Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific
Monograph 1: The Philippines at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century


Malcolm W Mintz


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Chapter 2

FOOD


OVERVIEW
 
Various terms dealing with the relationship between food and selected areas of social activity are the subject of this chapter. Food is examined in relation to personal behaviour, social behaviour, ritual and religion, business transactions, drinking customs and choices made during times of scarcity.[1]
 
The chapter is divided into six sections. Section 1 looks at drinking customs. Included here is a description of the three main types of alcoholic beverages, tubá', made from the sap of the coconut or nípaˈ palms, pangási, made from rice, and intós, made from the juice of the sugar cane. In Section 2, foods which are eaten during times of famine are examined, as well as some of the terms which relate to survival during such periods of adversity. Section 3 examines food in business transactions'. Here food as barter is discussed, as well as the various types of exchanges involving food. The section concludes with a discussion of the division of agricultural lands. In Section 4, foods associated with festive or ritual occasions, superstitions and healing, and plants possessing various medicinal and supernatural qualities are examined. Section 5 discusses traditions of inviting, serving and sharing food, and in Section 6 personal traits associated with eating are examined. Included are the speed of eating, the care taken in eating, ways of chewing and swallowing and particular attitudes to the foods eaten.
 

1. DRINKING CUSTOMS
(i) Alcoholic Beverages
 
The drinking of alcoholic beverages formed a part of everyday life at the turn of the sixteenth century. Descriptions of occasions when these beverages were consumed ranged from the purely ceremonial to the social and involved a set etiquette of inviting, participating and reciprocating. Scott has gathered various data on the situation in the Visayan region at the time of the arrival of the Spanish.[2] Chirino in his Relacion of 1604 also includes a short section on the drinking customs on the island of Bohol,[3] as does Morga in his general account of the Philippines in 1609.[4]
 
The general term for alcoholic beverages was árak, a borrowing from Malay with origins in Arabic. As a term of general reference, árak was used during Lisboa's times in expressions such as Katugós-túgos kainíng árak 'How nice this wine smells' and to refer to specific distillates, such as árak sa Kastílaˈ 'Spanish wine'; árak nin suwáˈ 'orange flower water' or other similar distillates. The term still remains in use in expressions such as maggíbo nin árak 'to brew'; 'to distill alcoholic beverages'; saróng média kan árak 'one half bottle of liquor' and kargádong árak 'dead drunk'. With the borrowing of this word also came verbal expressions for the distilling and storing of alcoholic beverages, and nominal expressions for the place where such activities are carried out.
    árak liquor, whiskey, booze; wine; maggíbo nin árak to brew s/t; to distill alcoholic beverages; saróng média kan árak one half bottle of liquor; kargádong árak dead drunk [MDL: tubáˈ or nípaˈ wine or whiskey; MA‑, ‑ON MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to distill or ferment wine or whiskey; MANG‑ to have large stores of wine or whiskey; ‑AN: arákan the hollow tube in which the árak is fermented or distilled; a still; árak sa Kastílaˈ Spanish wine; árak nin suwáˈ orange flower water and similar distillates] [MALAY arak, from ARABIC]

    tugós plant (typ‑ producing a fruit of the same name, used in making necklaces); tugós-túgos describing s/t possessing the pleasant smell of this fruit: Katugós-túgos kainíng árak How nice this wine smells [MDL]
Far more frequently referred to were the three main types of alcoholic drinks available in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century Philippines. These were tubáˈ made from the sap of the coconut, nípa or burí palms, pangási made from rice, and intós made from sugar cane. Judging from the number of terms associated with collecting, preparing and serving tubáˈ, this was probably the most common drink, followed by pangási and intós. Only tubáˈ is still commonly consumed in modern-day Bikol.
 

1. DRINKING CUSTOMS
(ii) Tubáˈ
 
Tubáˈ is the general term for the alcoholic beverage made from the sap of the coconut, nípaˈ or burí palms. The sap from the coconut palm was most commonly used and when one says tubáˈ, it is this type of preparation which first comes to mind. When tubáˈ was prepared from nípaˈ there were two equivalent terms which were used to distinguish it from the variety made from coconut sap, these were lagóy and its synonym, paˈóg.
    tubáˈ sap of the coconut, nípaˈ, or similar palm trees used in making vinegar or a liquor of the same name [+MDL: MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to invite s/o to drink tubáˈ; Tubáˈ ta Let's drink (Said when one who is drinking offers another a drink)]

    lagóy the alcoholic beverage tubáˈ when made from the sap of the nípaˈ or burí palms; syn‑ paˈóg [MDL]
The widespread drinking of tubáˈ meant that a large number of coconut trees had to be tapped for their sap. While it was possible for a tapper to own his own trees, it would have been more common for these trees to be rented, the owner being paid with a share of tubáˈ. This share was called tuˈón. Once the flowering pod of the coconut tree was cut so that it would exude its sap, the tree would no longer produce coconuts from that pod. Income from the trees would then have to be obtained from the sap which the tree produced. The tapper could then on-sell the tubáˈ to others who had no access to trees. The term for buying and selling liquids, including tubáˈ, was tangwáy.
    tuˈón the share or portion of tubáˈ which is given by the one collecting the liquor to the owner of the palms; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give this portion of tubáˈ; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to supply the owner with a portion of the tubáˈ [MDL]

    tangwáy MA‑, ‑ON to buy liquids (such as vinegar, tubáˈ, oil); MA‑, ‑AN to buy liquids from a particular person or place; MA‑, I‑ to buy liquids at a particular price; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sell liquids; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sell liquids to s/o [MDL]
There was a fairly elaborate set of terms for the parts of the coconut tree involved in producing tubáˈ, as well in the preparation and actual collection of the sap.
 
The general term for the flowering pod was ul-lóng or unlóng. It was from this pod that the tree would put forth the buds which would develop into coconuts. When this pod was cut its function changed, and so did the term used to refer to it. It was now called lásiˈ. This pod would now produce sap and not coconuts.
    ul-lóng flower of the coconut or other palms which produces the fruit and through which the sap for tubáˈ drips when the fruiting pod is cut; MA‑ or MAG‑ to produce a flower (a palm) [MDL]

    lásiˈ the flowering stems of palm trees (ul-lóng) which are cut in order to collect the sap for tubáˈ; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut this flowering stem; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to cut the flowering stem of a particular palm [MDL]
While lásiˈ was also the verb for cutting the flowering stem, there were other terms as well which were used. Both gúlok and lipók give the sense of the how the cutting was accomplished since these were also used when severing the head of a fish.
    gúlok MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut off the head of a fish at the neck; to slit the fruiting stem (ul-lóng) of certain palm trees for the purpose of collecting the sap; (fig‑) Pinaggúlok pakaraháy akó ni kuyán That person has really split me open (Meaning: That person is making me ill) [MDL]

    lipók MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut off the head of a fish (such as haroˈán or atás); to slit open the flowering stem of palms (ul-lóng) [MDL]
The specific tool used for cutting these pods was called kagót. It was an instrument widespread enough in use to have a specific term for its sharpening, danggáy, and for the sound it made when trimming or cutting the flowering palm pods, ragisnís.
    kagót tool (typ‑ used to prune or cut palms and their sap producing shoots or flowering pods); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut a portion of the palm off in the pruning process; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to prune or cut palms; MANG‑: manggót or PARAPANG‑: paranggót one carrying out such work [MDL]

    danggáy MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sharpen the knife called kagót which is used to prune or cut palms and their sap-producing shoots or flowering pods, used in the production of tubáˈ; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sharpen the kagot against a sharpening stick; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use tile shavings for sharpening (probably pasted onto the sharpening stick); ‑AN: danggáyan sharpening stick [MDL]

    ragisnís a rustling sound (such as that made by leaves); a swishing sound (such as that made by grass in a breeze); MAG‑ to make this sound; to rustle, swish [MDL: sound, as when trimming palms or cutting the flowering or fruiting stem with a kagót; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make such a sound]
The actual collection of the tubáˈ is currently referred to as haˈgós, showing a small phonological change from the form recorded by Lisboa, hagós. This collecting is done from bamboo tubes called sálod which catch the dripping sap from the cut pod. These tubes are then emptied into another bamboo container called darhikón (darikón in modern Bikol) so the sap can be transported to a place it can either be stored for a few hours or drunk fresh
    haˈgós MAG‑, ‑ON to collect tubáˈ; MAG‑, ‑AN to collect tubáˈ from a particular palm; MAG‑, I‑ to use a particular container for collecting tubáˈ [+MDL: hagós MA‑, ‑ON to collect tubáˈ; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to collect tubáˈ that has run from a particular palm; MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to steal tubáˈ from the place where it collects; to collect the tubáˈ (the owner); (fig‑) Garó na ing hahagosán iníng hangáw mo Your breath smells like tubáˈ when it is collected (Said to s/o with bad breath)]

    sálod MAG‑, ‑ON to save or store liquids [+MDL: bamboo tube cut the length between two nodes, used to collect sap from palms to later be used in the making of tubáˈ; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to collect a liquid which drips from above (in the hands, a container); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to collect in a container or receptacle a liquid which drips from above; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t for catching such liquid]

    darikón bamboo container, one or two nodes long, used for transporting the sap for tubáˈ after it has been collected from the palm [+MDL: darhikón]
The preparation of the bamboo collecting tubes also had specific terms associated with it. The action of cleaning out the tubes was referred to as hadhád and the piece of rattan used for such cleaning as tikagóng.
    hadhád MA‑, ‑AN: hadharán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paghadharán to clean or hollow out the sálod (the bamboo tube used to collect tubáˈ), using a piece of bamboo or rattan with a rounded end called tikagóng; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove the pith, pulp or nodes found in the center of bamboo [MDL]

    tikagóng a piece of rattan which serves to clean the inside of the sálod (the bamboo tube used to collect tubáˈ from palms); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to clean a length of bamboo with this instrument; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove particles, dirt in the cleaning process; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular piece of rattan for this purpose [MDL]
When the tubáˈ flowed not into the pod, and eventually into the collecting tube, but outside the pod where it solidified, it was called humóy. If the collection of the tubáˈ was delayed, it would begin to sour in the collecting tube itself. Tubáˈ which spoiled in this way was called dalúˈay.
    humóy referring to tubáˈ which congeals on the edge of the flowering stem of palms (ul-lóng) through which it flows and from where it is normally collected; MA‑ or MAG‑ to congeal (tubáˈ) [MDL]

    dalúˈay describing tubáˈ which has spoiled in the gathering tube attached to the palm (sálod); MA‑ or MAG‑ to spoil in this way (tubáˈ); (PAG‑)‑AN to possess tubáˈ which has spoiled in the gathering tube (the owner or collector) [MDL]
Tubáˈ could be drunk fresh. When fresh, it could also be mixed with young grated coconut to produce a refreshing drink called linabáyan, a mixture that still produced the effect of imbibing an alcoholic beverage as can be seen from the figurative entry in Lisboa. A lazy worker is described as one filled with linabáyan.
    labáy MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to prepare a mixture of young, grated coconut and fresh tubáˈ, or the water of the same coconut, for eating; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add tubáˈ or coconut water to this mixture; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mix young coconut with tubáˈ or water from the same coconut; ‑AN: an linabáyan the coconut and tubáˈ mixture; (fig‑) Garó ka na nabusóg nin linabáyan It is as if you are filled with linabáyan (Said when one works lazily, hardly moving) [MDL]
There is normally a period of about 12 hours before the tubáˈ would ferment and be too sour to drink. Once it reached that stage it could be left to become vinegar, as it is today, it could be discarded, or it could be used as a cleansing agent, such as for washing the hair. The remainder of the tubáˈ used in this way was called úbas.
    úbas remainder of tubáˈ which can no longer be used for normal purposes or drunk; remainder of grated coconut used for washing the hair and not useful for any other purpose [MDL]
There were various terms which referred to souring or spoiling of the tubáˈ. The early stage of fermentation was called laˈdáng, the stage when one became aware the liquid was beginning to sour. The actual souring process was called málos a term which had a wider application than the just tubáˈ, referring as well to the souring of the preserved food called hinúmay and loss of lustre on gold. It referred to items that were no longer in their prime. Once the tubáˈ had gone off and was sour, it was called páhang. The normal smell of alcoholic beverages such as tubáˈ was referred to as banglíg.
    laˈdáng the taste of tubáˈ or coconut water which has begun to spoil; MA‑ or MAG‑ to begin to ferment, spoil (tubáˈ, coconut water) [MDL]

    málos MA‑ or MAG‑ to turn sour (as tubáˈ, húmay); to lose its luster (gold, other metals); (PAG‑)‑AN to react to the taste of sour tubáˈ (a person after drinking, experiencing stomach discomfort and becoming flushed); MAKA‑ to cause this change in taste or appearance; (fig‑) Nagmálos si buˈót na maraháy You have lost your good qualities; Nagmálos na si buˈót nindá They are no longer so considerate as before [MDL]

    húmay MAG‑, ‑ON to prepare a dish eaten on festive occasions in which seasoned fish or meat and rice are placed into segments of bamboo, left to age and then cooked; ‑ON: hinúmay the dish prepared in this way [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to prepare hinuhúmay; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to fill segments of bamboo with the ingredients for this dish; ‑ON: hinuhúmay the dish prepared in this way]

    páhang sour, off (the taste of tubáˈ, intós); MA‑ describing the taste of wine that has become sour or gone off [MDL]

    banglíg the smell of wine, tubáˈ, intós; MA‑ to have this smell (a person, a container); Banglíg mo doy Your breath really smells of tubáˈ; MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow stronger (such a smell); (PAG‑) ‑AN to be affected by such a smell (a person); ‑IMIN‑: Minanglíg ka na You really smell of wine; baró-banglíg to smell somewhat of wine [MDL]
The tubáˈ could also be boiled to produce a strong distillate. The first and purest of these distillates was called bangáran. The increase in the volume of the tubáˈ observed during the boiling process was referred to as usbóg, a term equally applicable to other liquids. If the tubáˈ was mixed with another liquid, this action was called sábog. Another general term, but this time referring to the mixing of liquids of the same type, was tugyóng.
    bangáran the first and purest distillate of tubáˈ which is stronger than subsequent distillates [MDL]

    usbóg MA‑ or MAG‑ to increase in volume when boiled (honey, wine, tubáˈ or other liquids); (PAG‑)‑AN to have its contents increase in this way (a container) [MDL]

    sábog MA‑, I‑ to add one liquid to another; MA‑, ‑AN to mix one liquid by adding another; MAG‑ to be mixed (two liquids such as wine with water, or two wines); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to mix two liquids together; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mix one liquid by adding others; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add other liquids to a mixture [MDL]

    tugyóng MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add one liquid to another of the same type; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to increase the volume a liquid by adding more of the same type [MDL]
The taste of the tubáˈ could also be enhanced by adding the bark of the danglóg tree (danlóg in modern Bikol). The removal of this bark involved striking the tree with a club to separate the bark from the trunk. The club used and the process of beating was referred to as bangkól. The bark was then removed in strips (sabák) with the strips then cut into smaller pieces (putpót) to be placed into the tubáˈ. Tubáˈ prepared with danglóg was a stronger drink than normal.
    danlóg tree (typ‑ producing a reddish bark of the same name, placed in tubáˈ to give it a stronger taste) [+MDL: danglóg MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove the bark of the danglóg tree; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to strip a tree of such bark; to mix tubáˈ with such bark; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add such bark to tubáˈ; (fig‑) Garó na ing danglóg an pagkalaláki ni kuyán That fellow is as virile as this danglóg (referring to strength)]

    bangkól MAG‑, ‑AN to beat, strike or hit s/t with force [MDL: a club approximately one meter long used to beat the bark of the danglóg tree in order to separate it from the trunk; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to beat this bark; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to beat the bark of a particular tree]

    sabák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove the bark of the danglóg tree; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to strip the danglóg tree of its bark; saróˈ kasabák the length of bark which is stripped at one time; Taˈwí daw akó nin saróˈ kasabák lámang Give me just one piece of danglóg [MDL]

    putpót crewcut (the hair); cut short; cut into pieces; MAG‑, ‑ON to cut s/t short; to trim or crop the hair [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut the bark of the danglóg tree into pieces so it can be placed into tubáˈ; to cut wood into pieces for the making of charcoal (blacksmiths)]
Drinking was a common practice in the early Philippines, both during ceremonial and social occasions, and among groups of both men and women. None of the entries which refer to drink make a distinction between men and women, and we can assume that these terms could apply equally to both groups. As can be seen in the following discussion, there was a rather elaborate set of terms associated with the social etiquette of drinking.
 
