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OVERVIEW The early monetary system of the region, promoted by the Spanish and incorporating both Spanish and Bikol terms and values, is the basis of Section 1 which begins this chapter. Examined are not only the terms, but their origin, history and relationship to terms found in the other languages of the central Philippines. Closely associated with this is the next section which discusses gold and the extensive system of weights used to determine its value and equivalences. Included here is an attempt to determine the source of relevant terms and unravel their complex relationship in a system of indigenous and borrowed values. In Section 3 is a detailed discussion of weights and balances, their origin, type and use in commercial transactions. The system of numbers and counting forms the content of Section 4. Discussed here are the cardinal and ordinal numbers, basic calculations, and the limited set of numerical classifiers which were found, relating primarily to items of agriculture. There has been some noticeable change over time in the way numbers are counted, and an attempt is made here to explain the basis of these early systems and changes. Linear measurement is discussed in Section 5, from smaller measurements in which parts of the body were used, to larger measurements involved in building and surveying. Also mentioned are some of the errors which might occur in trying to achieve proper measurement and the remedies needed to rectify this. The chapter concludes with a section on volume measurement which was used primarily in the exchange of marketable commodities and the relationship between local and borrowed terms and systems.
Gold was plentiful in the Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century. While much of it was fashioned into items of adornment it also had a use in commerce. Goods for sale were given an equivalent value in gold which enabled them to either be bought for the stated amount in gold or silver, or bartered for items with the same or similar value. It wasn't, however, until after the arrival of the Spanish that a true monetary system was introduced and began to take hold.[1]
As might be expected, the Spanish system which was introduced used Spanish terms. The system of equivalents which developed, however, did not have strict reference only to other Spanish terms but also to Bikol terms, some of which had been used traditionally for gold. In other words, what resulted was a mixed system which had both internal and external referents. This was further complicated by equivalents which changed over time and differed from place to place. The main unit of currency which was introduced was the reál , a silver coin with the English meaning 'royal'. This was a unit of currency which first came about in fourteenth century Castile and had an unchangeable fixed weight of 3.35 grams of silver.[2] It was this currency which was used for external commerce.
To distinguish the two types of real we begin to get in Mexico the term real fuerte 'the strong real' which refers to the pure silver real and which takes on a fixed value of 2.5 real de vellon.[5] This becomes important in the Philippines where we see references, using Bikol terms, to 'a real of lesser value'. The real had Spanish equivalents referred to and used in the Philippines. A one quarter part of a real was referred to as a cuartillo and, therefore, 4 cuartillo was equivalent to 1 real,[6] this particular denomination being introduced in Spain in 1566.[7] The cuartillo must have referred to one quarter of both the real fuerte and the real de vellon depending of which unit was being referenced at the time (see Section 1(ii)).
The maravedí is not a term which appears in Lisboa, and its use in modern Bikol, where the plural form, marevedís, rendered as marábiles, is strictly historical.
While the peseta wasn't introduced in Spain until 1868, replacing the peso as part of that country's monetary reform,[12] the term itself was not new. It had been used from the seventeenth century to refer to a value of 2 real and later 4 real de vellón.[13] In the Philippines, the peseta had an equivalent value of 1/5th of a peso. One peso, then, was equivalent to 5 peseta.[14] Pesétas referred to a 20 centavo coin. Other introduced terms were the centavo which was 1/100 of a peso (1 peso = 100 centavos) and the céntimo, which was 1/100 of a peseta (1 peseta = 100 céntimos). The unit referred to as céntimos de peséta was equivalent to 1/25 real.
céntimos de peséta Spanish Monetary unit, equal to 1/25 of a reál [MDL] pesétas twenty centavo coin [SP‑ peseta Spanish monetary unit]
We now leave the currency introduced with Spanish terms and turn to the some of the Bikol equivalents. What must have been the real de vellon was referred to in Bikol as saikapát or sikapát. It was defined as 'one real of lesser value' worth 1/20 peso. We can see the chain of equivalence: 1 real fuerte =2.5 real de vellon; 1 real fuerte = 1/8 peso and therefore 1 real de vellon = 1/20 peso. The morphology of the Bikol term is interesting. Apát 'four' is preceded by sa and the prefix ika‑. Ika‑ is a numerical prefix which creates ordinal from cardinal numbers (see Section 4 (i)). Ika‑ + apát (here shortened to ikapát) means 'fourth'. The particle sa has a locative function, here meaning 'to'. The literal meaning of saikapát is then 'referring to the fourth'. Wherever this term appears, it refers to ¼ salapíˈ.[17]
ika‑ numerical affix, ordinal numbers: tuló three, ikatuló third [+MDL: an ikaduwá the second; an ikatló the third; an ikapúloˈ the tenth; an ikapúloˈ kagsaróˈ the eleventh; an ikaduwáng púloˈ the twentieth] sa locative marker occurring before general nouns, equivalent to the English prepositions 'at', 'by', 'in', 'into', 'from', 'through', 'to', 'on', 'onto', 'upon', 'with' (among) ... [+MDL: sa lángit in the sky; sa simbáhan in the church; ... sa háwak in the body; sa kalág part of the spirit ...] The cuartillo, in addition to its value of ¼ real, was also equivalent to 2 kundíng. This term was probably borrowed into Bikol from Tagalog where it is had a full set of affix possibilities.[22] The entry in Lisboa's Vocabulario is far shorter and more limited, as is Mentrida's entry for Hiligaynon.[23] Bergaño for Kapampangan lists a different set of values for the kundíng which is worth 1/6 real.[24] Kundíng is just one of many terms which has come into Bikol, most likely via Tagalog, and which Tagalog has itself borrowed from Malay. Manila was a centre of the commerce which spread out west and east across the South China Sea. It would have been influenced by these trading relationships, many with the Malay world, and would, in turn, have influenced other nearby regions of the Philippines (see Chapter 16, 'Towns, Trade and Travel,' Section 3). Retana has an interesting discussion of the form and possible origin of kundíng.[25] The closest equivalent to kundíng is the form condín which Ferdinand Blumentritt cites in his Vocabular.[26] Retana mentions that this citation is a deliberate attempt by Blumentritt to adjust this word to both the Philippine and Chinese sound systems, the Philippine languages being the borrowers and Chinese being the supposed donor. The more common forms are condrín and contrín, forms also found as headwords in the Diccionario de la lengua española. There is one further citation by Retana, and that is to a work by R. Irureta Goyena.[27] The form cited here is conderín, and it is this form which Retana takes as the more authoritative, dismissing the others. To add to the confusion, condrín and conderín are given a weight of just over 37 centigrams and contrín, 39 centigrams. External equivalents, cited by Goyena and Feodor Jagor[28] are 1 tael or 10 mas (amás) (see Section 2). If we look at the Malay world we find the Malay kenderi and the Minangkabau kundi refer to the biji saga, the fruits of the jequirity vine used in the weighing of gold.[29] In other words, this is the same as the Bikol bangatíˈ discussed in detail in Section 2. Winstedt attributes kenderi to a borrowing from Tamil and gives the English rendering of candareen, a form which might account for the various citations in Blumentritt, Retana and the Spanish dictionaries.[30]
Alimaymáy is a morphologically complex entry in both Bikol and Tagalog, comprising what is probably a fossilised prefix of the form ali(N)-[32] and a root word of the form maymáy or possibly baybáy. The prefix may once have shown an implied or overt comparison to something based on the meaning of the root word. Unfortunately, the root word in this case has no independent meaning in Bikol and no relevant independent meaning in Tagalog, and the prefix is now only found fixed to specific words and no longer functions independently.
