Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific
Monograph 1: The Philippines at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century

Malcolm W. Mintz

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Chapter 13


This chapter begins by looking at class and social structure, and ends by examining some of the traits which led to social conflict. The opening section examines the ruling classes, looking at the leaders of what were essentially small village groupings of often related families. The next section deals with other members of what were the upper classes and how they managed to obtain and keep their status. Following on from this is a discussion of some of the Malay-derived titles which were common in the Tagalog speaking areas around Manila, and concluding the section is a detailled examination of death and burial practices among the elite.

Section 2 is a short discussion of the class of freemen, those who were neither leaders nor slaves, and Section 3 a more detailled discussion of slaves, their treatment, opinions, and the possibilities of freeing themselves from servitude. In Section 4 is an examination of poverty, and in Section 5 some of the relationships pertaining between the powerful and powerless are discussed.

The final section brings together various topics which together fall under the heading of social conflict. To begin with is a discussion of irony and sarcasm, the interpersonal play on words which can both amuse and hurt. A section on arguments follows, discussed along with the reasons such situations occur. Debates is the next section, seen perhaps as a more sophisticated way of arguing, followed by the terms of provocation which could bring about such interpersonal friction.

The sections which end the chapter deal with reprimands and blame, aimed not only at the guilty, but the innocent alike; annoyance and offence and how it was felt and conveyed; anger, a more extreme form of annoyance, and finally challenges and threats and the kinds of warnings which might precede the onset of more violent behaviour.

(i) Rulers
Early accounts of the social structure of the Philippines indicate that there was not one person who ruled over a large area of land or a large number of people What was found were smaller social groups located in one town or several, comprising people who came to owe their allegiance and labour to the head of a particular family, a family which was able to maintain a reasonable level of wealth and influence. This headman or chief was referred to as dátoˈ.[1]
    dátoˈ headman, chief [+MDL: one who is rich and a leader of the community; si Dátoˈ the name given to one who is rich; MAKA‑, MA‑ to declare s/o a headman or chief; to raise s/o's status to that of a headman; PAGKA‑ the powerful and influential members of society; KA‑‑AN governing council of chiefs; (fig-) Si Juan nangingidátoˈ na Juan has become s/o who is rich and influential]
Dátoˈ was the term widely used in the languages of the central Philippines as well as the Islamicised areas of Mindanao.[2] The Spanish retained the position when they strengthened their control over the northern and central Philippines, eventually redefining and weakening it to fit their new administrative order.[3] In time it was the Spanish translation of the term datoˈ which came to refer to this position: cabeza del bario for the Tagalog areas, cabeza de barangay in the central and eastern Visayas, and more generally cabeza 'headman' or fiador 'guarantor' (in an older sense of guaranteeing the peace) in Pampanga.

The term dátoˈ was first found recorded in the seventh century inscription, the Telaga Batu (Well Stone). This dates from the Srivijayan Empire, centered near the town of Palembang in Sumatra and spreading to encompass the major part of that island, as well as Java and the Malay peninsula. It is likely that the term entered the Philippines with the movement of peoples from these areas to the north. Other titles in use in Manila at the time of arrival of the Spanish are clearly more modern borrowings from Malay. (see Section 1(iii)).[4]

Dátoˈ was not the only term applied to the leader of a community. Púnoˈ referred to such a person, not only in Bikol, but also in Tagalog and the Visayan languages under consideration here.[5]
    púnoˈ chief, head, headman, leader; an púnoˈ sa banwáˈan head of a village; PAKANG‑‑ON: pinakakangpúnoˈ to have the status and respect of a leader; (fig‑) Garó ka na binunoˈán nin púnoˈIt's as if you have been killed by a headman (Said when one is sad and melancholy) [MDL]
Leaders could also be identified as kagdulóhan, a term derived from the root dulóhan which refers to the inhabitants of a particular village. This is a term also found in Tagalog where the detailled meaning, 'a barrio under the authority of a particular leader', is also accompanied by a number of verbal forms.[6] Matandáˈ, a derivation of the root tandáˈ, also referred to village leaders. This was a positive reference reflecting the ability to govern wisely. Only in Tagalog is there a similar meaning, but just as far as reference to 'a wise, old man'.[7]
    dulóhan the inhabitants of a particular village; tribe; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to govern or rule over a particular municipality; KAG‑ ruler, the head of a village, town; KA‑ s/o from the same village [MDL]

    matandáˈ a wise, old ruler; ‑ON to be recognized as being a good ruler; MA‑, ‑ON to elect, appoint or nominate s/o as ruler based on the ability to govern; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to rule or govern over a people, lands [MDL]

    tandáˈ MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to look after s/o; to take responsibility for s/o; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to have s/o take responsibility for s/o; to have s/o testify to s/t or bear witness to s/t; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to have s/o testify; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to take an oath; to swear to s/t; MA: matandáng táwo a wise old man; an experienced ruler [MDL]
Two further Bikol-specific references based on roots that have more general meanings are púsod nin banwáˈan, literally the 'umbilical cord' or 'navel of the village', and dadatngán (see datóng) referring to a leader who has passed through the gates of the village.
    púsod navel, umbilical cord; púsod nin banwáˈan the center of town [+MDL: sa púsod attached to the umbilical cord; magkaputól sa púsod siblings, brothers or sisters with the same mother; púsod nin banwáˈan the head, leader of a village]