There is an interesting historical progression from the ceremonial to the social which can be seen by examining the semantic changes associated with the word tágay. Lisboa lists as archaic the wedding ceremony bearing this name. The ceremony was held in honour of the bride and ritual toasting with tubáˈ formed an integral part. During Lisboa's time in the Philippines the meaning had already changed to become more general. During that time it meant to offer a drink to those who had come to help build a house or to help with other heavy tasks. The meaning has widened further in modern Bikol to simply mean to offer or pour a drink.
    tágay (arc‑) a wedding ceremony in which the drinking of tubáˈ forms a major part of the celebrations; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to hold such a ceremony on behalf of the bride; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer tubáˈ at such a ceremony; ‑AN the cup used for drinking at such a ceremony [MDL]

    tágay MAG‑, I‑ to offer a drink (usually liquor); MAG‑, ‑AN to offer to pour a drink for s/o [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ to offer a drink to those who have come to help build a house or to help with other heavy work; MA‑, ‑AN to offer s/o a drink; ‑AN the cup used for such a drink]
If drinks were a part of the inducement to get people to help with the building of a house, they were certainly not just going to disappear when the house was completed. The gathering when the house was completed was somewhat euphemistically refereed to as patustós (see tustós). The literal meaning was to see how much weight the floor could take before it sagged, but this was just an excuse for an occasion to gather and share in a celebratory drink.
    tustós drooping, hanging down, extremely slack; MA‑ or MAG‑ to droop, hang down, sag; to slip (a cord, knot); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to loosen s/t so that it droops, slips; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to gather in a recently constructed house to drink (many people), said to be done to see how much weight the floor can take before its sags; (fig‑) Tustós na an mga pisngí ni kuyán That person's cheeks are sunken (Said when an old person has a very wrinkled face) [MDL]
There were always occasions to drink. Those who were about to leave the town were farewelled with a drink (tulíd). One who had just finished dancing was greeted with one shot of tubáˈ which was called bakayáw.
    tulíd MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to give those who are about to leave town a farewell drink; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to offer food or drink to those about to depart [MDL]

    bakayáw one shot of tubáˈ given to s/o who has just finished dancing; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to give s/o such a drink after dancing; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer such a drink [MDL]
It was not always necessary to wait for a special occasion to drink. Seeing someone passing along the road might be all that was needed to call them in for a drink (abí-ábi). There were also other ways of initiating drink. A person could also show up at the house of someone where they knew tubáˈ was available, bringing food to be eaten along with the drink (silóˈ).
    abí-ábi MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to call to s/o, inviting them to eat or drink; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer a particular food or drink when calling to s/o to invite them [MDL]

    silóˈ MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to take meat or fish to the house of s/o who has tubáˈ or wine and where you know you will be offered a drink; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to give a particular reason for such a visit; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to visit the house of a person for this reason [MDL]
There was a different set of expectations associated with the food one ate while drinking to that which constituted a full meal. During Lisboa's time such food was called hamdíˈan. Various figurative expressions indicate that this type of food was sufficient as long as drink was on offer but was not acceptable as a meal. In modern Bikol this term is no longer used. Most commonly used is sumsóman, a term probably borrowed from one of the Visayan languages and not mentioned in Lisboa, or the modern Tagalog, asoséna, which has a rather specific meaning associated with having as its base the Tagalog word for dog, áso. Sumsóman, however, does get a mention in Espinas' study of the Bikol epic, Ibalóng, where it is said to be roasted water buffalo meat eaten at the climax to the hál-lia ritual performed on the nights of the full moon.[5]
    hamdíˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to choose s/t to eat as an appetizer when drinking; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat s/t as an appetizer when drinking; ‑AN: hamdíˈan such an appetizer; (fig‑) Bagá lámang kamí himinamdíˈ kaidtóng pagkakán mi It looks as if we only have appetizers for a meal (Said when only a small amount of food is served); Anó taˈ pinakakán hamdíˈan kamí nindó kon nagiinóm kamó? Why did you give us appetizers to eat when you are drinking? (Said when one is left out of a discussion very likely involving them. Implied here is that the drink is main part of the social interaction, from which s/o is excluded, and the appetizers only secondary) [MDL]

    sumsóm ‑AN: sumsóman roasted water buffalo or boar meat eaten as a climax to the hál-lia ritual [BIK MYT] sumsóm MAG‑, ‑AN to eat s/t while drinking beer, wine, liquor; to serve s/t for this purpose; ‑AN anything eaten when drinking alcoholic beverages

    asoséna cooked dog meat served when drinking beer or liquor [TAGáso dog]

    hál-lia a ritual held on the nights of the full moon in honor of the gugúrang; bamboo or hollowed tree trunks are beaten to scare away the bakunáwa who would otherwise swallow the moon [[BIK MYT]] [MDL: a pastime of women who chant responsively on the nights of the full moon, one group saying hál-lia, and the other responding in the same way]
Once a cycle of social drinking had begun, it would continue. One who had accepted the offer of a drink would then be expected to reciprocate (tábad).
    tábad MA‑, ‑AN: tabáran or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagtabáran to give s/o a drink of tubáˈ in return for a drink previously given to you; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer a drink of tubáˈ in this way [MDL]
Drinking was clearly an occasion for social interaction, and drinking alone, referred to as pátad, would have been considered the exception rather than the norm. There was also a set etiquette associated with drinking. The host was expected to drink first, offering a toast to the guest. This toast was expressed as álap. When this order was not observed, referred to as puráw, it might have resulted in annoyance or ill feelings on the part of the guest. These terms are no longer used in modern Bikol, having been replaced by the English loan word toast (pronounced tos) accompanied by a weakening of the social etiquette associated with the ritual. Modern Bikol, however, does still use the word tágay for the offering of a drink as discussed in the opening paragraphs of this section.
    pátad MA‑ to do s/t alone (drink, work); MA‑, ‑ON to do s/t apart from s/o else; MAG‑ to separate in order to carry out individual tasks (two people); to each drink alone in his or her respective house (two people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to do s/t apart from one another [MDL]

    álap MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to toast s/o; to drink a toast to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to toast s/o with a particular drink; Álap ko si kuyán I drink a toast to that person [MDL]

    puráw MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to be annoyed with s/o without just cause; to give s/o a drink without drinking first and offering them a toast (see álap); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to be annoyed at s/o due to a particular reason; to offer a drink of tubáˈ without first drinking and offering a toast [MDL]

    toast (pronounced tos) a toast (as to one's health); MAG‑, I‑ to toast a particular occasion or event; MAG‑, ‑AN to toast s/o; Pára saímo, toast For you, a toast [E‑]
Drinking was a social and leisurely affair, and one was expected to take part and enjoy both the drink and the company. One was also expected to imbibe their fair share of alcohol with the group.
 
Finishing all the liquid in one's cup was referred to as tungkás. A person would signal that they had finished by spitting out the last bit of tubáˈ (tagám). This could also be accompanied by the announcement indicating completion, which was the expression, ahám.
    tungkás MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to finish all the liquid in a cup or glass; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to empty a cup, glass or other container by drinking all its contents [MDL]

    tagám MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to spit a bit of wine or tubáˈ from the mouth when finished drinking [MDL]

    ahám expression used when one has finished drinking a cup of wine or tubáˈ to let the others around them know they have finished; MA‑ or MAG‑ to use such an expression; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to say ahám to a particular person or group [MDL]
The standard vessel for drinking was the gálong, a bamboo cup which held about half a litre of liquid. There were variations on how the liquor could be imbibed. Normally the cup would be raised to the mouth with the hands. Cups containing smaller amounts of liquid, however, could be held by the mouth and drunk by tilting the head and cup back. The action of raising a cup with about three to four 'fingers' worth of liquid was called galwóng. Raising a cup with about one thumb's worth was referred to as gawíng. Cups could also be filled and set out ready to be consumed. A term like bisíbis probably refers to this type of action where the emptying of one cup could be followed closely by the emptying of another.
    gálong (arc‑) cup (typ‑ made from bamboo, holding about .5 of a liter of liquid, used for drinking) [MDL]

    galwóng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to raise or drink from a cup containing about 3 or 4 fingers of liquid (5-7 cm), holding it only with the mouth; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to measure out a particular amount of drink with the fingers; (fig‑) Ginagalwóng akó ni kuyán My cheek is being stroked by that person [MDL]

    gawíng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to raise a cup containing about one thumb's worth of liquid (2-3 cm), holding it only with the mouth; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to measure out a particular amount with the thumb [MDL]

    bisíbis MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to drink from one cup while having another at the ready [MDL]
Drink need not have been consumed from cups alone. Informally one could first drink from the dipper used to scoop out the tubáˈ, and then pass the dipper on to a companion so that they could also drink from the same container (pisíw). Drinking vessels could also be larger than the standard size cup. A large bowl or cup could also be used with the specific aim of getting someone drunk (pintóng).
    pisíw MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to offer s/o an alcoholic drink, such as tubáˈ, from the same dipper you have used; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer a drink in this way [MDL]

    pintóng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to give s/o a drink from a bowl or large cup for the purpose of getting them drunk; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give s/o a particular drink [MDL]
Getting someone drunk was not an unusual activity in early Bikol society and being drunk did not appear to lead to aggressive behaviour and conflict. The Lisboa dictionary is striking for its lack of entries referring to arguments and fights which occurred due to drunkenness. While there are many entries which do refer to public and social conflict, none of these result from a lack of sobriety. We may then assume that drunkenness did not lead to aggressive behaviour, but more mellow behaviour which did not impede smooth social interaction.
 
Among the entries which refer to an encouragement to drink we find rigáy, which means to top up someone's cup with the aim of getting them drunk. Similar in meaning is dagmók (modern Bikol dagmák) which means to repeatedly pass a cup to someone with the same aim. Langó, which means 'drunk' also has the verbal meaning of serving liquor for the purpose of getting to this state.
 
Someone who is drunk may also be said to be nagsapráy (see sapráy) and one who drinks all day long was referred to in various ways using the root word labláb. In modern Bikol the Spanish loan burát is used, and one who is drunk is called buratséro.
    rigáy MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to top up s/o's glass with wine or tubáˈ with the intent of getting them drunk; to get s/o drunk by giving more and more to drink; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to add more drink for this purpose [MDL]

    dagmók MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to repeatedly pass a cup with tubáˈ to s/o to get them drunk, or for another reason; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to give s/o drinks to get them drunk [MDL]

    langó drunk; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to get s/o drunk; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to serve alcoholic beverages such as tubáˈ with the intention of getting s/o drunk; MAKA‑, MA‑ to get drunk; MA‑‑ON: malalangwón a drunkard [MDL]

    sapráy starved; very hungry or very drunk; MAG‑ to be starved; Nagsapráy na akó I'm starving; Nagsapráy nang langó si kuyán That person is very drunk [MDL]

    labláb said in annoyance to one who drinks all day; MA‑ or MAG‑ to be drunk all day long; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to drink an alcoholic beverage, such as tubáˈ, all day long; Maghápon ka paglabláb You drink all day long [MDL] burát drunk, inebriated, intoxicated; daˈí na burát sober; MAG‑ to drink with the intention of getting drunk; MAG‑, ‑ON to get s/o drunk; MAKA‑, MA‑ to get drunk [SPborracho]

    buratséro drunkard, one who drinks a lot of liquor; PAGKA‑ dipsomania [SPborrachero]
The physical effects of drunkenness could be seen by unsteady walking. One lurching from side to side was specifically referred to using the root surandóy and figuratively using wáwa. One who stumbled along the road when drunk was referred to by the term sariˈayáy.
    surandóy MA‑ or MAG‑ to walk, lurching from side to side, as one who is drunk or one wandering on the road at night who moves from one side of the road to the other; to reel, stagger; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to move in this way when walking in a particular area; magsusurá-surandóy to lurch considerably from side to side [MDL]

    wáwa MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound (a child covering and uncovering its mouth); (fig‑) to be completely drunk: Nagwáwa na kan pagkalangó si kuyán That fellow is dead drunk [MDL]

    sariˈayáy MA‑ or MAG‑ to stumble when walking (one who is drunk or very weak); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to stumble along the road in this way; magsaró-sariˈayáy to lurch from side to side; to stumble and fall; MANG‑ manaró-sariˈayáy to stumble about when drunk or very weak; Nananaró-sariˈayáy na They are really stumbling about [MDL]
The feeling of euphoria generated by drink was called tingá-tínga, a positive reference when one was expected to be drinking, but negative if one acted that way when they were supposedly working but in reality were just wasting time.
    tingá-tínga MA‑ or MAG‑ to act happy (one who has been drinking): Nagtingá-tínga saná doy si kuyán That fellow is acting happy, as if he has been drinking; Anó taˈ nagtingá-tínga ka saná kon nagtuklós ka? How come you are just fooling around (as if drinking) when you should be working? (Said when one is accomplishing very little) [MDL]
The inevitable consequences of too much drink have not changed over the nearly four hundred years since Lisboa compiled his dictionary and neither has the term. Híngaw is a hangover, and various verbal forms indicate the process of sobering up.
    híngaw hangover; MA‑‑AN to have a hangover [+MDL: MA‑ to pass from the system (drunkenness); MA‑‑AN to sober up (a person)]

1. DRINKING CUSTOMS
(iii) Pangási
 
There are far fewer entries in the Lisboa dictionary which refer to rice wine, although it was also clearly a part of early Bikol culture.
 
Rice wine was called pangási. Using this root we get verbal forms indicating the adding of specific ingredients for making such wine, and the container in which it was fermented.
    pangási rice wine; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make pangási; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add the ingredients for making pangási; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make pangási in a particular container; ‑AN: papangasíhan the container in which the pangási is made [MDL]
The mixture of rice used for fermentation, together with various other ingredients added to enhance taste and to aid in the fermentation process, was called nási. This term referred to the mixture before water was added. Nási is a term familiar to speakers of Malay and Indonesian where it refers to cooked rice, but in the Philippines it is not the common term for cooked rice, being found, for example in Kapampangan in Central Luzon, but not in the surrounding languages.
    nási rice which is fermented with a number of additional ingredients to produce the rice wine called pangási; the term refers to the rice before water is added [MDL]
When water was added to the nási, the wet mixture which was left to ferment in large urns was called súlay. Of the ingredients added to the nási we have a leavening agent (pagbúrak) and, for flavouring, toasted rice and ginger (hilhíg).
    súlay a blend of various ingredients mixed with rice and left to ferment in a large urn to produce pangási; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mix rice with these ingredients; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add these ingredients to rice [MDL]

    pagbúrak a leavening agent used to season the rice wine called pangási, serving as an aid in the fermenting process; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to add this agent to rice wine; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to season rice wine with such a leavening agent [MDL]

    hilhíg toasted rice and ginger which is added to the rice wine pangásiˈ; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add this mixture; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to add this mixture to pangásiˈ [MDL]
The pangási could be diluted both to weaken it and to make it go further. There was a point, however, where this process went too far resulting in a less than satisfying beverage. The taste of such diluted wine was referred to as tábad. Pangási that was kept too long would sour and this state was called látoˈ.
    tábad rice wine, called pangási, which is weak and tasteless, having been diluted with too much water; MA‑ or MAG‑ to become weaker (pangási); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to drink such pangási; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add too much water to pangási; (fig‑) Garó akó manguláng tábad saindó kon maanggót akó It's as if I'll be a weak barrier for you if I get angry (Said to avoid bloodshed if an argument develops) [MDL]

    látoˈ spoiled, sour, referring to old pangási or hímay; MA‑ to spoil, turn sour; MA‑‑AN to be left with sour pangási or hímay (the owner) [MDL]
The cups used for drinking pangási were the same as those described for tubáˈ. During banquets and drinking bouts, however, these cups were decorated with coloured cotton or silk. Bantiráw referred to both the material used and the process of decorating the cups.
    bantiráw colored cotton or silk used to decorate the bamboo cups used for drinking pangási during banquets and drinking bouts; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to decorate bamboo cups in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use colored cotton or silk for decoration [MDL]
The social context of drinking pangási was the same as that described for tubáˈ. The inviting, the toasting, the encouragement to drink more and more, and the eventual reciprocating could apply equally to the consumption of all of the alcoholic beverages. Described by Lisboa, however, as specifically referring to the drinking of pangási was the term tangkób. This referred to bringing the cup of pangási to the mouth when beginning to drink. Also, referring to pangási was a specific use of the word tábang 'to help': Magtatábang kitá sa pangási Let's drink pangási together.
    tangkób MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to bring a bamboo cup or glass with pangási to the mouth; to begin to drink; Tangkób daw lámang mínsan daˈí ka iminóm You just bring the cup to your mouth, but you don't drink [MDL]

    tábang MAG‑ to help one another; to work together; to collaborate, cooperate; MAG‑, (PAG‑) ‑AN to aid, assist or help s/o; to relieve s/o; to chip in; to help with s/t in particular; to work together on s/t; KA‑ aide, assistant, helper; maid, servant; PARA‑ helper, assistant; MA‑‑IN‑: matinábang helpful, cooperative [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN to help s/o; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to help one another (two people or many); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to help one another in doing s/t; Tabángi akó Help me; Dakól an tábang ni kuyán sa pagáni kon sa paghárong That person has a lot of help, both with harvesting and with the housework; (fig‑) Garó ka na tinabángan nin paghaból It's like you've been helped by weaving (Said when one helps in a particular task, and is suddenly left the task to complete; compared to helping one weaving cloth - if you help, you are left the job to complete); MAG‑ to drink pangási together: Magtatabáng kitá sa pangási Let's drink pangási together]

1. DRINKING CUSTOMS
(v) Intós
 
The juice, basí, pressed from the sugar cane, tubó, could be made into an alcoholic beverage called intós.
    basí juice pressed from sugarcane [MDL]

    tubó sugarcane; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to plant sugarcane; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to plant a field with sugarcane; KA‑‑AN a field of sugarcane; ... [+MDL]

    intós an alcoholic beverage, also known as kilan, made from the juice of the sugarcane cooked with the smoked stalks of the pugód plant [MDL]
The sugar cane juice would be boiled, referred to as gaˈgáˈ, described by Lisboa as a time-consuming process. This same root word also formed the base for the container in which the intós was prepared, gaˈgáˈan.
    gaˈgáˈ MAG‑, ‑ON to boil herbs, leaves for the purpose of drinking the liquid; to brew or steep s/t [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to boil s/t that takes a long time to cook (such as the hide of a water buffalo, sugarcane juice in the making of the wine called intós); ‑AN: gaˈgáˈan a large pot in which intós is prepared]
The freshly prepared intós which was not yet very strong was called gabúyo. The intós, however, could be further distilled until it became more concentrated. When it was distilled to half its volume, it was called báriˈ. When it was distilled until only one-third of the contents remained, it was called pinukatíˈ. Lisboa describes this as overcooking the wine, giving the impression that this was not a desired result in the preparation process.
    gabúyo the sugarcane wine, intós when newly prepared and not yet very potent [MDL]

    báriˈ MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to distill the sugarcane wine called intós until only half the original volume remains [MDL]

    pinukatíˈ the sugarcane wine, intós, which has been overcooked, resulting in only one-third of its contents remaining [MDL]
Intós could be boiled with the stalk of the pugód plant to add flavour. It could also be prepared with fresh tubáˈ, coconut milk or honey to make a drink called simbóg.
    pugód plant (typ‑ the stalk of which is cooked with sugarcane juice in the making of intós); MA‑, ‑AN: pugorán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagpugorán to flavor intós with this plant; MAG‑, I‑ to add the stalk [MDL]

    simbóg the sugarcane wine, intós, prepared with fresh tubáˈ, coconut milk or honey [MDL]
Intós when sour was referred to as páhang and its smell as banglíg, terms which also refer to tubáˈ (see Section 1 (ii)). The cups used, and the etiquette observed when drinking intós would be the same as that described in detail above for the drinking of tubáˈ and pangási.
 