If we look at the Malay world from which so many of the terms for gold and, by extension, money originated, we find a listing in both the John Crawfurd and William Marsden dictionaries for selápis.[38] The root here is lápis which means 'fold' or 'layer'. (Stress in Malay is predictable and therefore not shown in the standard writing system. It is shown here for purposes of clarification). While this meaning can be literal, referring to folds of cloth or paper, it can also be extended to refer to numbers or amounts: tíga lápis 'three fold' or 'three times', líma lápis 'five fold' or 'five times', sepúluh lápis 'ten fold' or 'ten times', etc. Selápis is a 'single fold' or simply 'single'. How then would this appear if borrowed into the languages of the central Philippines? In a number of Malay dialects, the final s becomes h (also see Section 2). If one of these dialects were the donor language, then selápis would be borrowed as selápih. Languages of the central Philippines have no words ending in h. This final sound could have been deleted, as will be argued in the case of tíga belás in Section 2, or could have been replaced by a glottal stop resulting in selápiˈ. The schwa (ə) in central Philippine languages would be represented by a: salápiˈ. Movement of the stress from penultimate to final position cannot be explained. As for the association of a word meaning 'single' or 'single fold' with the silver coin equivalent to the tostón this can be explained if the tostón is seen as a basic unit of currency, divisible into smaller units. This does appear to be the case as can be seen with bintíng and bahágiˈ above. Salapíˈ was probably borrowed once, by one of the Philippine languages, very possibly Tagalog, and then adopted subsequently by other languages of the region as the need for such a term arose. The only one of the real equivalents presented in Section 1(i) which has not yet been discussed is the bangatíˈ. The reference here is to both the plant, the jequirity vine, and its seeds, but it is only the seeds which were relevant in the weighing of gold and silver. As a measure of what was probably an agreed exchange, 6 bangatíˈ was equivalent to 1 real. There is, however, another set of equivalents worth one quarter of this exchange. By weight alone, 24 bangatíˈ could be exchanged for 1 real. What we are dealing with here is probably the difference between an 'imaginary' or agreed system of exchange and that based purely on weight. In other words, the weight of 24 bangatíˈ may have been closely equivalent to the 3.35 grams of silver in 1 real. This parallels the differences between the real fuerte and the real de vellon although the equivalent values are different. The weight of 1 bangatíˈ was clearly negligible, as can be seen in the example included in the Lisboa dictionary: Mínsan sa bangatíˈ daˈí akóng taˈdón saímo I won't even give you a bangatíˈ. Winstedt gives the weight of the biji saga, the equivalent of the Bikol bangatíˈ, at 1½ to 2 grains, making 24 bangatíˈ equivalent to between 2.3 and 3.1 grams.[39] This is not the 3.35 grams of silver we might have hoped for, although Winstedt also indicates that Troy weights differed formerly and this might account for the difference we see using modern conversion tables.
dampót ‑ON: dampóton seeds of the jequirity vine when small; when mature the seeds are called bangatíˈ; used for weighing gold [MDL] lubgás MA‑ fruit of the jequirity vine (bangatíˈ) when large and full of seeds [MDL]
lúbok gold, or silver coins, which one carries secured around the waist or in a pocket; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to carry such gold or coins [MDL]
The Bikol region always had gold. This is what originally attracted the Spanish to the region. Sailing from Leyte in 1567, they called at Masbate where they discovered the gold mines that were to bring them back two years later.[40] A subsequent expedition left from Manila, crossed overland from Laguna to the Pacific coast of Luzon near Mauban, and then traveled by boat to what is now Camarines Norte, reaching the gold mines of Paracale in 1571.[41] The Bikol term for gold, buláwan, is based on its colour, buláw. In addition to this general term, there were numerous other terms that referred to gold by its purity, weight, and variation in hue. Gold was processed into different items of adornment, including earrings, necklaces, bracelets, beads, belts, rings and chains of various thicknesses and length (see Chapter 8, 'Jewellery and Body Ornamentation,' Sections 5-9). Terms for working and smelting gold were extensive (see Chapter 9, 'Metals and Metalworking,' Section 1). The concern in this chapter, however, is with how gold was used in commerce and was able to fit into a developing monetary system.
buláw sandy colored, gold colored; blond; albino; ‑ON describing s/t with this color; MÁGIN to become blond; ‑AN gold [+MDL: having sandy colored or blond hair]
The tael had a Bikol equivalent, and this was the baˈsíng also used in calculating the weight of gold. It, like the tael, was equivalent to 16 kaamás. The same term was also found across the Visayas, in Hiligaynon, Cebuano and Waray.[47]
padúniˈ measure of gold; padúniˈ sa duwá katigang balá measure of gold equivalent to 12 amás; padúniˈ sa duwá kalímang amás measure of gold equivalent to 10 amás; padúniˈ sa duwá kakamandáhom measure of gold equivalent to 5 amás [MDL] If we look at the information available for Tagalog we find the entries tigambalá[48] and tigangbalá,[49] also equivalent to 6 amás. We also find tinggang balá which, in addition to meaning 6 amás, is also given the equivalent of 3 reals and 3 cuartillo (3¾ reals).[50] These are true equivalents, each referring to 37.5% of a tael; 1 tael = 10 real. Tigambalá and tigangbalá in Tagalog are clearly the same entries as the Bikol, but this is probably not the case with tinggang balá. If we remove the linker from tinggang we come out with the entry tinggá meaning 'lead' or 'tin', and generalised in some contexts to mean 'weight'. We might speculate that tiga had no particular meaning for Tagalog speakers, and this form was reinterpreted and replaced by a word that fit the context of weight, namely tinggá. What then is the meaning of tiga and balá? There is a possibility that both of these words are borrowings from Malay which is not only the source for amás but also a number of other gold weights introduced below. The Malay form which fits is tíga belás. This could have been borrowed as tíga beláh from any number of Malay dialects where final s is represented as h. The h would then be deleted as central Philippine languages do not have words ending in this consonant. The schwa, written as e but representing the vowel ə, also does not exist in central Philippine languages and would be represented as a. The problem with this analysis is the meaning of tíga belás which is 'thirteen'. Clearly, if this analysis is correct, it cannot refer directly to 6 amás but to some equivalent set of weights. The balabató (see below), for example, is worth ½ amás and 12 of these would be the equivalent of 6 amás. Until a relevant set of weights can be identified, this conclusion as to the origin of tigambalá must remain questionable. We can turn now to the various entries under padúniˈ. In Bikol padúniˈ has no independent value assigned to it, but it combines with other terms to determine its value. In Tagalog[51] parúni, the same term, has an equivalent value of 10 amás and it is used for determining values between 10 and 15 amás, after which counting is made in taels. For amounts less than 10, counting is done in balabató. In Cebuano, padúni is given a different value, that of ¼ tael which equates to 4 amás.