, lahas, lahay lahay, lamba, lohaloha, ligao, mata, onol, pactad, panilot, panggal, payag, podlos, sadsadan, saoa, saoayan, sagad, sahid, sangol, sibot, sihod, soab, socap, sogbo, sogman, sohot, solsog, sompay, taan, tactac, talocso, tamba, ticsio, tingcay, tolbong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see abong, batasan, botas, boluang, cahit, cayauan, copot, dagat, dagpas, gabo, hurhur, lahang, lahas, lihang, losot, ompoc, sagabay, sauayang, sibot, soab, tabing, tamba, taon, toloy, vilsic; Bergaño, Pampanga, see batal, bintol, catcat, gutus, lipasay, pangti, quitig, sacag, salac, salbag, sugbu, tacsay. [129] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bondo, losgos. [130] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calisquis, qisqis; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hingbis; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hingbis; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see himbis; Bergaño, Pampanga, see calisquis, quisquis. [131] Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' pp. 276-278. [132] Louis B. Wolfenson, 'The Infixes La, Li, Lo in Tagalog,' Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 27, 1906, pp. 142-146, JSTOR, (accessed 11 Feb. 2023. [133] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tubotubo. [134] 'Scatophagus argus,' Wikipedia, English, n.d., (accessed 12 February 2023). [135] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see iito; 'Walking Catfish,' Wikipedia, English, n.d., (accessed 12 February 2023); Herre and Umali, English and Local Common Names of Philippine Fishes, p. 21. [136] 'Early Recollect Missions in the Philippines,' Andres de San Nicolas, Luis de Jesus, and Juan de la Concepción, Extracts from their respective works, covering the history of the missions to the year 1624, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, pp. 111-318, p. 229. [137] 'Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials,' Andres Cauchela and Salvador de Aldave, Manila, July 17, 1574, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 34, pp. 295-303, p. 297. [138] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sariua; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see lab-as; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lab-as; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see lab-as; Bergaño, Pampanga, see saguiua. [139] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see quilao, paralangag; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see quilao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see quilao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see lagpang which includes a reference to quilao; Bergaño, Pampanga, see quilao; 'Kiniilaw,' Wikipedia, English, n.d., (accessed 12 February 2023). [140] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pacsiu; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see pinangat, pacsio. [141] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tanglad, tanglar; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tanglad; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tanglad; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tanglar; Bergaño, Pampanga, see tanglay. [142] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see balanga; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see daba; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see daba; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see daba; Bergaño, Pampanga, see balanga. [143] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see losod, pailao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see losor, paylao. [144] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bilad, tuyo; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bilad; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balod; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balor; Bergaño, Pampanga, see bilad]. [145] [Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see boro; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see budo; John U. Wolff, A Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan, Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines, 1971, see buru; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see buro; Bergaño, Pampanga, see boro. [146] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tapa; Leo James English, Tagalog - English Dictionary, Manila: Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, 1986, see daing; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tapa, daing; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see tapa, daing; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tapa, daing; Bergaño, Pampanga, see tapa, daing; Kamus Dewan, see panggang; 'Daing,' Wikipedia, English , n.d., (accessed 12 February 2023). [147] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see asalan, bagoong, catay, gapac, hinain, lagat, ligboc, lampahan, paco, saglao, sig-ang, tambong, tayobay, tindag; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see alum, barol, bilahi, bocug, botud, calingcaling, canas, dayoc, gauay, gilit, gomo, gotgot, hiclab, hilab, himay, hinain, hiua, payad, momho, panhimocug, salicot, sangig, subac, sumsuman, tarap-an, tartar, tomo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balod, bahioay, caging, dat-ol, dayoc, doboc, gab-ol, gamos, gancay, gihay, hilab, hoghog, lana, lantop, lomay, oyab, palang, pamasao, pas-ay, ponpon, quigang, sagol, somsom, tigdas, yhao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bahiuay, balor, daog, dayoc, gibay, gihay, giuay, gulut, guput, hilao, hinay, hulum, honhon, ihao, lalan, lagpang, lapa, lapoa, manasao , pacao, pihig, quilis, sa-ao, sabluc, sal-ut, tagesda, tohog, uga, vas; Bergaño, Pampanga, see anglab, balul, barali, balaing, belita, bilasa, darang, lampan, lantong, ligao, palam, nasa, quiliquili, taguilao, tungi, yanyan. BIBLIOGRAPHY
|