2. FOOD SCARCITY
 
Bikol society was not without its periods of adversity. Harvests could fail due to pestilence or plagues of mice or locusts. Adverse weather conditions such as typhoons could wipe out a whole season of food crops. A long dry season would also reduce the rice crop. The eruption of Mt Mayon would have local consequences, but communities were self-sustaining and one community might very well not have access to the food supplies of another. Local conflicts, of which there appeared to be many, could result in the deliberate destruction of crops. Raids from outside the region could also have the same effect. In short, the various parts of the Bikol region would from time to time experience famine, and its people would go hungry.
 
In modern Bikol a poor rice harvest is referred to as tingáting. Lisboa, however, defines this as an extended dry season before the return of the annual rains.
    tingáting a poor season, a poor harvest; scarcity in the yield of rice: Tingáting an naˈáni ko My harvest was poor; M ÁGIN to become poor (the harvest) [MDL: the long dry period which follows the rainy season: Tingáting na iníng húraw ngunyán What a long dry spell this is]
The loss of the rice crop would lead to a search for alternative food sources. The wild yam, namóˈ, was one of these sources. It was a non-domesticated variety that required a period of curing before it could be consumed (ánod). Curing, by soaking the tuber in a river, removed the potentially toxic alkaloids in the root. Improper curing created a feeling of intoxication in those who ate it (páling).
    namóˈ yam (typ‑ large, knotty, pale brown; the rootstock of a climbing vine found growing wild in the forests) [+MDL: eaten during times of food scarcity; eaten when other foods are not available]

    ánod MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN: paanóran or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN: pagpaanóran to cure the yam called namóˈ by placing it in a river; to store salted meat or other foods for curing; AN IPA‑ the brine which exudes from the namóˈ; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to exude from the pickled namóˈ (liquid) [MDL]

    páling groggy; ‑ON or ‑AN to feel groggy [MDL: the intoxicated feeling created by eating the forest yam called namóˈ before it is properly cured; MA‑ to feel light-head after eating the namóˈ; MAKA‑ or IKA‑ to cause this feeling (the namóˈ); (fig‑) Nagkapalíng-páling na akó kainíng dakól na súgoˈ My head is reeling from all the things I am being asked to do]
It is the case even now in the Bikol region that a strong typhoon can destroy most of the above-ground crops leading to a predominance of tubers in the market. The tuber crop could also be damaged due to various natural and unnatural occurrences, such as wars, leading to the consumption of tubers that would normally be discarded. Pakrós refers to the cooking of ruined taro which, under normal circumstances, would not be eaten.
    pakrós MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cook taro leaves which are fed to pigs; to cook ruined taro which is eaten during a time of hunger; ‑ON: pinakrós the food produced after cooking taro leaves [MDL]
The general term for a number of different types of edible taro was línsa. Lisboa's example under the entry for háwad, which refers to offering sustenance to the sick or dying, indicates the role of taro in sustaining life during a time a food scarcity.
    línsa taro (typ‑ edible, with broad, wide leaves) [+MDL: a staple in the areas where it is grown; KA‑‑AN a field of línsa]

    háwad MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to feed the sick or those dying from hunger; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer a particular food in such circumstances; MAKA‑ to offer sustenance (food), MA‑‑AN to receive such sustenance (a person); Línsa lámang an nakakaháwad samúyaˈ Only taro is keeping us alive [MDL]
When rice was available, but was in short supply, it might be mixed with another plant, such as alintuhód, to make it go further.
    alintuhód plant (typ‑ which in times of need is mixed with rice and cooked) [MDL]
Rice was the staple food crop. It would always be eaten with fish or with some type of meat. Fish was the traditional source of protein, and in Bikol, as in many other parts of the Philippines as well as peninsular and island Southeast Asia, the term for fish has been generalised to mean the main course eaten with rice. In Bikol the term for fish and the main food eaten with rice is siráˈ.
    siráˈ fish; MAG‑ to go fishing; PARA‑ fisherman; ‑AN fish market [+MDL: Anó siráˈ a? What kind of fish is it?]

    siráˈ referring to anything eaten with rice; main course, viand; MAG‑, I‑ to eat s/t with rice; to use a particular food for the main course; MAG‑, ‑AN to eat rice with the main course; I‑ or PANG‑: isisiráˈ or paniráˈ anything eaten with rice; the main dishes; viands [+MDL: referring to anything eaten with rice or bread; Íyaw an siráˈ sa dágat; íyaw an siráˈ sa gugón This is the fish of the sea and this is the fish of the cogon grass (Said to distinguish between fish and other types of meat eaten with rice); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to eat fish or meat with rice; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to accompany rice with a main course of fish, meat]
When fish or another protein substitute such as meat was not available, and this could be because of general adversity or specific cases of poverty, rice had to be eaten plain. To make rice eaten in this way more palatable Lisboa describes a sauce made of lemon juice, salt, water and chilli called hamburáˈ.
    hamburáˈ a sauce made from lemon juice, salt, water and chili, eaten with rice when fish is not available; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make such a sauce [MDL]
Having no fish or meat to eat with rice could put people off their food. Sablók meant exactly this, although in modern Bikol it has become one of the anger words for 'glutton', a rather ironic semantic change.
    sablók glutton, said in anger sablók MA‑ to eat without an appetite due to there being no other food to eat with rice [MDL]
Hugód was a general term for having no appetite, and there could be a variety reasons for this. The lack of an appetite could also be due to the lack of variety in the food one had to eat. The modern meaning of úmoy is the general 'bored' or 'fed up'. For Lisboa, however, this refereed specifically to being tired of the taste of food one had to repeatedly eat. Such a situation need not arise specifically during a time of food scarcity, although it could easily have done so.
    hugód MAG‑ to have no appetite; to not feel like eating; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to have no appetite for a particular reason; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN: pinahugdán to let s/o starve to death by not cooking for them or looking after them; to let s/t run down through neglect [MDL]

    úmoy MAKA‑ boring; MA‑ to be bored, fed up [MDL: MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be tired of the taste of a particular food which is repeatedly eaten; MA‑‑ON: mauumóyon cloying, satiating (a particular food)]
Without a context it is hard to know the exact intention of the causative set of meanings associated with hugód, although, considering its association with neglect, it does appear that there were occasions when individuals were left to die by not being supplied with food. The active meanings of bungtás are unequivocal, although it was probably the passive meanings which were more commonly referenced (also see the entry hayód below).
    bungtás MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to starve s/o to death; MA‑ to die of starvation; MA‑‑AN to lose a relative to starvation; MAKA‑ to leave s/o to die of starvation; PAGKA‑ hunger, starvation [MDL]
There are a number of entries which refer to hunger, some of more serious intent than others. Words like halóp, háwoˈ and sapráy cover terms like famished, very hungry and starved. Paróy-pároy adds the element of weakness to the feeling of hunger. Less neutral are terms like gustók, one of a set of words used when angry or annoyed, to refer to being hungry. A term of exaggeration for hunger was hayód.
    halóp famished, very hungry; (PAG‑)‑ON to be famished; to be weak with hunger; (fig‑) Garó ka na pinaghalóp It looks as if you are weak with hunger (Said as a negative comment on the way s/o carries out their work) [MDL]

    hawóˈ very hungry or tired; starved; MA‑ or MAG‑ to be starved; to be very tired; Naghawóˈ na akóng yayá I was very tired; Naghawóˈ na akóng gútom I was very hungry [MDL]

    sapráy starved; very hungry or very drunk; MAG‑ to be starved; Nagsapráy na akó I'm starving; Nagsapráy nang langó si kuyán That person is very drunk [MDL]

    paróy-pároy weak with hunger or illness: Paróy-pároy na lámang akó kainíng pagkagútom ko I'm just weak with hunger [MDL]

    gustók hungry, said in annoyance or anger; used in place of gútom [+MDL: said in annoyance when asking for food: Haháˈin an kakánon digdí; tigbák na akóng gustók Where is the food here; I'm dying of hunger]

    hayód hungry, said in exaggeration; MAG‑ to be hungry; Naghayód na akóng bungtás I'm dying of hunger [MDL]
The common term for hunger in modern Bikol is gútom. This term has changed since Lisboa's time when it was much stronger. It meant 'to starve' or 'to go hungry'. Using this root as well we get entries such as 'to die of starvation', 'to be deprived of food' and 'to eat a particular food to satisfy one's hunger or when starving'. The example which accompanies the Lisboa entry indicates those remaining sources of food during a time of famine could be completely stripped in the search for something to eat.
    gútom hungry; MAKA‑, MA‑ to feel hungry; PAGKA‑ hunger; magadán sa pagkagútom to starve; to die of hunger; ‑ON starved, famished; TIG‑ famine, a time of starvation [+MDL: MAG‑ to starve; to suffer from a lack of food (a family, a town); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to starve s/o; to starve out a town or village; (PAG‑)‑ON to die of starvation; MA‑ to be hungry; MA‑‑AN to go hungry; to be deprived of food (a family, town); MANGHI‑, IPANGHI‑ to eat s/t to satisfy one's hunger; to eat s/t when starving; MANGHI‑, PANGHI‑‑AN to gather food from a particular place to satisfy one's hunger; Kapapanghigutóman pa iníng niyóg, ginagáyo paghahaˈboná This coconut tree has been so stripped of its fruit, it is as if it has been robbed (Implying: All the fruits have been taken to satisfy hunger]
The primary meaning of tubtób was 'to fill up all the empty spaces' and when this applied to eating, it meant literally 'to fill up the stomach with food'. Figuratively this meant 'to satisfy the hunger of one who has not eaten'. Even when experiencing a dire lack of food, there was still some sense of dignity and pride with families or individuals refusing contributions they saw as unwelcome or unsuitable (asó).
    tubtób MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to fill up all empty spaces; to satisfy the hunger of one who has not eaten (by filling up the stomach with food); MAKA‑, IKA‑ to fill up empty spaces with s/t; Natutubtobán na iníng áyam That dog is now very full [MDL]

    asó smoke, fumes; MA‑ smoky; MAG‑ to become smoky; to smoke, smolder; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑AN to smoke (as fish); to fumigate s/t; MA‑‑AN to be overcome by smoke [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to smoke; to emit smoke; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to smoke s/t; (fig‑) Daˈí man akó magasó, daˈí akó umákoˈ kaiyán Even though I have nothing to cook, I won't accept that; Garó na pinagasóhan an hinilíngan ko It is as if what I am looking at is smoky (Said when one's vision is blurred)]
There are other terms as well which reflect the dire circumstances of having little or nothing to eat. Hídop meant to eat whatever was necessary just to sustain life or to keep from starving. The causative form of this meant to request food just to keep one alive. Also reflecting the lack of available food was ató-áto which meant 'to live from hand to mouth', consuming immediately food that was found, and then setting out to find the next meal.
    hídop MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to eat s/t necessary to keep one from starving; to give food to one who is starving; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sustain s/o's life by giving them s/t to eat; to sustain one's own life by eating s/t; MAPA‑ to ask for food during a time of starvation, famine [MDL]

    ató-áto MAG‑ to live from hand to mouth; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON: magató-áto nin pagkakán to eat s/t immediately upon finding it and then search for the next meal [MDL]
The lack of a regular supply of food would mean that people would overeat when food was available in order to sustain them for the days when they would probably have to go hungry. Tubyáng literally referred to the bulging of the stomach. We have a figurative entry, however, showing how it might relate to someone who had obviously been overeating but without reason since they still had a good store of rice. A person with stores of rice was expected to be far more moderate in their daily consumption of food.
    tubyáng MA‑ or MAG‑ to be full or bulge (the stomach, from over-eating); (PAG‑)‑AN to suffer from this discomfort (a person); (fig‑) Tubyáng pa iníng baláˈ ni kuyán That person's rice granary is still bulging (Said when s/o who still has a large quantity of rice in storage also has a large stomach, indicating they have been over-eating. The implication is that there is no reason to over-eat if one still has stores of food) [MDL]
A general lack of food would also affect all members of one's family, as well as those who were dependent on that particular source for food. The impoverishment of one's supply of foods was referred to as dudyók. The various verbal forms associated with this referred to a reduction in the ration or share of food. The reduction of food given to the members of one's household was more specifically pihít. While the entries refer to increasing poverty as the reason for the reduction of food, this was probably tied directly to the household's own food sources since most households would have been responsible for their own food production.
    dudyók referring to the impoverishment of one's supply of food; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to reduce the ordinary ration of food due to increasing poverty; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to reduce s/o's ration of food; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to reduce the ration of food by a particular amount; MA‑ impoverished (referring to s/o without a good supply of food) [MDL]

    pihít MA‑ lacking in food; short of food; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut the share or ration of food served to one's household; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to reduce the amount of food served to members of one's household by a particular amount; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to serve members of one's household less food due to increasing poverty [MDL]

3. FOOD IN BUSINESS TRANSACTIONS
 
Bikol was a major gold-producing area and gold as well as various forms of coinage were available for use in business transactions. For the purchase of basic commodities such as food, however, a system of barter was far more common than the purchase of items at a set price.
 
The general word for 'to buy' in modern Bikol is bakál and 'to sell', bákal, clearly the same word which has developed different primary stress placement over the years. In Lisboa there is only one word, and that is bakál. The difference in the placement of stress could have developed due the occurrence of the form for 'to sell' with the causative prefixes which might have pulled the stress one syllable forward.
 
During Lisboa's time bakál clearly meant 'to barter' and referred specifically to the sale of particular items in exchange for foodstuffs. This was a general term. There were, however, far more specific terms which referred to the particular types of transactions which could take place.
    bákal MAGPA‑, IPA‑ to sell s/t; to deal in particular goods; AN IPA‑ stock, merchandise; PARA+ PA‑ dealer, merchant, merchandiser, seller, trader

    bakál MAG‑, ‑ON to buy or purchase s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN: to buy s/t from s/o; MAG‑, I‑ to buy s/t with money or other items acceptable as an exchange; MANG‑ to go shopping; PARA‑ customers, buyers [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON to buy s/t by exchanging foodstuffs such as rice, coconuts; to barter for s/t; MA‑, I‑ to offer particular foodstuffs in exchange for s/t one wants to buy; to barter with s/t; MA‑, ‑AN: bakalán or baklán to buy s/t from s/o by offering an exchange of foodstuffs; to barter with s/o; MAG‑ to exchange items of barter (two people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to exchange two items of barter; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sell s/t in exchange for foodstuffs; to exchange one item of barter for another; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sell s/t to s/o by offering an exchange of items; KA‑ that which has a value equivalent to one gánta of rice: saróˈ kabakál one kabakál worth of goods]
For buyers and sellers who frequently did business with one another it would have been convenient to agree on a set of equivalents in the exchange of items. The setting of such equivalent terms (tukóˈ-tukóˈ) would no doubt have simplified and speeded up the transaction of business.
    tukóˈ-tukóˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to set an equivalent price for an exchange or purchase of items (such as 1 káti of fish for 1 káti of rice, or 1 kabuláw of tubáˈ for an equivalent measure of rice); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give s/t in an equal exchange [MDL]
With or without a previous agreement, different items could still be regarded as equivalent and exchanged on equal terms (súbong). The difference between this and tukóˈ-tukóˈ was that the agreement would be reached as part of the bartering process. Equivalents need not have been set strictly between foodstuffs. Súbong also referred to the buying of cooking pots for the equivalent of the amount of rice that would fit inside them.
    súbong MA‑, ‑ON to buy s/t by exchanging equal amounts of different items (such as a gánta of wine for a gánta of rice); MA‑, ‑AN to buy from s/o in such an equal exchange; MA‑, I‑ to exchange one thing for another; MAG‑ to exchange equal amounts of different items; to engage in this type of transaction (two people); MAG‑, IPAG‑ to measure s/t out for this type of exchange; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to use a particular measure for determining an equal exchange; to carry out an exchange at a particular place; also used for buying pottery cooking pots in exchange for the amount of rice that will fit into them: Sinubóngan ko an pagbakál kainíng kúron I used an equal volume of rice to buy this clay cooking pot; (fig‑) Nagsúbong na gáyo kamíng aldáw Our whole day was taken up doing one thing [MDL]
Exchanges did not have to be equal as long as the equivalence was agreed to. Balabág, for example, was a transaction in which one item was exchanged for two. Lisboa gives the example of one gánta of wine being exchanged for two gánta of rice. Kampí involved a different set of equivalents. Under this type of exchange, the buyer would receive one part more than they sold. For example, four parts of rice could be exchanged for five parts of tubáˈ. When it was known that rice could serve as an acceptable medium of exchange, then particular items could be divided into groups or set out in portions, each with a stated value of one gánta of rice (gatáng-gátang).
    balabág a transaction in which an agreement is reached to exchange one item for two (such as one gánta of wine for two gánta of rice); MA‑ or MAG‑ to come to an agreement to buy or sell things in this way (two people); MA‑, ‑ON to buy s/t in such an exchange; MA‑, ‑AN to buy from s/o in this way; MA‑, I‑ to offer two items in exchange for the purchase of one; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to exchange items in such a sale; to sell one item in exchange for two; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to receive two items for the sale of one [MDL]