[52] Further examining the entries under padúniˈ, we have padúniˈ sa duwá kalímang amás 'a measure of gold equivalent to 10 amás'. The meaning of this is clear as it is twice the value of limá 'five' amás. The final entry is padúniˈ sa duwá kakamandáhom 'measure of gold equivalent to 5 amás'. Kamandáhom appears once again in the data under the entry for bitínan: bitínan sa kamandáhom 'a weight of 2½ amás of gold'. The relationship between these two entries is clear as duwá kakamandahom '5 amás' is twice the value of kamandahom '2½ amás'. The reduplication of ka‑ is not significant in determining this meaning. Again, as with tiga+ng balá, it is not immediately obvious what the meaning of kamandáhom is. I examined this term extensively over a long period of time, comparing entries in the dictionaries of various Philippine languages, as well as Malay and Indonesian, and came up with nothing. Looking further afield into some of the languages which historically impacted on the Philippines through trade, I did finally discover a possible origin. Kamandáhom is morphologically complex. The set of two prefixes, ka‑ and man‑ is clearly Bikol; ka‑ used before nouns which are counted (see above) as well as nouns which serve as classifiers (see Section 4(iii)), and man‑ (an assimilated form of mang‑) before numbers showing distribution (see Section 4(i)) and nouns showing linear measurement (see Section 5). This leaves the root word, dáhom, which I have identified as a loan from Persian meaning 'tenth'.[53] How then is this equivalent to 2½ amás? The answer seems to lie in the meaning of the word baháy, discussed in more detail at the end of this section. Baháy in Tagalog is a weight equivalent to ½ balabató or ¼ amás. The weight of 10 baháy, then, is equivalent to 2½ amás, and this doubled brings the equivalent to 5 amás. Dáhom 'tenth' is the term which apparently stands for the unit 10 baháy. Looking now at the set of entries under bitínan, we find that Lisboa assigns no particular meaning to the headword entry, although it is obvious from the associated entries that the meaning is 'weight'. The root word here is bítin, which means to 'hang' or 'suspend' and this must refer to the balancing of two objects to determine the weight of the object whose weight is unknown. There is confirmation of this interpretation in Hiligaynon where bitin means 'to weigh something using weights or a scale called romana' and bitinan means 'weight'[54] and in Cebuano where bitin has the same meaning.[55]
The last entry in this set is bitínan sa makasiyám, meaning 'a weight of 1½ amás of gold'. The literal meaning of this is 'nine times the weight' or 'a weight of nine times'. This is arrived at by looking at the component morphemes of makasiyám: maka‑ + siyám. Siyám means 'nine'. The prefix maka‑ in early Bikol did have the meaning of 'times'[58] and in Tagalog it was used in the same way.[59] The obvious problem is determining which set of weights we are referring to. This term clearly cannot refer directly to a weight of 1½ amás. After examining any number of combinations and looking at all of the gold weights for Bikol and Tagalog in an attempt to determine what 'nine' might possibly refer to, I have found only one possibility: 1½ amás is just over 9% of 16 amás and, therefore, just over 9% of a tael. I doubt, however, that this is the intended reference.
sapáhaˈ measure of gold, equivalent to ¼ tael or 4 amás [MDL] [MALAY se + paha ¼ tael]
kag‑ numerical affix indicating 'teens': saróˈ one, kagsaróˈ or sangpúloˈ kagsaróˈ eleven; duwá two, kagduwá or sangpúloˈ kagduwá twelve; tuló three, kagtuló or sangpúloˈ kagtuló thirteen ...; [MDL] For gold to be weighed, and, therefore, its value determined, it had to be measured against some standard. In Bikol the standard used was the bátoˈ. These were weights that were carried around in a little pouch (sabáy) or box and used when purchasing gold, or when buying or exchanging items for an equivalent weight in gold. In comparison to Tagalog to the north, and Hiligaynon and Cebuano to the south, as well as Malay, Bikol is unusual in that bátoˈ does not mean 'stone'. The weights referred to in the Bikol entry need not have literally been stones, although this is undoubtedly their origin.
sabáy a piece of cloth, approximately 10 cm by 160 cm, with a pouch at one end, tied around the waist and used for carrying weights; MAG‑ to wear such a cloth belt; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to put on such a belt; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to put such a belt in place around s/o's waist; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to tie such a belt around s/o's waist [MDL]
gáding ivory; bracelets worn on the arm from the wrist to the elbow by the upper classes of society; MAG‑ to wear such bracelets; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place such bracelets on s/o's arm [MDL] [MALAY]
malasuwáˈ tree (typ‑ with leaves resembling that of a citrus and producing a fragrant fruit used in the making of twine) [MDL] suwáˈ citrus, citrus fruit; MAG‑, ‑AN to squeeze the juice of citrus fruits on s/t [+MDL: suwáng mahamís orange; suwáng gáyo lemon; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to squeeze the juice of such fruits on one's food]
bátiˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to keep account of the addition or subtraction of a particular weight or amount; Daˈí babatíˈon an sangpúloˈ katákad na ibusóg You probably wouldn't even notice if I added an additional ten measures (Said to someone with extensive resources) [MDL]
The reference for baháy in Cebuano is simply to a forest tree.[65] Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa gives more detail for Waray where it is described as a tree producing a flesh-coloured, non-edible fruit used decoratively in chains worn by men and medicinally, when mixed with a small amount of water, to treat boils and other swellings, a result also achieved by using the bark.[66] While Lisboa does not give an equivalent weight for baháy the term, as mentioned above, is also found in Tagalog where it was a weight equivalent to ½ balabató or ¼ amás. It was used along with cúpang, a type of fruit, worth 1/3 amás, ságaˈ, the seeds of the jequirity vine (see Section 1(ii)), worth 1/16 amás, buláy, a type of large bean (related to the lima bean, if this is the same entry found in Cebuano),[67]) worth 3 ságaˈ or 3/16 amás, and pálay, a grain of unhusked rice, all of which were used for weighing gold and silver.[68] To acquire the silver coins in circulation in the Philippines since the coming of the Spanish, gold would be used as an exchange, and this was referred to as timbáng, the term which means, most generally, 'to weigh' (see Section 3). One in possession of poorer quality gold could also use this in a transaction, exchanging two taels of inferior quality for one of a higher grade (báriˈ).
baháy fruit (typ‑ reddish, used for weighing gold); (fig‑) Garó bahay iníng saímong matá; nagiinóm ka gayód Your eyes are as red as a baháyfruit; you must have been drinking [MDL] timbáng MA‑, ‑ON to buy gold with silver coins (reál, tostón); MA‑, I‑ to offer silver reals for gold; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sell or exchange gold for silver reals [MDL] báriˈ MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pay two taels of poorer quality gold in place of one tael of higher quality gold to settle a debt [MDL]
There were a number of weighing scales found in the Bikol region. For lighter items, such as gold, we have the tarayóˈ which was carried around in a small box, lungón (literally 'coffin'), in which it was stored. This is a borrowing of the Malay teraju, although Wilkinson gives its ultimate origin as the Persian tarazau.[69] In Tagalog this appears as talaróˈ. This is a basic weighing scale comprising an arm serving as a fulcrum suspended by a string and two dishes to hold the items being weighed. The dishes are referred to as dáhon, meaning 'leaf', and without further evidence to the contrary, we may assume that there was a particular leaf used for this purpose. From the entry taró-tarayóˈ, described as a climbing plant possessing rounded leaves such as that of a tarayóˈ, we can further assume that the leaves were rounded.
taró-tarayóˈ plant (typ‑ climbing, with rounded leaves, like those of a tarayóˈ) [MDL]
bantáyan fulcrum of a weighing scale [MDL] tangkóg MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to hold a balance or scale out with the hand in preparation for weighing s/t; to weigh s/t in this way [MDL] These derivations are close in form the weight káti, and while this relationship may be unprovable from within Bikol, similar entries in Bergaño's Kampangan Vocabulario and San Agustin's Compendio make this explicit; the weight is káti and the steelyard balance is katían.[70]
While the weights added to the chinánta had specific referents in Bikol, bayág, and Tagalog, batóng sinantánan, the basic weight forming part of the steelyard balance must have been 10 káti or a modern equivalent of 6.3 kilos for the chinánta is also defined as equivalent to this weight. This is found in Tagalog (sinantán).[76], Bikol (see káti below), Hiligaynon (sinántan)[77] and Kapampangan.[78] Ignacio Alcina also makes this reference for the chinánta for Samar.[79]
káti unit of weight, equivalent to one-tenth of a chinánta or 630 grams; sangkáti one káti, duwáng káti two kati [MDL] [MALAY kati] The general term for weighing or balancing is timbáng, although in Lisboa's time there existed more specific terms such as pátok which referred specifically to weighing things on a scale or balance.
pátok MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to weigh s/t on a scale or balance; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to weigh s/t for s/o; to weigh s/t on a particular scale; I(PAG)‑ to be a particular weight; PAG‑ the weighing of s/t; KA‑‑AN the weight; Ko-anó an kapatókan kainíng buláwan? How much does this gold weigh? [MDL]
sungkád of the same weight; MA‑, I‑ to adjust the weight of s/t in relation to s/t else; MA‑, ‑AN: sungkarán to make s/t weigh the same as s/t else; MAG‑ to weigh the same (two things); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to see if two things are of the same weight; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to weigh s/t against the weight of s/t else; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to bring s/t into conformity with the weight of s/t else; KA‑ of the same weight [MDL] hiˈríg MA‑ the side of a scale which shows the heavier weight; tilted to the heavier side (a scale); MA‑ or MAG‑ to be heavier (one side of a balance or scale); to weigh more (s/t on a scale); MAPA‑, IPA‑ to add s/t to increase the weight; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to increase the weight by adding s/t [MDL] bugkót MA‑ or MAG‑ to be reduced in number or amount through an error in counting, or through the use of unequal weights or measures (goods in a transaction); MA‑‑AN to receive less due to an error in counting or weighing (the person buying); to be reduced due to the use of incorrect weights (the goods being purchased) [MDL]
ínaˈ MAG‑, ‑ON to remove s/t or s/o (as from a group, line); to deduct s/t from a previous debt; MAG‑, ‑AN to deduct or s/t delete from; to diminish or decrease the number or amount of s/t; to reduce, subtract, lessen; to minus; to minimize; ... PAG‑ subtraction, reduction [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove s/t; to reduce s/t by a particular amount; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to remove s/t from; to diminish s/t; ... ]
Bikol, as with the other major languages of the Philippines, has a base 10 numbering system, a system in which 10 digits can represent any numerical quantity. The terms in Bikol representing these digits range from 1-10 with the term for 'ten' essentially serving as the zero (0). Counting upward from this basic set is done in groups of 10.
During Lisboa's time, the counting of numbers began with isá 'one'. While this term has disappeared from modern Bikol, being replaced by saróˈ, its combing form is still ubiquitous. Sang‑, for example, combines with púloˈ 'tens' to give sangpúloˈ 'ten', with gatós 'hundred' to give sanggatós 'one hundred', with ríbo 'thousand' to give sangríbo 'one thousand', and so on. Assimilation of the final nasal of the prefix, sang‑ was clearly not as common during Lisboa's time, while in modern Bikol assimilation always occurs. Sangpúloˈ, for example, is always be sampúloˈ.
sang‑ one, combining form (from isá + ng); sanggatós one hundred; sangríbo one thousand [+MDL: sangpúloˈ ten; sanggatós kagsangpúloˈ 110; also means 'as numerous as': sangdagáˈ as numerous as the grains of soil; sangbaybáy as numerous as the grains of sand; sangdáhon as numerous as the leaves; sangbitúˈon as numerous as the stars]
ríbo thousand; sangríbo one thousand; ‑ON: riníbong thousands [+MDL: sangríbo one thousand; duwáng ríbo two thousand; MANG‑: manangríbo or manaróˈ sangríbo one thousand each; TIG‑: tigsangríbo one thousand each; ‑ON or MA‑ sangribóhon or masangríbo to increase s/t in degrees of a thousand; MANG‑, PANG‑ ‑ON: manangríbo, panangríbo to give or weigh things in units of one thousand; MAKA‑: makasangríbo or makaríbo to do s/t a thousand times; MAPAKA‑: mapakasangríbo or mapakaríbo to approach a thousand in number; PAKA‑‑ON: pakasangribóhon or pakaribóhon to bring s/t up to one thousand in number] yúkot ten thousand; sangyúkot ten thousand; sangyúkot na yúkot one hundred thousand [MDL] laksáˈ million; sanlaksáˈ or sanglaksáˈ one million [MDL] [MALAY laksa 10,000, from SANSKRIT lakṣa 100,000] Laksáˈ is borrowed from Malay where its meaning is 'ten thousand', although its origin is the Sanskrit lakṣa; 'one hundred thousand'.[83] Bikol is unusual in associating this term with the number 'one million' for it is defined, as in the Malay, as 10,000 in surrounding languages such as Tagalog,[84] Hiligaynon[85] and Cebuano.[86] The definition of 'ten thousand' and 'one hundred thousand' is given by Bergaño for Kampangan.[87] Yúkot, also possibly a borrowing, shares part of its meaning with Waray to the south where it is defined as both 'thousand' and 'ten thousand'.[88] In small village-based societies such as those found in the Philippines at the arrival of the Spanish, large numbers represented, for example, in Bikol by laksáˈ and yúkot, must have really been abstractions. The need to represent and discuss such large quantities would have been rare and exceptional, assuming the occasion would ever arise. This may be the cause for the different values assigned to these terms. Language groups with more direct and renewed contact with the Malay world would have likely retained a shared meaning for numerical terms such as laksáˈ while those with possibly less contact developing new definitions, such as Bikol, or never borrowing the term at all, such as Waray. In modern Bikol, counting above 10 is basically done using Spanish numbers, although the knowledge of how such numbers are constructed on Bikol bases is widely known, even if rarely used. The 'teens', the numbers from 11 to 19, can be formed in two ways. Most common in modern Bikol is the use of may, the particle which shows 'existence' and may translate as 'with'. During Lisboa's time this particle was used only for counting above 20 and was not used in the modern sense of enumerating 'teens'. The formation of 'teens' using may is made by adding the relevant digit to 'ten': sampúloˈ may saróˈ '11', sampúloˈ may duwá '12', sampúloˈ may tuló '13', etc. Literally these numbers mean 'ten with (or plus) one', 'ten with two', 'ten with three', etc. The 'teens' during Lisboa's time were formed by adding the prefix KAG‑ to the relevant number (see Section 2). The affixed number could then be used alone for the relevant meaning, or it could be preceded by the number 'ten'. The formation of 'teens' using the prefix alone is possible in modern Bikol, but its use with 'ten' is not: kagsaróˈ or sangpúloˈ kagsaróˈ '11'; kagduwá or sangpúloˈ kagduwá '12', kagtuló or sangpúloˈ kagtuló '13', etc. For counting from 20 to 90, púloˈ 'ten' is preceded by the relevant digit: duwáng púloˈ '20', tulóng púloˈ '30', apát na púloˈ '40', etc. Within each set of 10 numbers, for example, from 21-29, 31-39, 41-49, etc. two methods of expression were possible during Lisboa's time, with just the first recognisable in modern Bikol.