    kampí referring to a transaction in which the buyer receives one part more than he gives, such as exchanging four parts of rice for five parts of tubáˈ; MA‑, ‑ON to buy s/t according to this type of transaction, receiving one part more than is given; MA‑, I‑ to buy s/t according to this formula, offering one part less than what one will receive; MA‑, ‑AN to buy s/t in this way from s/o; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sell s/t in this way, offering a greater amount of one thing in exchange for one less part of another; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sell s/t to s/o using this type of exchange [MDL]

    gatáng-gátang MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to divide into portions things that will later be sold or exchanged for the value of one gánta of rice [MDL]
Even when particular measures of volume were used, they still were not necessarily exact and were still open to adjustment to achieve fairness taking into consideration the circumstances of those involved in the transaction and, in particular, the volume measures which happened to be available. Tatakáran (see tákad), for example, was a measure of rice that could comprise 15, 20 or 30 gánta. What was important was that the exchange be equivalent, not the precise amount that was exchanged.
    tákad measure of volume; MAG‑, ‑ON to measure rice or other items by the tákad; MAG‑, I‑ to use a particular container for measuring [+MDL: ‑AN: tatakáran a measure of rice comprising 15, 20 or 30 gánta, adjusted by those doing the measuring, or adjusted to the container available for measuring, to insure an exchange of equal amounts; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t out by the tákad; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to measure s/t in this way for s/o]
Words relating to volume measurement like tákad, buláw, gah&bounty;n and sukób, and the weight term, káti, are actual entries in the Lisboa dictionary. In order to explain the meaning of these words to his readers, however, Lisboa gave equivalent terms which would have been in common use among the Spanish coming to the Philippines at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century. Words like gánta, tsúpa and chinánta are not entries in the Lisboa dictionary, but references he makes to explain particular entries. The terms gánta and tsúpa have since entered the modern Bikol vocabulary with tsúpa eventually replacing gahín at least for its volume-related meaning. The term chinánta, however, is not used. Equivalents for various terms of measurement can be found in a number of sources, including W.E. Retana.[6]
    buláw container for measuring liquid, holding 1 gánta or 6 gahín; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t with such a container; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to measure s/t for s/o; KA‑: saróˈ kabuláw a measure of one gánta; duwá kabuláw a measure of two gánta [MDL]

    gahín a tsúpa; 1/6 of a gánta; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t by the tsúpa; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t as a measure for this volume; ‑AN: gagahínan a measure of 1 tsúpa [MDL]

    gahín MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure out rice from a granary or other storage area or container by the kabuláw (see buláw) or a similarly sized measure; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to reduce the contents of a granary or container as various measured amounts are removed; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular measure [MDL]

    sukób MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to measure s/t out by the gahín or tsúpa (food such as mussels, clams, pieces of meat); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to measure s/t out by the gahín or tsúpa (a large amount from which measured amounts are removed); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular container for measuring s/t by the gahín or tsúpa [MDL]

    káti unit of weight, equivalent to one-tenth of a chinánta or 600 grams; sangkáti one káti, duwáng káti two káti [MDL]

    chinánta unit of weight; 1 chinánta = 6.3 kilos or 10 káti [MDL]

    gánta a measure of volume, commonly used to measure rice and other grains; also used to measure liquids; 1 gánta = 6 tsúpa or about 3 liters

    tsúpa chupa, a measure of volume; 6 tsúpa = 1 gánta
Foodstuffs were commonly bought at the market, the saˈód, and the various verbal forms built on this root referred to going marketing, shopping for particular items at a market, or taking particular items for sale. Only the larger centres of population would have had a daily market. Other towns would have probably been served by less frequent markets comprising individuals who came to town on a fairly regular schedule to sell their wares. This is a pattern not unfamiliar to the present day Philippines, and peninsular and island Southeast Asia in general. The food merchant, in particular, was referred to as banayága and it is this person who would transport food from town to town for sale.
    saˈód a market; MAG‑ to go to the market; MAG‑, ‑ON to shop for s/t in the market; to go marketing for s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN: saˈdán to hold a market in a particular place; MAG‑, I‑ to take s/t to sell at the market; MANG‑ to go marketing; KA‑ one's companion in marketing; the person you go to the market with; ‑AN: saˈdán marketplace [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN: saˈdán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagsaˈdán to go to the market; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to go to the market to buy s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to take s/t to sell at the market; ‑AN: sasaˈdán a market; (fig‑) Garó na nagsaˈód It is as if we have gone to the market (Said when people meet by chance, as if they had planned to go to the market together)]

    banayága food merchant; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to transport food to different towns and villages for sale; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to travel to different towns and villages to sell food [MDL]
In addition to the terms for general types of transactions, specific transactions for staples, that is items which would always have to be bought, came with specific terms. The buying or selling of rice is still referred to as tungód. When one is able to purchase all of oneˈs food needs at one time, this was called lágo. The term tangwáy referred to the purchase or sale of liquids, including alcoholic beverages such as tubáˈ (see Section 1(ii)). The uninitiated would have to be careful in the purchase of such liquids, as they could be adulterated to increase their volume by the addition of a foreign liquid in an attempt to deceive (lahók).
    tungód MA‑, ‑ON to buy rice or other staples; MA‑, ‑AN: tungdán to buy such items from s/o; MA‑, I‑ to buy rice or other staples with s/t (as money); MAG, IPAG‑ to sell rice or other staples; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagtungdán to sell such items to s/o [MDL]

    lágo MA‑, ‑ON to buy all one needs of rice and other items at one time; MA‑, ‑AN to buy from s/o or from some place in this way; MA‑, I‑ to pay a particular sum of money in exchange for rice or other staples [MDL]

    lahók referring to that which is mixed with a pure substance, such as wax, honey or wine, to increase its bulk (done in an attempt to deceive, making s/t appear more than it really is); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add s/t for this purpose; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mix s/t with a foreign substance for this purpose [MDL]
Ngamuyóˈ is a different type of deceit involving food. It is not clear if this is strictly a business transaction, but this is a type of unequal exchange which is not part of an agreement and which is not intended to be equalised. Here a person gets the food they need by promising to exchange what they have, and if not enough, promising to add more at a later time. These promises are then not kept.
    ngamuyóˈ MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN or MAGPANG‑, PAGPANG‑‑AN to fool or deceive s/o so that they give you some of the food they have; in exchange you offer s/t you have with you, or s/t which you promise to give more of later on; MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON or MAGPANG‑, PAGPANG‑‑ON to trick or deceive s/o regarding a particular item; MANG‑, IPANG‑ or MAGPANG‑, IPAGPANG‑ to say s/t deceitful to get what you want; to make certain promises; to offer less than what is adequate in return for food; MAPANG‑: mapangamuyóng táwo one who is deceitful in this way [MDL]
Another type of specific transaction involved the sale of a live animal, most commonly a pig, at a discounted price to someone who would then butcher the pig for sale. In return for the discount, the buyer would have to return a portion of the butchered animal to the seller. This was referred to as kangkán. A modern business-type agreement involving animals, not found in the Lisboa dictionary, and presumably not used at that time is himutóˈ. This refers to the agreement reached between the owner of a sow and the owner of a boar regarding the number of pigs which would be given to the boar's owner in payment for the boar's services.
    kangkán MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sell a pig or other animal at a discounted price, receiving for this discount the return of part of the butchered animal; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sell at a particular discount; to ask for the return of a particular part of the animal for this discount; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sell to s/o on these terms [MDL]

    mutóˈ HING‑: himutóˈ the agreement between the owner of a sow and the owner of a boar regarding the number of pigs to be given to the boar's owner as payment for the boar's services; an sa himutóˈ the pig or pigs to be given in payment; MAGHING‑, PAGHING‑‑ON to enter into this agreement with s/o
Food could also be used in lieu of payment in cash or gold. Pároy, the term for unhusked rice, could be used to pay off a portion of one's debts. A tribute relationship could be sustained by the payment of a chicken, manók, and one could secure a share of the bounty derived from piracy by supplying one half of the ship's stores. In return he would receive one third of the bounty (hampíl).
    pároy rice still growing in the fields; rice before milling [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to pay a portion of one's debts with rice; (PAG‑) ‑AN to have a good rice harvest (a farmer); paparóyan s/o with a good rice harvest]

    manók chicken, fowl; ‑ON: manokón an matá describing eyes that stare somewhat cross-eyed [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give a chicken in tribute; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to pay such a tribute to s/o; KA‑‑AN: kamanokán a great number of chickens] also see mamanók

    hampíl MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to embark on the boat of another for the purpose of piracy (see ngáyaw), providing one-half of the ship's stores in return for one-third of the bounty; MAG‑ to set off on a mission of piracy (two people having come to such an arrangement) [MDL]
Of the business agreements involving the division and working of the land, only one term can be found in the Lisboa dictionary. Lisboa has no terms referring to the actual leasing of the land, a form of land rent which must have been first introduced by the Spanish.
 
Tupóng in modern Bikol refers to the division of rice fields according to a measurement system using arm-lengths. To this measurement the Lisboa dictionary attributes the initial reason for such division, something which seems to have been lost in the modern use of the word. Rice fields were divided by arm-lengths varying from nine or ten to twelve for the purpose of setting specific areas to be worked by day labourers and to determine the amount to be paid to each.
    tupóng a measurement equivalent to ten arm lengths on each side; also referring to the division of rice fields, the boundaries of which are currently marked by bunds or dikes; saróng tupóng a measurement of ten arm lengths on each side; tupónes plural form of tupóng [MDL: a measurement of nine, ten and, at times, twelve arm lengths, used to measure rice fields to determine an area to be worked or the amount to be paid to day laborers based on the area worked; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to divide work up in this way; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to divide work areas up in this way; to give a particular area to a worker; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use this measurement for dividing up rice fields]
A term for the division of the harvest on communally-worked land exists in modern Bikol, but is not found in Lisboa. The term pulóˈ is really the same as the base for the word 'ten', púloˈ, and historically the division of the harvest would have been into ten parts. Currently the land is divided equally among those who actually work it, regardless of the total number.
    púloˈ ten (base form); sampúloˈ ten; duwáng púloˈ twenty; tulóng púloˈ thirty [+MDL: púloˈ or sangpúloˈ ten; duwáng púloˈ twenty; tulóng púloˈ thirty; MAKA‑, PAKA‑‑ON to do s/t ten times; pulóˈ-púloˈ: MANG‑: mamulóˈ-púloˈ or TIG‑: tigpulóˈ-púloˈ ten each]

    pulóˈ MAGHING‑, HING‑‑AN to divide the harvest (historically into ten parts); MAGKAHING‑‑AN to divide the harvest among yourselves (historically each one taking one-tenth); to share in the harvest; KAHING‑‑AN a share of the harvest [MDL: HING‑‑AN one tenth; MAHING‑, HING‑‑AN or MAGHING‑, PAGHING‑‑AN to divide s/t into tenths; MAHING‑, HING‑‑ON or MAGHING‑, PAGHING‑‑ON to take one tenth of s/t]
Terms for the actual leasing of the land from a land owner come into Bikol after Lisboa's time. Bangáˈ-bángaˈ refers to the 50-50 division of the harvest between the landlord and the tenant. The system referred to as kuarénta sesénta is a 40-60 percent division where the tenant gets 60 percent and the landowner gets 40 percent, and the treínta seténta system gives the tenant 70 percent and the landowner 30 percent. The type of agreement entered into by the tenant would depend on how much of the actual costs of planting the owner agreed to bear. These costs included the supply of machinery, seed stock and irrigation water where irrigation and second-cropping were possibilities.
    bangáˈ-bángaˈ half-and-half; also referring to a 50-50 division of the harvest between landlord and the tenant; MAG‑, ‑ON to divide s/t into pieces; to partition, section or segment s/t; to divide the harvest 50-50 between landlord and tenant

    kuarénta sesénta a method of dividing the harvest between tenant and landlord whereby the tenant gets 60 percent and the landlord gets 40 percent; MAG‑ to divide the harvest in this way [SPcuarenta forty; sesenta sixty]

    treínta seténta a method of dividing the harvest in which the landlord gets 30 percent and the tenant 70 percent; MAG‑ to divide the harvest in this way [SPtreinta thirty; setenta seventy]
The modern system of leasing orchards is referred to as puhár. Here the owner would lease the land to one who believed that profits from the sale of the fruit would be greater than the payment of the lease. There was always an element of risk involved on the part of the lessor. Unknowns such as adverse weather conditions, infestation by insects and the general state of the market for the fruit after it had ripened could reduce any potential profit arising from the transaction. For the lessee, on the other hand, income from the land was guaranteed and risk was eliminated.
    puhár referring to a leasing system whereby an owner accepts payment in advance for his orchard, or part thereof, for a particular fruiting season; profits from the sale of the fruits go to the one paying for the lease; MAG‑, ‑ON to lease an orchard in this way; MAG‑, ‑AN to lease an orchard to s/o; ‑AN: an pinuharán lessor [SPpujar to outbid]

4. FOOD, RITUAL AND HEALING
 
This section looks at a variety of foods and plants associated with festive occasions, religious rituals and healing. Not all of these categories are distinct. For example, plants used in early religious rituals may have been used in this way to heal. Healing as part of religious rituals involved not only the plant, but the divine power of the one administering the cure as well.
 
One of the main festive foods of the Bikol region was hinúmay (see húmay), a term which is still recognised in modern Bikol. This is a dish in which fish or meat is aged with rice in segments of bamboo, then cooked. Humáy is the term for 'rice plant' in Hiligaynon,[7] and humáy the general term for rice in Cebuano.[8] This dish, then, may very well be a cultural inheritance from the Visayan region. Other cultural links, particularly as regards terms used in oral narratives, can also be tied to this region.[9]
    húmay MAG‑, ‑ON to prepare a dish eaten on festive occasions in which seasoned fish or meat and rice are placed into segments of bamboo, left to age and then cooked; ‑ON: hinúmay the dish prepared in this way [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to prepare hinuhúmay; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to fill segments of bamboo with the ingredients for this dish; ‑ON: hinuhúmay the dish prepared in this way]
A number of ceremonies are associated with the cooking and eating of pig meat. Lisboa describes as ancient during his time a ceremony called sukób involving the killing and cooking of a pig which is then distributed in a large bowl to those who are present. This is probably the same term that Lisboa records as 'measuring out by the tsúpa foods such as cut meat' (see Section 3). Another ceremony involving the pig was the karinga. Here a pig, referred to as bágit, is fattened from the time a child is born into the owner's family, then killed when the child is grown.
    sukób (arc‑) an ancient ritual or ceremony in which a pig is killed, and after being cut up and cooked, is distributed in a large bowl to be eaten by those present; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to divide up and distribute a pig in this way [MDL]

    bágit a pig, fattened from the time a child is born into the owner's family, and then killed when the child is grown; the butchered pig is then eaten at a feast called karinga; MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow and mature (this type of pig); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to celebrate the growth of a child with the slaughter of this type of pig [MDL]
A belief in ancestral spirits was a major part of the religious belief system of the early Bikolanos. Ancestral spirits were referred to in general as aníto and these were represented by various carved wooden statues such as tangó', tatáwo and lagdóng. Also part of the spirit world was the gugúrang, a household spirit carried on the person and capable of granting the owner's wishes.
 