[89] Twenty-one, 32 and 43, for example, could be expressed, respectively, as duwáng púloˈ may saróˈ '21', tulóng púloˈ may duwá '32' and apát na púloˈ may tuló '43'. The second method of expression had a long form and a short form, both of which would be unrecognisable in the modern language: may ikatlón saróˈ / duwáng púloˈ may ikatlón saróˈ '21', may ikatlón duwá / duwáng púloˈ may ikatlón duwá '22', may ikatlón tuló / duwáng púloˈ may ikatlón tuló '23', may ikapát nin saróˈ / tulóng púloˈ may ikapát nin saróˈ '31'. These same forms are found in San Agustin.[90] If we examine the final example above, may ikapát nin saróˈ, we are able to identify the full form of the linker, nin , which is shortened in the other examples. The full forms of the entries are, then, as follows: may ikatuló nin saróˈ / duwáng púlo may ikatuló nin saróˈ '21', may ikatuló nin duwá / duwáng púloˈ may ikatuló nin duwáˈ '22', may ikatuló nin tuló / duwáng púloˈ may ikatuló nin tuló '23', may ikaapát nin saróˈ / tulóng púloˈ may ikaapát nin saróˈ '31'. The prefix iká‑ forms ordinal from cardinal numbers and nin showed the type of assimilation exhibited here during the time Lisboa was writing.
nin nonsubject agent and object marker occurring before general nouns and marking those nouns as nonspecific; may also be used to express the concept 'some' ... [+MDL: also used to show possession: úlay nin Pádre what the priest said; túgon nin Diós commandments of God; súgoˈ nin Capitan basal signal of the conductor (of dance music); when following a word ending in a vowel, nin is reduced to a single nasal consonant: n, before 'd', 't' or 'n': gibóhon Diós done by God; m before 'b', 'p' or 'm': gibóhom Pádre done by the Priests; and ng before 'g', 'k' or 'h': gibóhong Capitan basal done by the conductor of dance music; gimíbong hámak for gimíbo nin hámak making a mat; also used with si as nin si to show possession by s/o or s/t previously referred to in a conversation or known by both speaker and listener, and to make nonsubject objects specific] Turning now to the ordinal numbers, these are formed by prefixing ika‑ to the cardinal number. This applies to all numbers except 'one'. For the meaning 'first' the term is ínot. An alternative, having only a literary usage, is úna, used in modern Bikol as well as during Lisboa's time, and not to be confused with the Spanish term of the same form. As with most of the terms used only in narratives and verse, this also appears to have an origin to the south, here in Cebuano,[93] where the term for 'first' is úna.[94]
úna (lit‑) first [+MDL: first, used only in narratives and verse for ínot]
To indicate how many parts are to be given out or distributed, the prefix TIG‑ is used followed by a specific number. In modern Bikol the number generally undergoes one of three possible processes. None of these processes is a grammatical necessity, but each is used to create a type of distributive emphasis inherent in the meaning. The first process is pluralisation formed by infixing ‑Vr‑ between the first consonant and vowel of the base. The V takes on the value of the first vowel in the base: tuló 'three', tigturuló 'three each'. The second process is partial reduplication referring to the reduplication of the first consonant and vowel of the base: tigtutuló 'three each'. The final process is full reduplication: tigtuló-tuló 'three each'. While examples of partial and full reduplication are found in Lisboa (we have only to see the entry above), only full reduplication, or no reduplication, is exemplified for the meaning here. The same meaning expressed by TIG‑ could also be expressed during Lisboa's time by MANG‑: manaróˈ-saróˈ 'one each', manuló-tuló 'three each', manlimá-limá 'five each', mamitó-pitó 'seven each', and so on. A non-reduplicated number prefixed with MANG‑ gave the restricted and rather special meaning of the number of seats found on a boat. Manuwá was a boat with two seats, manatló one with three seats, and mangapát, manlimá and manganóm were boats, respectively, with four, five and six seats. While not a prefix, the particle manggí occurs in this same position to create a rather specific meaning related to deer. It indicates how many antlers a deer has, and by knowing this, it also becomes possible to determine the age of the deer. Examples are in the following entry.
The counting of numbers was most commonly expressed in the Bikol of Lisboa's time, as well as modern Bikol, by bílang. This was the general term which was used in the counting of numbers as well as the counting of things. A more restricted term, no longer used in the modern language but found in Lisboa, is búlay.
búlay MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to count or calculate s/t [MDL]
pakaˈág with, including (used with sums or numbers): limá pakaˈág kaiyán five with those; sangpúloˈ pakaˈág kainí ten including these; waló pakaˈág kaidtó eight with those [MDL]
guráˈno how much; how (as in 'how tall', 'how far'): Guráˈno an nótebook na iní? How much is this notebook?; Guráˈno karayóˈ? How far?; Guráˈno kahalóy? How long (time)?; MANG‑ how much each: Mangguráˈno an aranghíta? - Tigbebeínte How much each are the oranges? - Twenty cents each [MDL: guráno how, what about: Guráno iyán? How is that?; Guráno daw an síring? What do you have to say about s/t like this?; Guráno an úlay niyá? How did she respond?; Daˈí guráno It's not a big deal; Daˈí lámang guráno It's not very significant; Guráno kang gumúhit? How do you feel about writing?; Guráno kang tumuklós? How do you feel about working?; Guráno ka? How are you?; Guráno iyán naghihílang? How are the sick people?]
Numerical classifiers are words placed before nouns which are counted. Examples in English are 'loaves' in 'two loaves of bread', 'pieces' in 'four pieces of meat', and 'cups' in 'three cups of coffee'. Looking closely at the Bikol of Lisboa's time, we can identify certain of these classifiers most of which are no longer used in the modern language. They are used in highly restricted contexts, mostly dealing with agriculture. It is not possible to tell from the data whether these entries are remnants of a more diversified and inclusive system, such as that found in modern Malay, or the beginnings of a system which, for some reason, ceased to develop. The prefix ka‑ was commonly added to nouns which were counted in early Bikol (see Section 2) and this prefix was used with the majority of words serving as numerical classifiers. The largest group of classifiers referred to rice: a handful of rice stalks, sigpít, a bundle of rice stalks gathered by the handful, úpong, a bundle of rice straw, butlóng and a bundle of rice seedlings, gáwiˈ.