Using the root for aníto, we get the verb indicating the presentation of offerings or sacrifices to this ancestral spirit. References to the early belief system of the Bikol region can also be found in Castaño.[10] Two modern works relating details of this belief system based on a reading of the epic poem Ibálon are those of Espinas[11] and Calleja-Reyes.[12].
    aníto ancestral spirits once represented by carved wooden statues [+MDL: MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make a sacrifice or hold a festival for a particular aníto; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer s/t as a sacrifice; to present s/t as an offering; MAPAPAG‑ to ask that a sacrificial ceremony to the aníto be held]

    tangó' a figure of the aníto [MDL]

    tatáwo wooden figures or statues made in honor of the dead [MDL]

    lagdóng idols or images of the aníto used in sacrifices by the balyán; ‑AN a rattan basket used for carrying such idols [MDL]

    gugúrang a household spirit carried around on the person, capable of granting the owner's requests; for example: if one asks for rain, it will rain; ‑NAN: gugurangnán the possessor of such a spirit [MDL]
To the aníto, and to a lesser extent, to the other spirits in the belief system, we get a number ceremonies and offerings involving food. A general ceremonial offering of food to the aníto was called átang. Lisboa refers to this ceremony as ancient, and during his time the meaning had already changed, being generalised to 'the setting out of food on the table or on plates ready to be eaten'. Even this term is referred to by Lisboa as rare. In modern Bikol the term, still rare and having only a literary usage, is a gift or a sacrifice.
    átang a sacrifice offered to the gugúrang as a sign of thanksgiving consisting of one-tenth of the harvest, later eaten by the participants in the ritual [BIK MYT] [MDL: (arc‑) ceremonial offering of food to the aníto, later consumed by those attending the ceremony; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer food as part of such a ceremony; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make a ceremonial offering to an aníto]

    átang referring to food set out on a table or on plates, ready to be eaten; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to prepare food for serving; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to set out or serve food; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to set a table with food; to set food before s/o [MDL]

    átang (lit‑) gift, sacrifice; MAG‑, I‑ to offer or present a gift; to sacrifice s/t
We can see some of the changes which begin to occur with the introduction of Christianity in some of the entries in the Lisboa dictionary. Lisboa began to record even at the early stage when he was in the Philippines some entries which were given an additional meaning, enabling them to be used with reference to the Catholic church. It is not altogether clear whether the new meanings were beginning to gain some acceptance before Lisboa s arrival, or whether Lisboa had deliberately begun a process of modernising certain Bikol words, giving traditional words new meanings to express the new concepts introduced by Christianity. These terms, once introduced, would then be available to the clergy who followed him to the Philippines. An example of this is dúlot which in modern Bikol is a gift or donation. During Lisboa's time it meant 'to serve food by setting it out on the table'. Lisboa, however, also records a new meaning applicable to Christianity and that is 'to take food to church as an offering'.
    dúlot gift, donation; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to donate, offer or impart s/t; PAG‑ donation; KAG‑ donor [MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to serve or place food on a table; to take food to church as an offering; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to set a table with food; to make an offering of food to s/o; PARA‑ servers, those who take food to a table]
Food offerings to the aníto were made on a bamboo altar called salángat. General ceremonies were held in a small hut called guláng-gúlang.
    salángat an altar made from bamboo on which food is placed as an offering to the aníto; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to construct such an altar [MDL]

    guláng-gúlang ‑AN a temple built of bamboo and coconut fronds, used for the celebration of prayers to the gugúrang [BIK MYT] [MDL: ‑AN a small hut or cabin in which ceremonies to the aníto are held]
Another ceremonial feast to the aníto was the gámit, also accompanied by the serving of particular foods. While the specific type of food is not mentioned, the ceremony had an individual focus and was held, for example, for the benefit of a child, presumably for the child's well-being.
    gámit (arc‑) ceremonial feast in honor of the aníto; MA‑ or MAG‑ to organize such a feast; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to serve particular foods at such a feast; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to hold such a feast for a child; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to hold such a feast for a particular reason [MDL]
Espinas[13] refers to dúˈol as a ritual offering to the aníto in which the whole group fasts to request a particular favour. In Lisboa, however, there is a different interpretation. Dúˈol refers to the abstinence from particular foods after the death of a relative. Lisboa's interpretation is supported by Guido de Laverzares for the Visayas just after 1575.[14] Here he describes the Visayans as commonly abstaining from rice upon the death of relative. The modern terms in Bikol for fasting and abstinence are both borrowed from Spanish, these are abstinénsia and ayúno.
    dúˈol a ritual offering to the aníto; the whole tribe fasts in hope that the aníto will be able to ward off evil or stop a disaster [BIK MYTMDL: the abstinence from particular foods after the death of a relative; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mourn a relative by abstaining from eating particular foods]

    abstinénsia abstinence; MAG‑ to abstain; MAG‑, ‑AN to abstain from s/t (usually from eating meat) [SPabstinencia]

    ayúno MAG‑ to fast [SPayunar]
Mourning and food were related in other ways as well. Mourning the dead could also involve partaking of a funeral feast set out in the deceased's honour on the day of their funeral. This was called lalála, a ceremony Lisboa also describes as ancient during his time. Another ritual for the dead involved covering the grave of the deceased with old rice (ayˈáy).
    lalála (arc‑) MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to mourn the dead by partaking of a funeral feast involving the serving of pork set out in honor of the deceased on the day of their death [MDL]

    ayˈáy (arc‑) a rite carried out for the dead in which a grave is covered with unhusked rice; (fig‑) used as an expression of annoyance or irritation, when s/o spills rice Anó taˈ ipinagsáyang mo? Ipinagayˈáy sa bangkáy mo Why are you being wasteful? (It's better to) pour the rice over your dead body [MDL]
Early Bikol society was not without its spells and charms. A number of specific plants came to be identified with hidden or supernatural characteristics. Lisboa's presence in the Philippines was early enough so that he was free to describe these plants and their powers. As Spanish ecclesiastical power strengthened so did the pressure on early belief systems. Use of these plants was quickly banned, and those recommending their use or using them were brought to the attention of various inquisition tribunals.
 
One case in 1615 dealt with charges of witchcraft laid against a wife who used a plant called talampuna (not a Bikol term) against her husband. She placed this under his pillow to keep him away from her. After a period of five years he went mad and she was blamed.[15]
 
The plant tagahúpaˈ, having similar properties to talampuna, is also mentioned in the inquisition documents.[16] This, and the plant said by Lisboa to be a synonym, tagulmáy, is described as a species of grass capable of depriving a person of their willpower. The charm can be used to lure or captivate someone at your will.
    tagahúpaˈ a species of grass possessing roots which may be used to make a brew capable of depriving a person of their willpower; MAG‑, ‑ON to charm or bewitch s/o with this brew [BIK MYT] [MDL: root (typ‑ used to make a charm capable of luring or captivating s/o or subjecting them to your will); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to charm s/o with such a root; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use this root for such purposes; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to bring s/o under your spell with such a charm; ‑AN: tagahupáˈan a charm made from such a root]

    tagulmáy a species of grass with roots used in preparing a brew capable of depriving people of their will-power; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON or to charm s/o in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use this root for such a purpose; MA‑ to be charmed by such a root [MDL]
Other charms also existed which enabled control over people or animals that would not normally be subject to such control. Hunters carried a plant called tagalpóˈ which was used to charm game so that they would not flee. This is a complex word comprising the prefix tagá‑ indicating agency, historically through the repetition of a particular action, and lapóˈ, the root indicating a dislocation or a break in the bone. During Lisboa's time this root had particular relevance to animals. Also enabling a certain amount of control was the root láˈaw. When brought into contact with one's enemy this root could cause sickness or inflammation.
    tagalpóˈ plant (typ‑ carried by hunters and used to charm wild game so that they will not flee); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to charm wild game in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use the plant for this purpose [MDL]

    lapóˈ a dislocation or sprain; dislocated, sprained; MAG‑, ‑ON to deliberately cause a dislocation or sprain; MAKA‑, MA‑ to get a sprain; to dislocate a joint [+MDL: a broken bone; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to break the bones of an animal]

    tagá‑ prefix indicating the agent or doer of the action expressed by the verb base, equivalent to the English suffixes '‑er' and '‑or' in words like 'singer' and 'actor': tagá-taˈó nin súrat courier; tagá-lútoˈ cook; tagá-pamahálaˈ supervisor; MAG‑ to serve as s/o; for example: lútoˈ cook; tagá-lútoˈ a cook; magtagá-lútoˈ to serve as a cook [MDL: MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to do s/t frequently, but not always: magtagá-gúhit to write often; magtagá-bása, pagtagá-basáhon to read s/t from time to time; also: to carry s/t around on the person; to carry s/t around in the hand (applicable particularly to weapons): magtagá-tumbák, pagtagá-tumbakón to carry a lance in the hand; magtagá-uták to carry a knife in the hand; magtagá-cuentas to wear a necklace, beads]

    láˈaw root (typ‑ used as a charm which, if brought into contact with an enemy, can cause sickness or injury); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to charm or bewitch s/o with this root; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use this root as a charm [MDL]
Other plants had different qualities which they could impart to a person. The roots of the tagulipód, when eaten, could render a person invisible at will. This is also a complex word, comprising the root lipód which means 'blocked from view' and the old prefix tagu‑ which forms a noun bearing the qualities of the verbal or adjectival root. The táwong lipód, also incorporating the word lipód, were invisible creatures from the mythological world.
    tagulipód a plant possessing roots which, when eaten, may render a person invisible at will; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make o/s invisible by using such a root; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make s/o invisible; ‑AN: an tagulipdán those who can make themselves invisible after using such a root: Si tagulipdán na táwo si kinimuˈá kaidtó An invisible person has run off with that (Said when s/t disappears right in front of one's eyes) [MDL]

    lipód invisible; blocked from view; MAG‑, ‑AN to block s/t from view [BIK MYT: táwong lipód a general term for invisible mythological creatures such as giants, elves] [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN: lipodán or lipdán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paglipodán or paglipdán to block s/t from view; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to position s/t so that what is behind cannot be seen; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN: malipodán or malipdán to be blocked from view; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN: palipdán to position o/s in front of s/t so as to block it from view; (fig‑) Kalipód kainíng buˈót mo How strange you are acting (Said when s/o does not reply when asked to go somewhere)]

    tagu‑ affix used in combination with MAKA‑, makatagu‑, meaning, to consider s/t: ráˈot bad, makatagu-ráˈot to consider s/t bad, unsuccessful; ráhay good, makatagu-ráhay to consider s/t good, acceptable; lulóng stupid, makatagu-lulóng to consider s/o stupid; the active use of the affix in modern Bikol has been lost, but the form can still be identified in many compound words beginning with tagu‑ [MDL]
From the plant called taguhálin a rather remarkable extract could be derived. This extract could enable a person to fly, or to change into a dog, cat or other animal. A taguhalínan was the person capable of such magic.
    taguhálin a plant from which an extract is derived enabling a person to fly, or to change into a dog, a cat or other animal; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to perform such magic; (PAG‑)‑AN to transform o/s into such animals or fly under the influence of such magic; ‑AN a sorcerer capable of such magic [MDL]
Plants were not only used in the imposition of charms and spells, but were also used in treating the ill. Certain types of medical treatments were associated with traditional rituals. The pusáw ritual, for example, was conducted by a priestess, the balyán, the holder of the highest position in the world of early Bikol religion. She would squeeze the liquid of moistened lemon or lime leaves into the eyes of the ill to help bring about a cure to the illness.
    pusáw an ancient rite performed by the balyán in which she squeezes the liquid of moistened lemon or lime leaves into the eyes of the sick or infirm; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to treat the sick in such a way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use lemon or lime leaves for this purpose [MDL]

    balyán priestess to whom local people turned in time of need to offer up prayers and perform rituals [MDL]
A kidney ailment, called gátod, was also treated as part of a ritual. A chicken was cooked with tubáˈ in a gánta of rice, and then fed to the person suffering from this ailment. An anonymous account from 1572 also gives a brief description of food as part of healing rituals in general on the island of Luzon.[17]
    gátod (arc‑) a kidney ailment (typ‑ the cure involving a ritual in which the ill person ate a chicken cooked with tubáˈ in a gánta of rice); ‑ON to suffer from this ailment [MDL]
Also in the world of early religion were the traditional healers. Traditional healers called huklóban took their name from the root, huklób which they used in their healing ceremonies. Lisboa supplies no more information about the nature of the root or of the types of illness it was supposed to cure. Traditional healers also used a root called haplás. From this root an oil was extracted which could be rubbed into the body to cure illness. In modern Bikol the association of this word with a particular type of root is gone. What remains is the action of rubbing into the body a balm, liniment, lotion or ointment.
    huklób roots (typ‑ used by traditional healers in their ceremonies); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to enchant or bewitch s/o; to put a spell on s/o with this particular root; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use such roots; ‑AN: huklóban traditional healer who uses this root [MDL]

    haplás MAG‑, I‑ to rub s/t in (as a balm, ointment); PANG‑ balm, liniment, lotion, ointment [MDL: root (typ‑ from which an oil is extracted by herbalists and rubbed into the body to cure illness); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat s/o with such a root; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to rub the preparation from such a root on a person or a part of the body; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use such a root for treating illness]
Reference to medicinal plants is numerous. From the roots of the tagamtám plant we get a medicine used to treat someone suffering from a relapse. One with sores could be treated with a preparation from the manaba tree. The tublíˈ tree also produced a substance used in treating wounds, and the panangtáng plant was used by midwives to aid a woman in childbirth.
    tagamtám plant (typ‑ medicinal, with roots which are used to treat s/o who has relapsed into illness) [MDL]

    manaba tree (typ‑ used in the treatment of sores) [MDL]

    tublíˈ a climbing vine (typ‑ possessing roots which produce a substance useful in treating sores or wounds, or in poisoning fish; Derris elliptica) [+MDL: ) MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to kill fish with the extract from this plant's roots; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use this root for treating sores, poisoning fish; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to poison an area of water with this root]

    panangtáng plant (typ- used by midwives to treat women, serving as an aid in childbirth) [MDL]
Hása was a medicine used for treating boils and other pussy swellings. This medicine was made from a mixture of rust and lemon juice. Any single medicine which could bring about a cure, without being mixed with any other ingredients, was referred to as pamugtóng.
    hása a medicine made from rust mixed with lemon juice, used to treat boils, other pussy swellings and ulcerations on the sole of the foot called panlabót; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat a swelling with this medicine; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use such a medicine [MDL]

    pamugtóng a medicine which, without any addition or mixture, is sufficient to bring about a cure: Pamugtóng na bulóng iní This medicine is sufficient to bring about a cure [MDL]
Medicine prescribed by a number of different healers could bring about problems not unlike those caused today by incompatible prescriptions (sánga), and the result of such an unfortunate combination was a deterioration in the person's health, or even death.
    sánga MAGKA‑ to be incompatible (the medicines prescribed by different doctors, resulting in a deterioration in the patient's condition or death); PAGKA‑‑AN to be treated in this way (a patient); IPAGKA‑ to cause such a deterioration or death (incompatible medicines) [MDL]
While plants could bring about cures, foods could also bring about illness. The reopening of ulcers or wounds that have almost healed was referred to as tibón. The reason given for this unfortunate state of affairs was the eating of something harmful.
    tibón MA‑ or MAG‑ to reopen (ulcers or wounds that have almost healed due to having eaten s/t harmful); I(PAG)‑ to cause such wounds to reopen; (PAG‑)‑AN to have one's ulcers, wounds reopen (a person); to break out again in ulcers, rashes; (fig‑) Natibón bagá an saíyang gáwing maráˈot His bad ways have returned or He has fallen back on his bad ways [MDL]
The eating of foods considered unclean could lead to the development of sores on the body (luság). The falling of the hair, or in animals, the shedding of the fur (rúgon), could be due to infirmity or illness, but the cause was also said to be the eating of bad food.
    luság old sores; also: sores which develop on the body due to unclean food which one has eaten; MA‑ or MAG‑ to develop (the sores); (PAG‑)‑AN to have such sores (a person or a part of the body); MAKA‑ to cause such sores (unclean food); (fig‑) Naluság namán si gáwiˈ mong maráˈot Your bad habits have again reappeared [MDL]

    rúgon MAG‑ to fall or shed (the hair of humans, the fur of animals) due to infirmity or illness [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to fall (the hair of humans); to shed (the fur of animals) from illness or the consumption of bad food; I(PAG)‑ to cause this affliction (a particular food); (PAG‑) ‑AN to suffer from this affliction (a person)]
One final entry in this section is a modern term which is not found in Lisboa. Sumbíl refers to a belief held by parents that they could impart particular qualities to a child by choosing their first food. If a child were fed the gizzard of a chicken, for example, they would have a good appetite, if the first food was the tail of a pig, they would be fat, and if the first food was the flesh of an eel, the child would have supple bones.
    sumbíl referring to the action of parents who give a child as its first solid food, a food whose properties they hope to impart to the child; for example: the gizzard of a chicken so that the child will have a good appetite; the tail of a pig so that the child will be fat; the flesh of an eel so that the child will have supple bones that will not break if it falls; MAG‑, ‑ON to give a child a particular food in order to bring about a desired effect

5. FOOD AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR
 
Food is very much a part of social interaction in the modern-day Philippines. Judging from the entries in the Lisboa dictionary, it was no less important, and no less an integral part of socialising in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century.
 
5. FOOD AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR
(i) Invitations
 
There are numerous entries which refer to invitations, both formal and informal. Inviting visitors to one's house was sakát-sakát, the reduplicated form of sakát which simply meant to enter a house by going up a ladder or steps, the usual process when entering a house raised on stilts. Seeing someone walking in front of your house might result in an off-the-cuff invitation such as ábi-ábi where someone is invited to stop in for food or drink. This is a fairly neutral invitation, and presumably someone with a good excuse could avoid having to stop for a meal if they really didn't want to.
    sakát-sakát MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to receive guests; to invite visitors in [MDL]

    sakát MAG‑ to go upstairs; to climb; MAG‑, ‑ON to ascend, climb, mount or scale s/t; to go up s/t; to board or embark on a vehicle; MAG‑, I‑ to take s/t upstairs [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to enter a house (going up the ladder or steps); to visit a house; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to climb up s/t; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to climb up for s/t; Hírak saímo, garó ka siminakát sa daˈíng táwo I pity you, it's as if you're visiting when no one is home (Said when a guest has not been properly entertained)]

    ábi-ábi MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to call to s/o, inviting them to eat or drink; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer a particular food or drink when calling to s/o to invite them [MDL]
A more forceful type of invitation was called háwak. This type of invitation was not so easy to avoid, being accompanied by an insistence that someone join you, requesting that they put off any initial plans they might have had or defer continuing on to their initial destination.
    háwak MA‑, ‑AN or MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to invite s/o to eat, insisting that they come with you, keeping them from continuing on to an intended destination; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be particularly insistent when inviting s/o, refusing to take no for an answer; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer particular foods when making such a forceful invitation [MDL]
A person who accepted an invitation out of courtesy, or because of undue insistence, and not because they were hungry, would then partake of food only out of politeness. This was expressed as the causative magparáwa-ráwa (see ráwa-ráwa). Lisboa also has another entry for ráwa-ráwa, and this is 'gold-filigree work'. The two entries in Lisboa are undoubtedly related. The literal meaning of magparáwa-ráwa must be something like 'to put up a decorative front'.
    ráwa-ráwa gold filigree work; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to adorn s/t with gold filigree; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to make filigree from pieces of gold [MDL]

    ráwa-ráwa MAPA‑ to eat as a matter of courtesy or etiquette and not because one is hungry; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to eat s/t for this reason; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to accept s/o's hospitality as a matter of courtesy [MDL]
Not only were there instances of unwanted invitations, in other words, hosts imposing themselves on reluctant guests, the reverse situation also occurred. Nughóˈ referred to the action of someone who would show up at a house at mealtime knowing full well they would then have to be invited to partake of the meal. Here we have the situation of the unwanted guest.
    nughóˈ MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to visit a house at mealtime for the purpose of being invited to partake of what is being eaten or drunk; to enter a house without being invited so that you will be asked to join or partake at mealtime; MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to eat or drink s/t offered in this way; MAPANG‑: mapanughóng táwo an uninvited guest [MDL]
In modern Bikol, but not in Lisboa, we have the term dúlaˈ which is another instance of the unwanted, although possibly not uninvited, guest. This refers to the actions of someone who shows up at a celebration, be it a wedding or a fiesta, for the express purpose of eating. This guest may very well have been invited, it is just the timing and the actions which draw negative attention from the host and other guests.
    dúlaˈ MAKI‑ to attend a wedding reception, fiesta, or other celebration for the express purpose of eating
An invited guest is referred to in Lisboa as úbang. This is an interesting entry for it refers to a reciprocal type of invitation. The guest is invited to a banquet which is equal in expense to one to which the host had previously been invited. Included in this entry is possibly a sense of social responsibility, as well as the recognition of social status.
    úbang an invited guest; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to invite s/o to a banquet equal in expense to one previously held by the guest for the current host; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to hold such a banquet; MAG‑ to entertain one another at comparable banquets (two people or many people entertaining each other) [MDL]
Cooking and eating could also be a shared affair. Families could get together to cook rice (sungó'). This probably was not for reasons of social interaction, but more for convenience. Rice cooked together would save on firewood, and on the time it would take to prepare two separate fires. More in the nature of a social get-together is dáˈon, something we might call 'potluck'. Here one family takes food to the house of another. The food of both host and guest are then combined and eaten together.
    sungó' MAG‑ to join together to cook rice (two families, people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place the rice of two people or families together; to cook rice together; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add your rice to another's for cooking; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to add to a person's rice the rice you want to cook; to place rice into the same pot for cooking [MDL]

    dáˈon food which is taken to the house of another person, combined with the food at that house, and eaten by both host and guest; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to take food to the house of another person for such a purpose; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to deliver food to a particular house [MDL]

5. FOOD AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR
(ii) Sharing
 
There is a general expectation in the Philippines that one would do something in association with others, not only when eating and drinking, as might be expected, but also in working or when making short trips, such as to the market. Even today in the Philippines a question such as 'Who is your companion?' asked in a variety of ways, is very common when one goes somewhere or is about to do something. Reference to doing something alone would be more marked than references to doing things together. Doing something alone would be the more unusual occurrence.
 