úpong a handful of rice stalks; rice stalks bundled by the handful: saróˈ kaúpong one bundle of rice; duwá kaúpong two bundles of rice; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to bundle rice stalks using the handful as a measure [MDL] butlóng bundle of rice straw (typ‑ small, 8 or 10 being required to make up a full load) [MDL] gáwiˈ KA‑: saróˈ kagáwiˈ a small bundle of rice seedlings called tagbóng; Darhí akó nin limá kagáwiˈ Bring me five bundles of tagbóng [MDL]
tibulós a full stalk of sugarcane: saróˈ katibulós one stalk of sugarcane; duwá katibulós two stalks of sugarcane [MDL] darampáng knob of ginger, ginger root; saróˈ kadarampáng one full ginger root [MDL] kúmoˈ a handful: saróˈ kakúmong ábaka one handful of abaca [MDL]
bulós a stick one meter in length and the thick ness of a walking stick, used in the weaving of material with colored designs, such as the cloth called badyóˈ [MDL]
rangkól bundle comprising 10 sheets of iron; saróˈ karangkól one bundle or pack of 10 sheets of iron; duwá karangkól two bundles or packs; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place iron sheets into such bundles [MDL]
Linear measurement was made using the most readily available of instruments, the human body. Earlier generations of English speakers can easily relate to measurement by 'feet', and horse racing enthusiasts to measuring the height of horses by 'hands'. In Bikol there was a highly developed system of this type of linear measurement. Starting at the ground we have dapán 'the sole of the foot' and the 'instep'. This was used for measuring things by the foot.
bagwás MA‑ long, referring to the distance from node to node on bamboo or sugarcane; also the distance from the ankle to the knee, from the knee to the hip and from the wrist to the elbow; MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow long in this dimension;Abóng bagwás kainí This is very long [MDL] gawás extra, excess to requirements; MA‑ to be extra, in excess; MA‑‑AN to be more than is re quired for s/t; to be in excess of what one needs [MDL]
lawíˈ MAG‑, I‑ to stretch out the arms with the palms facing back (as if trying to make them longer); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t in this way; Pinalalawíˈ pakaraháy ni kuyán si pagdupá That person really stretches out his arms when measuring s/t [MDL]
takós a measure of circumference determined by encircling an object with the arms; an armful; MAG‑, ‑ON to measure the circumference of an object in this way [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure the circumference of s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t to take such a measurement]
súkol measurement, size, dimension; standard; MAG‑, ‑ON to measure s/t; to calculate, estimate or gauge s/t (size, length); ...; PANG‑ a measure, gauge; KA‑ equivalent, commensurate, proportionate; ... (arc‑) saróng súkol a measurement equal to fifty arm lengths on each side [MDL: measuring stick; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t with a rod, rope; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to measure s/t against s/t else; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t as a measuring stick]
manuksók the length from the tip of the middle finger to the shoulder; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to measure s/t in this way [MDL] manluyó the length from the tip of the middle finger to the far shoulder; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t in this way [MDL] mangálog the length from the tip of the middle finger to the chest; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to measure s/t in this way [MDL]
dángaw the distance covered by the spread of the hand from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the small finger; MAG‑, ‑ON to measure s/t in this way [+MDL: palm of the hand; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑,PAG‑‑ON to calculate the length of s/t using the palm as a measure; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use the palm for measuring; MA‑ describing s/o with a wide palm; sang dángaw one palm length; duwáng dángaw two palm lengths; dángaw nin tuldóˈ the distance from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the forefinger]
langbóˈ length of bamboo or a pole used to measure a post (harígiˈ) so that the proper size can be chosen before setting it upright; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure such a post; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a pole or length of bamboo for measuring [MDL] gúro MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mark off with a knife a part of s/t that is later to be cut or measured [MDL] sayáw MAG‑ to be equal in height; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to make two things equal in height; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to raise or lengthen s/t to make it even in height with s/t else; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to equal the height of s/t by adjusting the height of s/t else to it; KA‑ equal in height (to s/t else) [MDL]
tukód MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make s/t to exact measurements or specifications; to do s/t exactly as required (such as adding the precise amount of water to rice when cooking); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add the precise amount (as water to rice); ... [MDL] surungkál unequal, uneven; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to do s/t that looks uneven or unequal; to place things of differing sizes together resulting in an uneven fit ... [MDL] tawás MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be longer in comparison with s/t else; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to be longer by a particular length; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to leave or cut one thing longer than another; Putlá iyán tawás kaiyán kawáyan Cut the extra bit off the bamboo; ... [MDL] luˈák HING‑: hiluˈák unequal, not level; ...; MAHING‑, HING‑‑ON or MAGHING‑, PAGHING‑‑ON to measure s/t unequally; ...; also MAKAHING‑, MAHING‑ [MDL]
hayúkong MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow shorter; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to shorten s/t; to reduce the length of s/t (a rope, stick); ... [MDL]
súbo MA‑, ‑ON to adjust the size of s/t; MA‑, I‑ to adjust the size of s/t (in relation to s/t else); MA‑, ‑AN to make s/t equal in size to s/t else; MAG‑ to have the same measurements; to be equal; to be of the same size; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to equalize things; to make two things the same size; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to make s/t equal or the same size (as s/t else); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make s/t equal to s/t else; KA‑ having the same measurements; of the same size, equal; ... [MDL]
waydóng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to straighten out a cord when measuring s/t, laying it out from point to point; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to measure s/t in this way [MDL] sandág equal in size, or in distance from one another; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make things uniform in size, or place them at equal distances; ‑AN ruler or measuring stick [MDL] híwas width; MA‑ broad, wide; spacious, roomy, vast; MAG‑ to become wide; MAG‑, ‑AN to make way for s/t; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to broaden or widen s/t; to make s/t more spacious [+MDL: MA‑ spacious; MA‑ or MAG‑ to stretch; to become wider; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to stretch s/t which is narrow; PAGKA‑ or KA‑‑AN width, breadth]
tangáˈ SA in-between, intermediate, midway; ...; MAG‑ to be in the middle; IPAG‑ to place s/t in the middle; MAGPA‑ to go into the middle; PAG‑‑AN the place in-between; intermediary [+MDL: middle, center (measuring the length; for the middle of s/t measuring the width see táhaw); sa tangáng dálan in the middle of the road; MAG‑ to be folded lengthwise down the middle; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to place s/t in the middle; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to place s/t in the middle of s/t; to cut s/t lengthwise down the middle; MAKA‑ to be halfway; to be half (as the volume of water in a glass): Nakakatangáˈ pa iníng túbig digdí sa tapáyan The urn is still half filled with water] tayháw middle, center (of a river, lake); a point equally distant from both banks or shores; MAPA‑ to go to the center or middle; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to go the middle to get s/t; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to carry s/t out to the middle of a river, lake [MDL]
The two measures which Lisboa used to refer to volume were the gánta and the tsúpa (also see Chapter 2, 'Food ,' Section 3). These were not Bikol terms at the time, although they have become so. Gánta was a term of reference due, most likely, to its occurrence in Tagalog, the language of Manila and centre of commerce, although its ultimate origin was probably the Malay gantang.[96] Tsúpa, also a term of reference, came from the Malay cupak where it was a measure equivalent to the volume of one-half a coconut shell. This came to be formalised as one quarter of a gantang.[97] We can see that the gánta - tsúpa equivalents are different for Bikol when compared with the Malay, but this type of difference is all too common in historical reference where equivalents changed over time and from place to place.