The term specifically referring to drinking alone was pátad (see Section 1(ii). More specific in terms of eating alone is muˈnóng, although this term also had a wider meaning, implying that something done alone would also lead to the acceptance of responsibility for actions undertaken in this way.
 
The small clay pot called anglít could only be used to cook for one person. Using this as a base, Lisboa records the verbal form, the cooking of food only for oneself which is not intended to be shared with others. A similar entry is lábog which expresses the cooking of the same, small amount of rice.
    muˈnóng MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat alone; to do s/t without companions; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to catch prey when alone (a hunter); to have to do s/t alone or take sole responsibility for s/t: Namumuˈongán ko iníng dakól na gíbo All of this work is now my responsibility alone [MDL]

    anglít clay pot (typ‑ small) [+MDL: small clay pot holding up to two gahín (2 tsúpa or 2/6 gánta) of rice; aró-anglít MAG‑ to cook food only for o/s which is not to be shared with others]

    lábog MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cook only a small amount of rice (such as one or two gahín); ‑AN: lalabógan small pot used for cooking a small amount of rice [MDL]
In a society of mutual dependencies, where independent living would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, the sharing of many things, including food, was the norm. Members of a social group knew that what was given at one time, would be returned at another. An entry such as tigók shows the dilemma of having a particularly sought after food to eat, and the lack of enjoyment associated with eating it unless it was shared with someone close to you.
    tigók MA‑ to feel uncomfortable eating a particularly desirable food without a child or other loved one joining in; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to want s/o to join you in eating; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to want to share a particular food; Makatiró-tigók na taˈ daˈí ka na dúlok Offer to share the food you are eating since no one will approach you to ask for some (Said when one is eating and a relative or acquaintance is looking on) [MDL]
A bond between two individuals could be tied to specific foods. Balatáˈ refers to the agreement reached between two people who will be separated for a time when one goes to live in a different town. Following this agreement, the person who leaves agrees to abstain from eating particular foods, while the one who remains agrees to eat only particular foods.
    balatáˈ MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make an agreement with s/o who leaves the village that they will not eat a particular food or drink a particular beverage while they are away; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to make this agreement concerning a particular food or beverage; MAG‑ to come to such an agreement (two people, the one who leaves agreeing to abstain from eating particular foods, and the one who stays agreeing to eat only particular foods); KA‑ the person with whom one has such an agreement or promise [MDL]
There was an expectation that the results of a particularly good hunt would be shared. The term ganák refers to the portion of the hunt or fish catch to be shared with one's friends or relatives. If the offer of a share was not forthcoming, it could be requested using the same root form. One could show up and simply be asked to be included in distribution. Túlin is another term which refers to the sharing of food. Here one's neighbours or relatives receive part of an animal slaughtered in a person's house.
    ganák the part of the hunt or catch of fish given to one's friends or relatives; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to distribute a portion of the hunt or catch; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to distribute part of the hunt or fish catch to s/o; MAKI‑ to ask to be included in the distribution; MAPA‑ to ask for a portion of the hunt or fish catch [MDL]

    túlin MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to give ones relatives or neighbors part of an animal slaughtered in your house; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to give part of an animal in this way [MDL]
The members of a particular household, or group, or extended family could expect to be allotted a share of food, and there were a number of terms which dealt with this. Páhat is primarily concerned with the division of food into portions to be shared, while parábol with the actual apportioning out of the food to be shared. Garóng referred to the action of coming to receive one's share.
    páhat a ration or share of food; MA‑, ‑ON to divide up food; MA‑, ‑AN to give s/o a share of food; MA‑, I‑ to give out a share of food; MAG‑ to divide food among yourselves; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to divide food into shares or portions; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to distribute shares or portions of food; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to give each person a share of food [MDL]

    parábol a ration or share of food; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to give s/o their ration of food; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give s/t as a ration of food; MAKI‑ to ask for one's ration of food [MDL]

    garóng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to come to receive one's share of food; may also apply to other items; MA, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to approach s/o to receive one's share of food [MDL]
A lack of generosity could also be expressed by particular terms. People who were not generous, consuming all food and drink by themselves, leaving nothing for their neighbours or for others, were referred to as imóng.
    imóng MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to eat or drink everything oneself without leaving anything for one's neighbors or others; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PA‑‑AN to not leave any food for others; MA‑ one who is greedy, eating and drinking everything in the house, leaving nothing for others; Abóng imóng ni kuyán That person is really greedy when it comes to food [MDL]
A lack of generosity may also be implied by the superstition called ngasá, apparently an attempt to get members of society to conform. Here someone was singled out for having a particularly successful crop in comparison to those around them. Such a crop and its owner were open not only to the envy of those with less successful crops, but also to the envy of the gods. A crop such as this could be lost, or the owner could die or be visited by some other misfortune, or they could be held responsible for this happening to others in the town. This may have been a not so subtle way of making sure a successful crop was shared with those who were less fortunate. It is difficult to see how making the crop less bountiful would have helped anyone.
    ngasá a belief or superstition that if one's fields or crops are particularly successful in comparison with those of others, death or misfortune will soon be visited on s/o in the town, or the crops themselves will be lost; MA‑ or MAG‑ to die or be visited by some misfortune as foretold by such a superstition; to fail (one's crops); Ngasá na palán lugód idtóng pagkabuˈót nang dáˈan kaidtóng ákiˈ In spite of all the good qualities this child has shown, she will not come to a good end [MDL]
Perhaps the young and ill were given special dispensation when it came to sharing. It is unclear how strong a term such as kámang really is without a specific context. The term referred to carrying off all the food one happened to be in a position to take, or the consumption of all of a particular type of food.
    kámang MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to carry off or snatch all food in sight; for example: a child with a sweet tooth wanting all the sweets, or s/o who is ill wanting to eat all they see or drink all available water [MDL]
Early Philippine society was stratified, comprising different social levels. This is discussed in more detail in Section 5(iii). Families, also, could be an amalgam of individuals who had differential status. The nuclear family could easily have been broadened into the extended family by the addition of relatives who were unable to make an independent living and their children, by adopted children, and by various types of household help who worked with or without any monetary compensation. While it would have been the responsibility of the head of the house to see that everyone was fed, not everyone would have been entitled to the same amount of food, or to the first choice of the food that was available (also see Section 2).
 
It is difficult to know the full intent of entries in Lisboa which refer to the complete consumption of food. An entry such as tipós referred to finishing all of one's food, leaving nothing over, and could apply to people or animals. We can assume that a person was entitled to finish all of the food that they were served and there may be no further underlying meanings to this term. There may, however, also be an unstated implication that the food served was not enough and that more food was desired. In the Philippines of today guests would be expected to eat their fill, but then leave a small amount over to show that they couldn't possible eat anymore.
    tipós MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to finish all food, leaving nothing over; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to finish all of s/o's food; Pinagtipós si saróng manók kainíng áyam, daˈí máyong pinagsímad This dog has eaten all of the chicken, leaving nothing [MDL]
The intent of an entry such as kunás is also not fully clear. Kunás refers to finishing every last bit of food in the serving pot, leaving nothing over. This appears to be just a neutral statement indicating, perhaps, that someone was very hungry or that the food served was particularly delicious. There, however, may be a further meaning that is unstated. Was some food supposed to be left for those who were dependent on it for their meal? Household help, or those taken into a house from another family, would expect to be fed, but they might very well have to depend for such food on the leftovers from the main table, after others had eaten.
    kunás MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to finish every last bit of food, leaving nothing; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to empty a pot of food [MDL]
It is clear that not only could food be left over, but it could be left over for particular people. The rather complex entry for báhaw has sections that show that leftover food could be put aside for particular people to eat at a later time. The entry for símad, also dealing with leftover food, has a sample utterance showing that some leftovers were clearly expected.
    báhaw cold (referring only to food once served hot): Báhaw na an kakánon The food is now cold; MAG‑ to grow cold; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to let s/t cool off; to let s/t stand (so as to cool); MANG‑ or MAGPANG‑ to eat breakfast; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to eat s/t for breakfast; MAGPAPANG‑, PAPANG‑‑ON to give breakfast to s/o; PANG‑‑AN: pamaháwan breakfast [+MDL: leftovers; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to keep leftovers for another time; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to keep leftovers for s/o; to store leftovers in a particular place; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to put certain food aside; MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to eat leftovers; to put a large amount of leftovers aside; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to put leftovers aside for others; ‑AN: babaháwan or baháwan the place, container or basket where leftover food is stored]

    símad leftover or extra food; MA‑ to remain; to be extra (food); PAG‑‑ON to be left extras or leftovers (a person): Daˈí máyoˈ siyáng pinagsímad kaidtóng malútong saróˈ kakúron She was left nothing of the rice from the one clay pot; (fig‑) Daˈí máyoˈ siyáng pinagsímad nin si tatarámon ni kuyán Nothing remains of the person's words (Meaning: In one ear and out the other) [MDL]
If the food that was left for someone was not sufficient, it is possible they could come out with an analogy such as that found in the entry for tingá, referring to the particles of food caught between the teeth: Aanhón ko iníng garó na ing tingá What am I going to do with this which is like the food caught between the teeth?
    tingá particles of food caught between the teeth; MAKA‑ to get stuck between the teeth (particles of food); MAGHING‑, HING‑‑ON to remove such particles from between the teeth; MAGHING‑, HING‑‑AN to clean the teeth of food; MAGHING‑, IHING‑ to use a toothpick to clean the teeth [+MDL: HING‑ toothpick; MAHING‑, HING‑‑ON or MAGHING‑, PAGHING‑‑ON to remove bits of food from between the teeth; MAHING‑, HING‑‑AN or MAGHING‑ PAGHING‑‑AN to clean the teeth in this way; Garó na nagtingáng kutíng It is as if you have a kitten caught between your teeth (Said when a child is restless and won't stop moving about); Aanhón ko iníng garó na ing tingá What am I going to do with this which is like the food caught between the teeth? (Said to show a lack of generosity on the part of s/o who has given you s/t]
If the food given was not enough, it was possible to ask for more. Exactly who could do this, and what the attitude of those with the additional food would be is not clear. There are a number of words meaning 'additional'. One which seems subtle enough to be used in such situations was dugyóng. This referred to the addition of ingredients to food that was cooking. The causative affixes, however, give the more general meaning of asking for an additional amount of food.
    dugyóng an addition to food which is cooking; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add additional ingredients to food as it cooks; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to add additional ingredients to food so that more people can eat or each person can have more food; MAPA‑ to request an additional amount of food; to ask that more ingredients be added [MDL]

5. FOOD AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR
(iii) Social Stratification
 
Bikol society was stratified. There were different classes of people possessing differing amounts of influence and wealth. Heads of villages were called dátoˈ and the supporting aristocracy was the class called ginoˈó. Ordinary villages were referred to as timáwaˈ. A slave class was called urípon and former slaves were called either bátak or timáwaˈ. Slaves were those captured in war, or those who were indentured due to the nonpayment of debts. Scott discusses the general situation of social class in the Philippines during the sixteenth century and lists a number of useful primary sources for his data.[18]
    dátoˈ headman, chief [+MDL: one who is rich and a leader of the community; MAKA‑, MA‑ to declare s/o a headman or chief; to raise s/o's status to that of a headman; PAGKA‑ the powerful and influential members of society; KA‑‑AN governing council of chiefs]

    ginoˈó a noble; a term used to refer to the rich and influential members of early Bikol society; MA‑ noble, regal, royal [+MDL: MA‑ referring to both those who are rich and those who have high status in a society; MA‑ or MAG‑ to have the status of a noble; to be one of the influential members in a society; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to name or regard s/o as a leader in a society; MAG‑ maggiró-ginoˈó to pretend to hold the status of a noble; MAKA‑, MA‑ to make s/o rich; KA‑‑AN a council of nobles; a group of the rich and influential in society; PAGKA‑ nobility [MDL]

    timáwaˈ an ordinary resident or villager, neither a slave nor a noble; a freeman, a free slave; MA‑ to free a slave; to declare oneself free (a slave); to become an ordinary citizen (one who was once richer or of a higher rank) [MDL]

    bátak freeman, describing a person who is no longer a slave; MAG‑ to free o/s or declare o/s free; MA‑, ‑ON to set s/o free; MA‑, ‑AN to set s/o free from a group of slaves [MDL]

    urípon slave; MA‑ one who possesses slaves; MAG‑, ‑ON to enslave; to treat s/o like a slave; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to capitulate to s/o; to yield or submit to s/o; KA‑‑AN: kauripnán slavery, bondage [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to have slaves; to enslave s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to take s/o's child or relative as a slave; MAKA‑, MA‑ to take s/o as a slave due to indebtedness; PAGKA‑ slavery, bondage]
While there was a certain degree of social mobility, as can be seen by the possibility to change one's status shown by the verbal affixes of the entries, there were also many prohibitions which served to keep people in their place. Some of these prohibitions can be seen in references to food.
 
The social levels of dátoˈ and ginoˈó were classes apart from the others, and to keep this distance we get superstitions such as púhon. According to this belief, the eating utensils of this class were protected by some sort of divine power. If those without a similar status, those of low birth or slaves, were to use these utensils for eating, then the stomach or abdomen of such people would swell with air.
    púhon an ancient belief which holds that if a slave or person of low birth were to drink from the glass or eat from the plate of s/o of high rank in the community, the abdomen of the slave or person of low birth would swell with air; MAKA‑ to hold such a belief (those of high rank); MA‑‑AN to be affected by such a belief (slaves, those of low birth); MANG‑ to bring about such an occurrence (those of high rank or their ancestors) [MDL]
An entry such as tungíˈ indicates that there was an expectation that those in one's care be fed and cared for. While the central meaning of tungiˈ indicates overeating to the point of feeling sensitive and touchy, the example which accompanies it refers to slaves who steal, most probably food. This example also attempts to discount the possibility that a slave might be hungry since they were normally fed more than enough.
    tungíˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to become uneasy and touchy due to being overfull (an animal); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to leave food over when feeling overfull; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to feed an animal to the point of its being satiated; (fig‑) Pinatungíˈ giráray nin pagkakán iníng urípon na iní, nanhahaˈbón pa nang gayód This slave is always fed more than he needs, and still it seems he goes around stealing [MDL]
Class divisions also are shown using other types of analogies with food. Atá is rice bran, not the most desirable part of the rice, and mixed with rice to increase its bulk only when there is not enough rice to go around. The analogy which accompanies this entry indicates that while all residents of the village, both the rich and influential and the ordinary citizens, may in some way be related, when it comes to receiving the benefits of that relationship, the best parts go to the influential, and only what remains to the others.
 
Páyiˈ is another food analogy relating to social acceptance, and perhaps to class. A fruit with a thick skin and little meat, or a head of rice with thick husks and little grain was referred to as páyiˈ. The analogy given refers to people not being properly valued by their society, being treated as the less desirable part.
    atá rice bran [+MDL: also referring to rice which is all husk and no grain; MA‑ rice which contains a large mixture of empty rice husks; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mix good rice with empty rice husks in an attempt to deceive; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add empty rice husks to good rice; (fig‑) Magturúgang kamí patín iyán mga ginoˈó, kundíˈ aanhón ta an atá kon bagá sa pároy We and the influential people in town are all related, and yet all we get are the empty husks and not the rice]

    páyíˈ describing fruit with a thick skin and little meat, or a head of rice with thick husks and little grain; MA‑ to develop in this way (fruit, grain); (fig‑) Bagá lámang kamí páyíˈ sa buláwan It is as if we are like the thick crust on gold (Said when people are not properly valued by their fellow townsfolk) [MDL]

5. FOOD AND SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR
(iv) Serving
 
Food could be set out on the table for immediate consumption, it could be prepared so that it could be taken with someone and consumed outside of the house, or it could be set aside for the return of someone who would miss the normal meal time.
 