tsúpa chupa, a measure of volume; 6 tsúpa = 1 gánta [MALAY cupak ½ coconut shell full or ¼ gantang]
gahín a tsúpa; 1/6 of a gánta or kabuláw (see buláw); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure out rice from a granary or other storage area or container by the gánta or tsúpa; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t as a measure for this volume; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to reduce the contents of a granary or container as various measured amounts are removed; ‑AN: gagahínan a measure of 1 tsúpa [MDL] sukób MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t out by the gahín or tsúpa (food such as mussels, clams, pieces of meat); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to measure s/t out by the gahín or tsúpa (a large amount from which measured amounts are removed); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular container for measuring s/t by the gahín or tsúpa [MDL]
káwol MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to measure out s/t with the hands when no container or proper measure is available; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use the hands for this purpose [MDL] gupáˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to guess or estimate the weight or volume of s/t by its bulk or size; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use one's eyes or thoughts to arrive at an estimate of weight or volume; Daˈí saróˈ kabuláw iní, didikít an gupáˈ It can't be one gánta judging from the small amount [MDL]
mungmóng MA‑ or MAG‑ ... to be filled to the desired level (a container); MAKA, MA‑ to present s/o with all one needs; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to fill a container with the exact amount needed ... [MDL] umbáw filled to the brim; MAG‑ to be full to the top; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to fill s/t up to the brim [MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be higher than other things around it; ungbáw MA‑ or MAG‑ to be full to the brim, top; to increase, filling a pot (as steaming rice); (PAG‑)‑AN to be filled to the brim (as a pot with rice); MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to fill s/t to the top; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to fill a container to the brim with s/t] karís strickle, strike; an instrument used to level off grain in a measure; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to level off a measure of grain; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove excess grain in the process of leveling [MDL]
kasí MAG‑ same, equal: ... Magkasí dakúlaˈ Both are equally big; Magkasí sadáng Both are small; Magkasí síring The two are the same; Magkasí buláwan Both are gold; ... [MDL] sagpóng MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pair things which are smaller in size, less in number or lighter in weight so that they equal one thing greater in size or heavier in weight (such as two small pieces of fish which are placed together and given to one person and seen as equivalent to one large piece of fish given to another); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make s/t of lesser size, number or weight equivalent to s/t greater with the addition of another item; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add an additional item to s/t which is smaller to make it equivalent to s/t which is larger or heavier ... [MDL]
The units of currency introduced into the Philippines by the Spanish had reference originally to external trading relationships and values. As the conquest of the islands spread and the Spanish administration became more comfortably entrenched, use of these currencies also spread and began to take on a more local flavour. Spanish terms soon developed Philippine equivalents which had relevance to both local and foreign trade. Currencies such as the real were based on a particular weight of silver. Equivalences which developed in the Philippines were also based on weight, but almost exclusively on the weight of gold, traditionally abundant and highly valued as both as a medium of exchange as well as a metal of personal adornment. Long before arrival of the Spanish, areas of the Philippines had well established trading relationships with the Malay world to the south, so it is not surprising that a number of terms which came to be used were borrowed from Malay. The Bikol region, located to the south and east of the Tagalog speaking provinces, had what was probably a secondary trading relationship with Asia as the main trade routes would have been to the south and west across the South China Sea. It was Manila which had direct access to these routes, and Bikol also borrowed terms from Tagalog to supplement its financial vocabulary. With gold so central to a system of exchange, and weight an integral part of determining equivalences, it is not unexpected that a variety of weights and weighing scales was found in the region, along with a set of terms to describe their function. The borrowing of terms from both Tagalog and Malay is clearly in evidence in Bikol, terms which were widely enough used that the Spanish employed them as general terms of reference. The numbering system in use at the turn of the sixteenth century appears deceptively similar to that used in modern Bikol, but on closer examination differences begin to emerge. The original term for the number 'one' has fallen into disuse, leaving only its combining form behind. The formation of 'teens', the numbers 11-19, has changed with old Bikol using a form that modern speakers may only marginally recognise. The counting of the intervals from 21-29, 31-39, 41-49, and so on appeared to be in a transitional phase when Lisboa was writing with the dominant system based on a series of tens which included the 'teens' and thereby leading to expression of the numbers 21-29 as the third set of ten and not the second as it is in the modern counting system. Old Bikol also had a set of numerical classifiers, marginal though they might have been. Linear measurement commonly relied on parts of the body; the foot, the arms, the hand in relation to the elbow and shoulder and the palm and fingers. Larger areas or longer dimensions could be measured by rattan or rope with the correct measurement marked by a knife in preparation for cutting. A set of volume measures was useful in the buying and selling of grains and liquids. The buláw and gahín were the Bikol equivalents of the gánta and tsúpa, commonly used references borrowed from Tagalog with origins in Malay. While these were exact measurements, exactness was not always a requisite for such measurement. It could vary depending on the containers available and the agreement of those involved in the transaction. Where shortages or excesses occurred, these could easily be rectified by the addition or removal of the items being traded. The monetary and measurement systems discussed here have long disappeared from common use. A move to national and, subsequently, international standards, has seen the rise of new terms and applications, far different from the past where standards differed, terms took on a variety of meanings, and location was frequently the significant criterion in how these standards were applied. ENDNOTES
[1] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'Rice' The Philippines at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century, Intersections Monograph 1, 2011, Chapter 6, Section 7, 'Measures and Transactions,, 2011, Canberra: Intersections.
[2] Tipos de monedas españolas (accessed 15 December 2011). [3] Manuel Torres, An exposition of the commerce of Spanish America. Philadelphia: G. Palmer, 1816, Image 30, The Making of the Modern World, The Goldsmiths - Kress Library of Economic Literature, 1450-1850. [4] John Hewitt, A treatise upon money, coins and exchange in regard both to theory and practice. London: H. Woodfall, Jun., 1740, Image 175, The Making of the Modern World. [5] Diccionario de la Lengua Española, Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1970. [6] Diccionario de la Lengua Española. [7] Tipos de monedas españolas (accessed 15 December 2011). [8] Diccionario de la Lengua Española; An Encyclopedia of World History, 1948, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, p. 233. [9] Tipos de monedas españolas (accessed 15 December 2011); Manuel Torres, Image 30, The Making of the Modern World. [10] 'Peso', Britannica Online Encyclopedia (accessed 15 December 2011). [11] John Hewitt, A treatise upon money, coins and exchange, Image 186, The Making of the Modern World. [12] 'Peseta', Britannica Online Encyclopedia, (accessed 15 December 2011). [13] Real Casa de la Moneda, Fábrica Nacional de Moneda y Timbre, p.8. [14] Diccionario de la lengua española; W. E. Retana, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas por el P. Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga, Madrid. Imprenta de la viuda de M. Minuesa de los Rios, 1893, p. 552. [15] Tipos de monedas españolas (accessed 15 December 2011). [16] William Henry Scott, Barangay, Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1994, p. 73; also see Coin Archives (accessed 15 December 2011). [17] William Egbert Wheeler MacKinlay, A Handbook and Grammar of the Tagalog Language. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1905, p. 81. [18] Wheeler, A Handbook and Grammar of the Tagalog Language, p. 81; Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1753. Reimpreso 1860, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, see saicaualó. [19] Wheeler, A Handbook and Grammar of the Tagalog Language, p. 81; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, see sicoló. [20] Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1753, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see saicualó. [21] Alonso de Mentrida, Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya de la Isla de Panay, Manila: La Imprenta de D. Manuel y de Felix Dayot, 1841, see sicaualó; Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario español - bisaya para las provincias de Sámar y Leyte, 3rd edition, aumentado por Antonio Valeriano, 1914, Manila: Santos y Bermal see sicaualo; Diego Bergaño, Arte de la lengua Pampanga, 1732, Manila: Colegio de Santo Tomás, Reimpreso 1916, p.213. [22] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see conding. [23] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya , see conding. [24] Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, 1732, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see cunding. [25] W. E. Retana, Diccionario de Filipinismos, Madrid: La Real Academia Española, 1921, p.77-78. [26] Ferdinand Blumentritt, Vocabular einzelner Ausdrücke und Redensarten, welche dem Spanischen der philippinischen Inseln eigenthümlich sind (The vocabulary of some peculiar Philippine Spanish expressions and idioms), Leipzig, 1882, as cited in Retana, Diccionario de Filipinismos, p.77. [27] R. Irureta Goyena, Sistema métrico decimal. Antiguo sistema de pesas, medidas y monedas de Filipinas, Manila, 1893, as cited in Retana, Diccionario de Filipinismos, p.77. [28] Dr. Feodor Jagor, Viajes por Filipinas. Madrid: Imprenta, Esteriotipia y Galvanoplastia de Aribau y C, 1875, p. xviii. [29] Kamus Dewan. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1994. [30] R. O. Winstedt. An Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary. Singapore: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, nd. [31] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see alimaymay. [32] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol', Currents in Pacific Linguistics: Papers on Austronesian Languages and Ethnolinguistics in Honor of George W. Grace, ed. Robert Blust, Canberra: Pacific Linguistics C-117, 1991, pp. 270-272. [33] Bergaño, Arte de la lengua Pampanga, p.213.; Gaspar de San Agustin (1650-1724), Compendio del arte de la lengua Tagala, Manila: Imprenta de Amigos del Pais, 1879, p.120. [34] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see binting; Bergaño, Pampanga, see binting. [35] Carl R. G. Rubino, Ilocano Dictionary and Grammar: Ilocano-English, English-Ilocano. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000. [36] Fr. Andrés de San Agustin, Arte de la lengua Bicol, 1647, Pueblo de Sampaloc (Manila): Convento de Nuestra Señora de Loreto, 1739, p. 15. [37] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala. [38] John Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, vol. 2, London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1852, see lapis / salapis; William Marsden, A dictionary of the Malayan language. London: Cox and Baylis, 1812, see lapis / selapis. [39] Winstedt. An Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see saga, mayam. [40] Danilo Madrid Gerona, From Epic to History: A Brief Introduction to Bicol History, Naga City, Philippines: Ateneo de Naga, 1988, p. 38. [41] Conquest of Luzon, April 20, 1572, in Blair and Robertson, vol 3, p. 161-162. [42] Winstedt. An Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary. [43] Kamus Dewan. [44] Monier Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 814, as cited in Pandanus Database of Plants (accessed 19 December 2011). [45] de San Agustin, Arte de la lengua Bicol, p. 15. [46] Oxford English Dictionary Online (accessed 19 December 2011). [47] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bas‑ing; Juan Feliz de la Encarnacion. Diccionario español- bisaya, Manila: Imprenta de los amigos del pais, á cargo de M. Sanchez, 1852,; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see basing. [48] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala; entries in the Spanish-Tagalog part of the Vocabulario are inconsistent in both form and meaning. I have referred only to the Tagalog-Spanish part. [49] de San Agustin, Compendio del arte de la lengua Tagala, pp.122-123. [50] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala. [51] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see paróni. [52] de la Encarnacion. Bisaya, see padóni. [53] Sulayman Hayyim. New Persian-English dictionary, Teheran: Librairie-imprimerie Beroukhim, 1934-1936, p. 881. [54] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya. [55] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya. [56] Kamus Dewan. [57] Winstedt, An Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary. [58] de San Agustin, Arte de la lengua Bicol, p.76. [59] MacKinlay, A Handbook and Grammar of the Tagalog Language, page 78. [60] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya. [61] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tinga; Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bolán. [62] also in de San Agustin, Arte de la lengua Bicol, p.16. [63] de San Agustin, Compendio del arte de la lengua Tagala, p.122-123. [64] Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, see salapan; Winstedt records this form as selapan which is the more accurate spelling and one which can be found in modern Malay and Indonesian dictionaries. [65] John U. Wolff, A Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan, Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines, 1971. [66] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bahay. [67] Wolff, A Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan. [68] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala; de San Agustin, Compendio del arte de la lengua Tagala, p.122-123. [69] R. J. Wilkinson. A Malay-English Dictionary, Mytilene, Greece: Salavopoulous & Kinderlis, 1932. [70] Bergaño, Pampanga, see cáti; de San Agustin, Compendio del arte de la lengua Tagala, p.124. [71] 'Spring scale', Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 19 December 2011). [72] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see polonpolon. [73] Diccionario de la lengua Española; Retana, Diccionario de Filipinismos, p. 86. [74] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sinantan. [75] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya; Bergaño, Pampanga, see sinantan. [76] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sinantan. [77] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya. [78] Bergaño, Pampanga, see cáti. [79] Ignacio Francisco Alcina, History of the Bisayan People in the Philippine Islands, 1668, vol. 1, Manila: UST Publishing House, 2002, p. 249. [80] Retana, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas, p. 552. [81] Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edition, 1989. Oxford: Clarendon Press. [82] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ribo. [83] vedabase.net (accessed 26 December 2011). [84] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lacsa. [85] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya. [86] Wolff, A Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan. [87] Bergaño, Arte de la lengua Pampanga, p.205; also see note at bottom of page. [88] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see yocut. [89] also see de San Agustin, Arte de la lengua Bicol, p.75. [90] de San Agustin, Arte de la lengua Bicol, p.75. [91] Bergaño, Arte de la lengua Pampanga, p.205. [92] de San Agustin, Compendio del arte de la lengua Tagala, p.115. [93] Malcolm W Mintz. 'Anger and Verse: Two Vocabulary Subsets in Bikol'., Vical 2: Western Austronesian and Contact Languages, Papers from the 5th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, 1991, pp. 231-44, Auckland: Linguistics Society of New Zealand. [94] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see óna. [95] Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol', p. 276. [96] Winstedt, An Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary. [97] Winstedt, An Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see chupa. [98] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gahin. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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