There were a number of words for the serving of food. Túlod was the serving of food to everyone at the table. The noun built on this root, tutulódan, referred to the large plate on which rice was placed when everyone ate together. The action of taking rice from a central serving plate by the handful and placing it on the individual plates of those eating was dugdóg. This particular meaning has been lost in modern Bikol, the current meaning being 'to dab with a heavy touch'.
    túlod MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to serve food to all at a table or to be in charge of such serving; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to serve all those seated at a table; ‑AN: tutulodan a large plate on which rice is served where everyone eats together [MDL]

    dugdóg MAG‑, I‑ to dab s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to dab s/t onto s/t else, usually with a heavy touch (as dabbing salt on fish) [MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to take a handful of rice from a central serving dish and place it onto your plate and the plates of the others who are eating; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to fill plates with rice in this way; to serve people in this way]
The staple food in the Bikol region was rice. Food eaten with rice was called siráˈ (see Section 2). Rice would have been served to those eating, but each individual would have then helped themselves to the various types of siráˈ. Placing this type of food on one's plate was referred to as gáwiˈ. Two other terms for the setting out or serving of food were mentioned in Section 4. These were átang, originally referring to an offering to the aníto, and dúlot.
    gáwiˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place food on plates in preparation for eating; to bring s/t to a state of readiness; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to prepare s/t for s/o [MDL]
Two people sharing the same plate when eating is still referred to as samáˈ. The additional meaning in the Lisboa dictionary, now lost, is that this was done as a sign of friendship.
    samáˈ MAG‑ to eat together from the same plate (two people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat food together; to eat with s/o from the same plate; MAKI‑ to share the same plate; MA+KA‑ to eat from the same plate with s/o; MAGKA‑ to share the same plate when eating; KA‑ s/o who eats with you from the same plate [+MDL: samá MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat together from the same plate as a sign of friendship (two people); MA‑, ‑AN to eat from the same plate with s/o]
Approaching a table to get something to eat was referred to as dúlok. Dúlok also had the more general meaning of 'to approach', which it still has today, but Lisboa gives the food reference as an example, indicating that the approach was from a fairly close distance, and not from far.
    dúlok MAG‑, ‑ON to approach s/o [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to come from further away to get something or do something (such as to get s/t to eat from a table); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to approach a particular area; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to bring s/t closer]
If people were not available to eat at a normal mealtime, food could be prepared for their return. Tagulhát was such food, ready and waiting for those who would be returning from work in the fields. More commonly, people who were unable to join others at a regular mealtime were supplied with food to take with them. A general term for the supply of such food was tagáma. The meaning of this has been generalised in modern Bikol to mean 'to reserve' or 'to allocate'.
    tagulhát food that is prepared for those who will be returning home, generally from work in the fields; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to prepare such food; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to prepare such food for s/o [MDL]

    tagáma reserved, allocated; MAG‑, I‑ to reserve or allocate s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to reserve s/t for s/o; to allocate s/o s/t [MDL: prepared (food); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to prepare food for those expected to return home; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to prepare food for s/o: Tagamáhi akóng kakánon Prepare food for me (so that it will be ready when I return home); MA‑ prepared: matagámang táwo one who is prepared; PAG‑ preparation]
Food could also be delivered to someone at mealtime if they were unable to return home and eat. The image of a child taking food to their mother or father at work in the rice fields is not uncommon in the Bikol region at the present time. This meaning of tundóg is modern and has undergone a degree of semantic change since Lisboa's time. In Lisboa tundóg is recorded as the search for someone at a place you are sure they can be found. There is no mention of food.
    tundóg MAG‑, I‑ to deliver food during meal time to a person unable to return home to eat; MAG‑, ‑AN to provide s/o unable to return home to eat with food; MAGPA‑, IPA‑ to send out for food [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to go in search of s/o at a place you believe they can be found; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to direct your search to a place you have heard s/o can be found; MAG‑, I‑ to take s/t on such a search]
In modern Bikol, the general term for taking food with you from the house is bálon. During Lisboa's time this had the same general meaning, but also had the more specific meaning of provisioning a boat with supplies. It also had a wider reference than in modern times, referring as well to provisions of money as well as supplies, something it would not mean today.
    bálon MAG‑, ‑ON to take food from home which is later eaten outside of the house (as on a picnic, on a trip, when working in the fields); MAG‑, ‑AN to carry such food for a particular trip, picnic; MAGPA‑, IPA‑ to provide food for such occasions; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑AN to provide s/o with food or provisions; PA‑ provisions; a picnic or box lunch [+MDL stores of food or money taken on a trip; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to carry such stores or provisions; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to carry such provisions along a particular route or to a particular destination; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to provision s/o with food or money for a trip; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to send provisions with s/o on a trip; ‑AN: an binalónan one's store of money or food; MAHING‑ to be depleted (stores, provisions); MAHING‑‑AN to be left without provisions (as the crew of a ship); MAKAHING‑ to cause the depletion of stores, provisions]
The terms presented above referred to provisioning someone with cooked food. Uncooked food could also be taken along on a trip. Bagás, the husked, but uncooked rice, which one would buy in a market, could be carried in a small bag made from the leaves of the burí palm called lulupíon. Food that was brought along to be cooked might be called lulútoˈ (see lútoˈ), really referring to anything that was to be cooked.
    lulupíˈon a pouch or bag made from the leaves of the burí palm, used for carrying rice when traveling [MDL]

    lútoˈ dishes, food, cooking; lútoˈ na cooked; MA‑ cooked rice; MAG‑, ‑ON to cook s/t; ‑AN a stove; TAG Á cook, chef [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cook s/t on a fire; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a fire for cooking; MAKA‑, MA‑ to cook s/t (the heat of a fire); lulútoˈ food which is brought on a trip; (fig‑) Si makuríng paghampák ki kuyán, nalútoˈ pakaráy si likód That person has been whipped so hard, his back looks as if it has really been cooked]

6. FOOD AND PERSONAL BEHAVIOUR
 
This section examines the personal approach to food, looking in general at an individual's table manners. Examined are ways of eating, ways of chewing and swallowing and particular attitudes to the foods eaten.
 
The general word for 'to eat' in Bikol is kakán. While there have been some morphological changes to the meanings attached to the verbal affixes, and the loss of the affix ‑IMIN‑ in modern Bikol, this is much the same word that would have been used by Bikolanos during Lisboa's time.
    kakán MAG‑ to eat; MAG‑, ‑ON to dine on s/t; to devour; to jump (as in checkers); ‑ON to corrode; to be eaten away; MA‑: puédeng makakán edible; daˈí puédeng makakán inedible; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to feed s/o; MAGPA‑, IPA‑ to feed s/t to s/o; ‑ON: kakánon food, victuals; ‑AN dining room; PAG‑ eating; an pagdágos sagkód an pagkakán room and board [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to eat everyday food; Daˈí kamíng kinakakán We have nothing to eat; MA‑, I‑ or MANG‑, IPANG‑ to eat with the hands; MA‑, ‑AN or MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN: pamamangánan to eat in a particular place, such as a dining area; to eat from a table or a particular utensil, such as a plate; syn‑ dasót; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat s/t special (a delicacy, a sweet); MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to feed s/o; MAPAPANG‑, PAPANG‑‑ON to feed many people; to supply a group of people with food; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to feed s/o in a particular place or from a particular utensil; MAPAPANG‑, PAPANG‑‑AN: papangánan to bring together people in a particular place so they can be fed; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to feed s/o with a particular food; MAPAPANG‑, IPAPANG‑ to feed a group with a particular food; MAKI‑ to join others for a meal without being invited; an makinán one who likes to eat; a glutton; ‑IMIN‑: Daˈí pang kiminán nin binambán an baˈgóng mabálo A newly widowed woman does not eat binambán]
When someone had eaten something they were not supposed to, such as something reserved or put aside for someone else, one of the anger words would be used to describe the action of eating. During Lisboa's time this was súngay, and in modern Bikol, hablóˈ. The meaning of hablóˈ during Lisboa's time referred to the swallowing of something whole, much the way a snake or fish would eat its prey.
    súngay MAG‑ to eat, said in annoyance or anger: Síˈisay nagsúngay nin si báhaw ko digdí Who's eaten the food I put away here? [MDL]

    hablóˈ MAG‑ to eat; MAG‑, ‑ON to eat s/t; said in annoyance or anger in place of kakán [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to swallow s/t whole without chewing, referring to the way snakes or large fish eat their prey; (fig‑) Uyá an hahabloˈón mo There, swallow it whole (Said when annoyed, implying 'Go choke on it')]
Bikolanos ate with their hands, and the expectation was that people would wash their hands before eating. The term used to refer to people who did not do this was takwó. There were other actions that might draw undue attention. Ungˈóng referred to drinking something directly from the container in which it was served, or eating food directly from the pot in which it was cooked. There is no indication that this was viewed negatively, but food would normally be eaten from one's own plate, and liquid drunk from one's own glass, and it was actions other than these that were noted.
    takwó MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat s/t without first washing the hands [MDL]

    ungˈóng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat s/t directly from a pot or serving dish, or drink s/t from the container in which it is served and not from one's own plate or glass; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat or drink from s/t in this way [MDL]
Poking your nose into something, as into a pot to see what is cooking, was also remarked upon. The two modern terms for this are duˈlóng and dungdóng. Dungdóng is not listed in Lisboa at all, but duˈlóng is glossed as the action of dogs and cats when eating what remains in a pot or on a plate. While historically the reference to duˈlóng might have been negative, there is no great negativity associated with these words in modern Bikol.
    duˈlóng MAG‑, ‑AN to place the nose close or poke the nose into s/t (as into a pot to see what's cooking)

    dungdóng MAG‑, I‑ to place s/t close to the nose; MAG‑, ‑AN to sniff s/t; to place the nose close to s/t; to poke the nose into s/t (as into a pot to sniff what's cooking)
Other actions which drew attention to themselves at the table and were remarked on were pikdól and salóˈ. Pikdól referred to disturbing someone when eating, hurrying them up so that would quickly finish. Sáloˈ was a term of reproach to children. This term would be used to tell a misbehaving child to stop fooling around and carry on with eating.
    pikdól MA‑, ‑AN MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to rush s/o who is eating; to disturb s/o who is eating by telling them to hurry up; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t which causes s/o to rush; (PAG‑) ‑ON or MA‑ to be rushed or disturbed while eating [MDL]

    salóˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to encourage a child to eat (especially when they show they need some prodding); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to insist a child eat s/t under such circumstances; salóˈ-salóˈ MAG‑ to keep insisting that a child eat; MAPA‑ or MAPAPAG‑ to show you want some coaxing or encouragement to eat (a child or an adult): Napapapagsalóˈ-salóˈ ka giráray nin pagkakán You always want s/o to encourage you to eat [MDL]
The main staple was rice, and eating a meal meant eating rice. Other forms or eating were different and were commented upon. Eating something without rice was called pasáy. Nibbling something while walking around is still referred to as singá-singáˈ.
    pasáy MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat something without bread or rice [MDL]

    singáˈ-singáˈ MAG‑, ‑ON to nibble on s/t (as a candy bar); to walk around while eating s/t [+MDL: sínga'-sínga' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat a sweet; to have a snack]
The word ngarabúˈab described the way fish would come to the shore or to the banks of a river or lake in search of food. This same word applied to humans meant to eat a little tidbit to satisfy immediate hunger. One could also nibble on something just to get a taste and decide whether it was worth eating or not. Such an action, referred to as itˈít, was normally applied to animals, but could be applied to humans as well.
    ngarabúˈab MANG‑ or MAGPANG‑ to come to the shore, bank or edge of the rocks in search of food (fish): Nangangarabúˈab iníng balának digdí sa gílid The ray fish (balának) have come to the edge to feed [MDL]

    ngarabúˈab MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON or MAGPANG‑, PAGPANG‑‑ON to eat some little tidbit to satisfy immediate hunger (a person) [MDL]

    itˈít MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to nibble on s/t (a person to see if s/t is sour, sweet); to gnaw out a piece of s/t (a rat, another animal); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to gnaw on s/t (a rat, another animal) [MDL]
In modern Bikol the action of tasting something with just the tip of the tongue is timtím. In Lisboa this referred to drinking a little of some beverage as if just to get a taste. Tingkáb, also a term used by Lisboa to refer to the tasting of beverages, has an almost identical meaning.
    timtím MAG‑, ‑AN to taste s/t with just the tip of the tongue or lightly with the lips [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to drink a little bit of s/t as if to just get a taste; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to drink a little bit from a larger amount or from a particular container]

    tingkáb MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to taste a beverage, but not drink it; to drink just a little of a beverage for taste; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to drink a small amount from s/t; to drink a small amount from a larger quantity of beverage [MDL]
There is also a substantial number of terms which describe how a person ate. A finicky eater, one who picked at the food and chose only the best parts to eat, is described as amlíˈ. One who approached food with great circumspection, eating slowly and carefully was described as tantán This type of behaviour might be called for when eating a fish, fearing that someone might swallow a bone if they took less care.
    amlíˈ MA‑ a finicky eater; MA‑ or MAG‑ to pick at one's food, choosing only the best or the tastiest morsels [MDL]

    tantán MA‑ or MAG‑ to do s/t with great caution or circumspection (as eating fish slowly so that one does not swallow a bone); to walk carefully (as a blind person moving slowly with a stick, or inching ahead with small steps to keep from tripping); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat s/t carefully; to move slowly and carefully to avoid an area where one might stumble; (fig‑) Pagtantaná nguˈná an buˈót ni kuyán Let's first see what that person is like [MDL]
Food might also be consumed slowly or gradually for other reasons as well. Wildók refers to one who eats slowly for reasons of age, illness, or simply due to having no appetite. Terms like awát and unák also refer to the gradual consumption of food, but these probably refer more to the drawing down of one's stock of food rather than describing what went on at any one particular sitting.
    wildók MA‑ or MAG‑ to work very slowly (as one who is old); to eat a little bit at a time (as one who is sick or has no appetite); Nawildók na si kuyán na natuklós That person works very slowly, feebly; Nagwildók nang nakakán iníng ákiˈ This child eats very little [MDL]

    awát MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to finish or consume s/t little by little; to slowly take or make off with s/t; MAKA‑, MA‑ to be removed little by little; to be slowly consumed [MDL]

    unák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to use or consume s/t gradually; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to consume s/t gradually from a larger amount, or from the stores of a particular person; MA‑ to be consumed or diminished little by little; to slip through one's fingers; to dribble away; to be frittered away or squandered (one's wealth); MA‑‑AN to have one's food or other items diminished little by little (a person) [MDL]
Uhód was the term during Lisboa's time for appetite. It was, however, most commonly expressed in the negative indicating the lack of an appetite, presumably for any reason. The ill were also given special dispensation to compensate for their lack of appetite. Arángay refers to a request by the ill for the food they preferred to eat.
    uhód (PAG‑)‑AN: (pag)udhán to have an appetite; Daˈí akó inudhán na kumán I have no appetite for eating; Daˈí akó inudhán so-udmáˈ nin pagkakán I didn't feel like eating yesterday; Daˈí akó uudhán ngápit I won't have an appetite afterwards [MDL]

    arángay MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to say what food one wants to eat (those who are sick); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to tell s/o what food one wants to eat so they can give it you or find s/o who has it [MDL]
If the food served was not enough to go around, then one might eat just small amounts. This was referred to as dimól-dimól and was probably an action carried out for the sake of politeness. There may well have been only very little food to begin with, and what was served would have to be enough for everyone. The result of this type of reticence could be a feeling expressed by the term bakáw used when one is still hungry after eating and relatively unsatisfied with what has been eaten and drunk.
    dimól-dimól to take or eat just a small amount of food; Dimól-dimól lámang akó kaidtóng malúto taˈ didiˈít I only ate a small amount of rice because there was only very little [MDL]

    bakáw MA‑‑AN to still feel hungry after eating or drinking; to be unsatisfied with what one has eaten or drunk: Nababakawán akóng pagkakán I'm still hungry [MDL]
Not everyone was polite when it came to eating, nor did everyone eat slowly with an eye on the amount of food that was available for others. Ásam referred to voracious eating, consuming everything one was offered. The unflattering term, hakhák, which could also refer to the way animals would eat, by opening the mouth wide and taking large bites, also referred to humans who ate quickly and voraciously.
    ásam MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to eat voraciously everything that is offered, whether tasty or not, refusing nothing; (fig‑) MANG‑: mangásam sa babáyi to be a ladies' man [MDL]

    hakhák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to gobble s/t up; to eat s/t quickly and voraciously; to eat s/t by opening the mouth wide and taking large bites (animals such as dogs, pigs) [MDL]
The simple act of eating quickly was expressed as kuhám-kuhám, but ngaróˈ-ngaróˈ had a greater purpose to the speed of eating; this was the desire to eat all of a food one particularly liked.
    kuhám-kuhám MA‑ or MAG‑ to eat quickly; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat s/t quickly [MDL]

    ngaróˈ-ngaróˈ MA‑, MA‑‑AN to eat s/t quickly; to want to eat all of s/t because it is a food you particularly like [MDL]
When food was plentiful, people might overeat, and there are a number of entries which refer to this. Similar in meaning are muˈyák 'to eat to the point of bursting', bu'ríd 'to be full to the point of busting,' hurá-hurá 'to be unable to breathe properly due to overeating,' and badát. This last term in modern Bikol means 'to be full and unable to eat anymore,' but during Lisboa's time it was one of the anger words used when annoyed or when arguing. The results of overeating may be seen in the entry butingtíng where a person has developed a distended stomach or pot belly.
    muˈyák MA‑ or MAG‑ to overeat; to eat to the point of bursting; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat too much of s/t [MDL]

    buˈríd MAG‑ to be full to the point of bursting (one who has eaten too much): Nagbuˈríd na si kuyán That person is bursting; Nagbuˈríd na iníng áyam This dog is very full [MDL]

    hurá-hurá MA‑ or MAG‑ to be unable to breathe properly due to being overfull or very pregnant: Hurá-hurá nang nabasóg iníng áyam This dog is so pregnant it is about to burst [MDL]

    badát full and unable to eat any more; MAG‑ to become full [+MDL: glutted, satiated, full (said only in anger when arguing); MA‑ to be full; PAGKA‑ the state of being full, satiated; (fig‑) Si makuríng pagkabadát ni kuyán That person is dead drunk]

    butingtíng describing s/o with an distended stomach or abdomen due to overeating or illness; MAG‑ to have a large stomach; to be potbellied: Nagbutingtíng si kuyán That person has a protruding stomach [MDL]
There are numerous words which relate to the way someone ate. In modern Bikol there is hakláb which means 'to take a big bite of food'. During Lisboa's time we get a word like angrób which meant to 'to bite off with the teeth' or 'to gnaw'.
    hakláb MAG‑, ‑ON to take a big bite of s/t

    angrób MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to bite s/t off with the teeth (as a dog); to gnaw s/t off; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to bite s/t off from s/t else; to gnaw on s/t; KA‑‑AN gnawing, gnashing of the teeth [MDL]
Many words also dealt with the process of chewing. Sapáˈ is a general term for 'to chew'. When something is chewed to remove the juices, such a stalk of sugar cane, the modern term is ugbás. The residue is then spat out, and not swallowed. This term is not in the Lisboa dictionary.
    sapáˈ MAG‑, ‑ON to munch or chew on s/t [+MDL: sapá MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to chew s/t]

    ugbás MAG‑, ‑ON to chew s/t in order to remove the juices (not to swallow); an inugbás the residue of what is chewed
In Lisboa we get a variety of other terms, some also used in modern Bikol. Ngungóˈ refers to the chewing of something, not to be swallowed, but to soften it so that it can be given to someone without teeth, either a child, or the elderly. When food is chewed poorly because one does not have any teeth, the term for this is ngahól-ngahól.
    ngungóˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to chew s/t so that it can then be given to a child who does not yet have any teeth, or the elderly [MDL]

    ngahól-ngahól MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to chew food poorly due to having no teeth [MDL]
Chewing something vigorously with the back teeth was referred to as ngangáˈ. Chewing or gnawing on tough, fibrous things is now referred to as ngutngót. During Lisboa's time this had a similar meaning. Here tough food was pulled at with the teeth, and the example given is like a dog pulling at tough meat.
    ngangáˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to chew vigorously with the back teeth; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to chew s/t in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use the back teeth (molars) for chewing; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to be able to chew with the back teeth: Daˈí ikinangangáng maˈmón It's an unchewable betel-nut mixture (Said in exaggeration when s/t is intolerable); Daˈí ikinangangáng maˈmón idtóng pagkaráˈot ni kuyán There is no place for that person's disgraceful behavior [MDL]

    ngutngót MAG‑, ‑ON to chew or gnaw on tough or fibrous things (as a water buffalo chewing on its tethering rope); parangutngót rodent [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to chew s/t tough, pulling at it with the teeth (such as the way a dog might eat); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use the teeth for such a purpose; (fig‑) Garó na pinagngutngót an buˈót ko It is as if my heart is being pulled apart (Said when experiencing great emotional pain)]
There are more examples as well referring to chewing. Damók described chewing with the mouth full. Chewing such a large mouthful of food that one was unable to close the mouth was referred to as ngúhal. This also referred to eating something so tough that one was unable to close the mouth. The sound of noisy chewing was lagatób, and the noticeable up and down movement of the jaws when chewing was ngisáp-ngisáp
    damók MAG‑ to chew with the mouth full of food: Nagdamók na iníng ákiˈ This child chews with his mouth full [MDL] ngúhal MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to chew such a large mouthful or eat s/t so tough that one is unable to completely close the mouth [MDL]

    lagatób the sound of thumping, of a shotgun, of distant booming (as of artillery or cannon fire), of a segment of bamboo exploding in a fire; MAG‑ to make this sound [+MDL: the sound of noisy chewing; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound; Naglagatób pakaraháy What a loud sound]

    ngísap-ngísap referring to the up and down movement of the jaws when chewing; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to chew s/t with a noticeable opening and closing of the mouth and movement of the jaws; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to move the mouth when chewing; Ngísap-ngísap ka na giráray You're always chewing on s/t [MDL]
A mouthful of food was and still is referred to as umók. This also referred to food kept in the mouth in the cheek pouches of monkeys. Filling the mouth with food was referred to as úsang, and eating something all in one mouthful as humhóm. Putting a whole handful of food into the mouth was called luklók. This is a specific entry, and the reason given for putting the food in the mouth is the difficulty in holding it in the hand. Children learning how to eat with the hands most frequently encountered this problem.
    umók referring to a mouthful of food; food which is kept in the mouth or in cheek pouches of monkeys [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to have a mouthful of food; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to fill the mouth with food; saróng umók a mouthful of food; Garó ka na nagumók It is like you have a mouthful of food (Said when one's cheeks are swollen)]

    úsang MAG‑ to have the mouth filled with food; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to place food in the mouth; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to fill the mouth with food; Múda pa iyán nagúsang ka na Your mouth is very full of food [MDL]

    humhóm MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to eat s/t in one mouthful; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to place all of s/t in the mouth so that it is eaten in one mouthful [MDL]

    luklók MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to put a whole handful of food in the mouth all at once because of having trouble holding it (as a child might do) [MDL]
A number of terms also referred to swallowing. When swallowing something that does not require chewing, such as the yoke of uncooked eggs, the term was hanglóp. Something swallowed without chewing, but something that should have been chewed, was hamlíd.
    hanglóp MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to swallow s/t which does not require chewing (such as the runny yoke of eggs) [MDL]

    hamlíd MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to swallow s/t without chewing [MDL]
Two terms referred to swallowing something that was only partially chewed. The neutral term was hamíl. Haló-haló was more specific. This referred to the swallowing of something partially chewed because of the inability to keep it in the mouth any longer. Hot food fit this criterion.
    hamíl MAG‑, ‑ON to swallow s/t which has not been completely chewed [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to swallow s/t which has hardly been chewed]

    haló-haló MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to swallow s/t partially chewed (as s/o might do if it is too hot to keep in the mouth); (fig‑) Anó iníng naghaló-haló ka saná giráray kon timinuklós ka na What do you call this? You always look for a way to finish early when you should still be working! [MDL]
More unusual ways of eating were drawing food in with the lips (hámol) and tilting the head back and throwing in a handful of food (aruróng).
    hámol MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to suck s/t with the lips; to eat, drawing food in with the lips; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to suck from s/t; to eat in this way from s/t [MDL]

    aruróng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat s/t by tilting the head up and throwing a handful of food into the mouth (as when eating puffed rice (pilipíg) or other sweets) [MDL]
Three modern terms which refer to food inadvertently left around the mouth after eating are raˈpít, ramóˈ-ramóˈ and samíˈ.
    raˈpít dirty, filthy; also describing s/o with food smeared on the face, particularly around the mouth; MAG‑ to be dirty; to have food smeared on the face [+MDL: Nagraˈpít na iníng áyam This dog is filthy; Nagraˈpít ka na You're filthy]

    ramóˈ-ramóˈ describing s/o with s/t smeared on the face, particularly food around the mouth; MAG‑ to have s/t smeared on the face

    samíˈ food found around the mouth during or after eating; food, dirt or particles which have been left or have collected around the rim of a bowl or glass or the edge of a table; MAG‑ to eat sloppily, resulting in food being left around the mouth; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to be left with food around the mouth
There are a number of terms which deal with the differing tastes of food which are not included here. What has been collected to conclude this chapter are various reactions people would have toward the food they have eaten. The word for food that is tasty is naˈgóm. Using this as the root we also get various verbal forms such as 'to enjoy the taste of a particular food'. Specific references to distinct tastes are also built on individual roots; for example, 'to find something sweet', based on the root 'sweet,' and 'to find something sour', based on the root for 'sour,'. These roots are not presented here.
    naˈgóm MA‑ delicious, delectable; MAG‑ to become delicious; MAKA‑ to give enjoyment (a particular food); MA‑‑AN to enjoy the taste of s/t (a person); MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to make s/t delicious, delectable; PAGKA‑ deliciousness [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to become more delicious; PAG‑‑AN or MA‑‑AN to find s/t delicious, tasty; MAKA‑ to add taste, flavor; Makurí an pagkanaˈgóm kaiyán That is really delicious; Abóng naˈgóm doy kaiyán How delicious that is; syn‑ rása]
Terms also describe a disagreeable reaction to food. These include the more neutral ramismís and the stronger súkal describing food which one finds intolerable or a smell that one finds offensive. Both ramismís and tiˈám-tiˈám refer to the bad taste left in one's mouth due to the eating of food not to one's liking. The feeling one gets from eating too many rich or oily foods was expressed during Lisboa's time as anglahóy.
    ramismís disagreeable (the taste of food, drink): Ramismís kainíng ngúsoˈ ko I have a bad taste left in my mouth; MA‑ or MAG‑ to develop a disagreeable taste (food, drink); (PAG‑)‑AN to find food or drink tasteless, disagreeable; MA‑ to have a disagreeable taste (food, drink) [MDL]

    súkal MA‑ describing food which one finds offensive, or a bad smell which one finds intolerable; (PAG‑)‑AN to find food offensive or a smell intolerable; (fig‑) Si masúkal sa buˈót ko iníng buˈót mo I find your behavior offensive; Abubóng súkal sa giginhawáhon ko kainíng kakánon I find the smell of this food offensive [MDL]

    tiˈám-tiˈám MA‑ or MAG‑ to be left with a bad taste in the mouth due to having eaten or swallowed s/t unpleasant; Tiˈám-tiˈám ka doy? Do you have a bad taste in your mouth? (Asked of s/o due to the person's actions) [MDL]

    anglahóy MA‑ to feel sickeningly full, sated; to have a cloying feeling due to eating too many rich or oily foods; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to eat too much rich or oily food; MAKA‑ to be overly rich or oily (food, causing a cloying feeling); (fig‑) Garó na akó naanglahóy kan lúya kan háwak ko Exhaustion is making me feel as if I were sickeningly full; PAGKA‑ cloying, sated, overly full and uncomfortable [MDL]
The sensation in the teeth we get from a screeching sound, is the same sensation one gets when eating something particularly cold or particularly sour. This is ngílo.
    ngílo MA‑ describing the sensation one gets in the teeth from a screeching noise, or from eating s/t sour or very cold; MAG‑ to feel this way (the teeth); ‑AN to have this feeling (a person); to get a shiver down one's spine; MAKA‑ to cause this sensation; MA‑ to have this feeling (teeth); PAGKA‑ this feeling or sensation [+MDL: also caused by s/t being cut with a knife; MA‑ or MAG‑ to feel this type of sensation; Mangílo an sakóng mga tuˈláng I have a shiver down my spine]

7. CONCLUSION
 
What are the images we might draw of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century Philippines by looking at the entries for food in a dictionary of that period?
 
First we have to conclude that it was a society that liked its drink and that drinking was an accepted and encouraged part of social interaction across genders and social classes. There was a rather elaborate set of terms for the collecting, preparing and imbibing of various kinds of alcoholic beverages. Of these, the drink prepared from the sap of the coconut or nípaˈ palms, tubáˈ, was the most common, followed by pangási prepared from rice, and intós prepared from the juice of the sugar cane. Occasions for drinking included the ceremonial, such as weddings, the celebratory, such as the completion of a house or farewelling someone on a journey, and the purely social such as calling to someone passing on the road to stop in for a drink, or dropping by a house where one knew drink was on offer. There was also a set social etiquette associated with drink. This involved toasting and offering drink, and then finalising a round of drink by indicating the cup was empty and it was time for the next person to take their turn.
 
Bikol society, while at times prosperous, would also experience periods of hardship. Conflicts such as wars and raids, and natural disasters such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, typhoons and plagues of locusts, could cause a reduction in the supply of food which would lead to the consumption of foods that would not normally be eaten. Various types of tubers were eaten when rice was scarce, and a number of plants could be added to rice to make it go further. Fish or other protein substitutes, such as chicken or pork, were always eaten with rice, along with a variety of greens. When these were not available, rice would be eaten on its own, spiced up in a number of ways to make it more palatable. Various other terms show how people lived from hand to mouth during such difficult periods, and how the lack of food affected the entire household and those dependent upon it.
 
While the Bikol region was known for its gold, and both gold and various types of coinage would have been used in business transactions, food was still most commonly exchanged in a system of barter. Various types of equivalents were agreed to and food could be exchanged for both food and non-food items at a set ratio. Food could also be exchanged for a different type of equity. For example, the owner of an animal could come to an agreement with a butcher so that both would share the meat, or food could be supplied to a ship in return for the proceeds produced from the raiding that ship would engage in. Divisions of agricultural land based on owner and tenant probably came in with the Spanish for there are no early dictionary entries which refer to this. An early entry, however, does relate to the division of land into working units so that the amount paid to day labourers could be determined.
 
Early Bikol society had a rich system of beliefs that it shared with the rest of the Philippines and much of peninsular and island Southeast Asia. There were both festive and ritual foods associated with various religious celebrations, mostly in honour of ancestral spirits referred to as aníto. In addition to ritual foods, there were also a substantial number of plants that were believed to have supernatural powers. These could be used by healers to cure, or by others to inflict damage. These plants and the religious leaders associated with them came under increasing scrutiny by the Spanish ecclesiastical administration and were progressively banned. Those using such plants were brought up on charges under the powers of the inquisition. While certain foods could cure illness, other types of food could cause illness and were blamed for problems such as falling hair, sores and the reopening of wounds.
 
Food in much of Southeast Asia, and no less so in the Philippines, is an integral part of social behaviour. This was also the case 400 years ago. People were invited to eat, and were expected to partake of food whether or not they were ready to do so. What was certainly the interdependence of members of the community led to food being shared and households getting together to both cook and to eat food. Social stratification was also reflected in the entries for food, both at the level of the family, with entries referring to foods expected to left over for other members of the household, and the community level, with certain food and associated utensils being reserved for the ruling classes. Bikolanos ate with their hands, and generally ate together at mealtimes. If this was not possible, food was prepared to be taken with someone on a trip or to work in the fields, or prepared and set aside for someone's return.
 
Acceptable and unacceptable modes of behaviour when it comes to eating can also be seen in the early dictionary entries. Actions which drew attention to themselves were not washing the hands before eating, eating or drinking something directly from the container from which it was served, poking the nose into the cooking pot, or rushing someone while they were eating. Rice as the staple food was expected to be present at all meals and various terms were used to call attention to the of eating of food which was not accompanied by rice. Personal approaches to eating involved being careful and circumspect, as if to avoid swallowing a fish bone, being polite and considerate to the point of deliberately eating less when one was aware there was not enough food to go around, to being voracious and inconsiderate, eating everything that was offered. A great variety of terms relate to chewing and swallowing, also showing the attention paid to such actions. All of these terms give some insight into the culinary and social mores of the time.

 

ENDNOTES
 
[1] This chapter was originally presented at the 14th International Conference of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences at the College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia, USA, 26 July - 1 August 1998. It was first published in Pilipinas as 'Food in late 16th and early 17th century Bikol Society,' no. 35 (Autumn 2000) (Published online in March 2002).

[2] William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1995, pp. 49-53.

[3] Pedro Chirino, S.J., Relacion de las Islas Filipinas, 1604, Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1969, pp. 91-92.

[4] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, 1609, Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society - University Press, 1971, p. 251.

[5] Merito B. Espinas, 'The supernatural world of the ancient Bikols,' in Unitas, vol. 41, no. 2 (1968), pp.173-194, p. 186.

[6] W. E. Retana, Diccionario de Filipinismos, Madrid: La Real Academia Española, 1921, pp. 77, 86, 165.

[7] Cecile Motus, Hiligaynon Dictionary, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1971.

[8] John U. Wolff, A Dictionary of Cebuano Visayan, Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines, 1971.

[9] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'Anger and verse: two vocabulary subsets in Bikol,' in Vical 2: Western Austronesian and Contact Languages, Papers from the 5th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Auckland: Linguistics Society of New Zealand, 1991, pp. 231-244.

[10] P. Fr. José Castaño, Breve Noticia Acerca del Origen, Religión, Creencias y Supersticiones de los Antiguos Indios del Bícol, Madrid: Colegio de Misioneros de Almagro, 1895.

[11] Merito B. Espinas, 'A critical study of the Ibalong, the Bikol folk epic fragment,' in Unitas, vol. 41, no. 2 (1968), pp. 173-249.

[12] Jose Calleja-Reyes, 'Ibalon: an ancient Bikol epic,' in Philippine Studies, vol. 16, no. 2 (1968), pp. 318-347.

[13] Espinas, 'The supernatural world of the ancient Bikols,' p. 187.

[14] Historical Conservation Society, Bulletin VI: The Christianization of the Philippines, Manila: Historical Conservation Society and The University of San Agustin, 1965, p. 145.

[15] Ramo de Inquisicion, Tomo Segundo (281-320): Tomo 293, No. 33. Fojas 210, Página 435 'Ritos en Filipinas, 1615,' Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación.

[16] Ramo de Inquisicion, Tomo Tercero (321-368): Tomo 334, No. 2, Fojas 144, Página 18 'Correspondencia de los Comisanos y Autoridades de Filipinas - Brujerias, 1621,' 326 y 406, Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación.

[17] Historical Conservation Society, Bulletin VI: The Christianization of the Philippines, p. 162.

[18] William Henry Scott, Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino and other Essays in Philippine History, Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1992, pp. 84-103.
 

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Published with the support of Gender and Cultural Studies, School of Culture, History and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University.
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