    datóng MAG‑ to arrive [+MDL: Baˈgóng datóng gíkan sa Manila Newly arrived from Manila; MA‑, ‑AN: datngán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagdatngán to arrive at a particular place; to find s/t upon arrival; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to come by a particular mode of transport; to bring s/t on arrival; ‑AN: dadatngán entry to a town; headman of a town who has passed through an entryway; KA‑‑AN: kadatngán place of arrival, destination: Índa kon saˈín an kadadatngán I don't know where I'll end up; (fig‑) MA‑ to come to pass (s/t prophesied)]
For the dátoˈ to govern effectively there had to be some equitable exchange of responsibilities between the governor and governed. In return for assistance in times of need, the dátoˈ could call on those in villages under his control to supply labour for planting and harvest, for building, for fishing and for crewing his boats during times of conflict.[8] Ideally this relationship would be based on trust and respect, but failing that, compliance could also be driven out of fear (turubdánon or turubdónon, see tubód / turunhánon or turunhónon, see tuhón).
    tubód ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to believe in s/t; to have faith in or trust s/o; tutubdón to test s/o's faith in s/t; MANG‑ to have too much faith in s/o; to trust s/o too easily (as in giving credit); PAG‑ belief, faith; trust; an pagtubód an act of faith; Harayóˈ an pagtubód ko saímo I'll never trust you; Tubód mo doy How quickly you trust s/o; How easily you are taken in; ‑AN / ‑ON + ‑NON: turubdánon or turubdónon trusted, well-respected; one who is obeyed due to fear, respect or the ability to help others]

    tuhón MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to complete work as requested; to carry out the task one was asked to do; to do what one is told to do; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to tell s/o to do s/t; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to give the responsibility to do s/t to s/o else; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to leave s/t up to s/o else to complete; to leave s/o the responsibility to do s/t; ‑AN / ‑ON + ‑NON: turunhánon or turunhónon one who is obeyed due to fear, respect or other considerations [MDL]
There was also a price to pay for continued allegiance. This was the tax or tribute (buhís) levied on towns and individuals which fell under the control of a particular individual or family. This is a term found in all of the central Philippine languages and carrying the same meaning.[9]
    buhís MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to pay tribute, tax; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to pay tribute or tax to s/o or to a state; ‑AN: bubuhísan the person or state paid tribute; PA‑‑AN the tributary state or town; the person paying tax [MDL]

(ii) The Elite
The family of the dátoˈ, his relatives and descendants, male and female, while not having the right to rule, were, none-the-less, all considered part of the village elite and shown due respect.[10] The term used to refer to and address these rich and influential members of the community was ginoˈó, an entry found in all of the dictionaries of the central Philippine languages.[11] For Tagalog, Noceda goes on to explain that the term ginoˈo should properly refer only to women, and the affixed form, maginoˈo, only to men, but in reality maginoˈo applied to both men and women.
    ginoˈó a noble; a term used to refer to the rich and influential members of early Bikol society; MA‑ noble, regal, royal [+MDL: ginóˈo MA‑ referring to both those who are rich and those who have high status in a society; Dakól idtóng sakáy na mga táwo na mga ginóˈo There are many influential people who are coming by boat; (fig‑) Tápa-tápa mong pakiíwal kaiyán ginóˈo? Anó ngápit ipagsisílot mo? What do you hope to get out of picking a quarrel with one of the town's leaders? What punishment could you impose? (Meaning: What could you possibly get out of it?); MA‑ or MAG‑ to have the status of a noble; to be one of the influential members in a society; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to name or regard s/o as a leader in a society; MAG‑ maggiró-ginóˈo to pretend to hold the status of a noble; MAKA‑, MA‑ to make s/o rich; KA‑‑AN a council of nobles; a group of the rich and influential in society; PAGKA‑ nobility [MDL]
Ginoˈó is clearly a term which calls for further investigation as there are elements in its construction which look more familiar in the Visayan languages than in Bikol, Tagalog or Kapampangan. The Mateo Sanchez, Vocabulario de la lengua Bisaya, compiled in 1617 and predating the Encarnacion, affords some possible insight into this term. In this dictionary ginoˈo is defined as 'a slave who has experienced greatly improved circumstances' (el esclavo que a subido a major fortuna), although this interpretation may be unduly influenced by Sanchez's religious background.

Sanchez's translation of Corinthians Chapter 7 Verse 22, 'For he who was a slave when he was called by the Lord is the Lord's freedman; conversely, he who was a free man when he was called is Christ's slave,[12] also adds further verbal elements to the title ginoˈo; ... kay akun ka ginoo, akun ka gintubo. A close translation of this is: 'It is because of me that you have been made a noble, and it will be because of me you are made a slave'.[13] Gintubo (see Section 3) is clearly analysable into a root of the form tubo and a verbal prefix of the form gi(N)-. What then of ginoˈo? Do we have a root here of a form such as toˈo carrying the meanings of 'truth' or 'belief' across most of the central Philippine languages and a verbal prefix of the form gi(N)-? This may be interesting, but at this stage cannot be proven.

There was no clear system in place in early Philippine society for appointing or electing individuals to the positions of power which came with high degrees of honour and respect (hiyangtáˈ), although where a number of individuals presented themselves for consideration a choice would obviously have to be made. Influence was obtained by individual accomplishment and perseverance and could be achieved through any number of endeavours; through success in farming or business, skill in woodworking or metalworking, or more nefarious means that allowed one to build relationships of power whether honestly or dishonestly.[14] Fame (bantóg) brought one followers who came to rely on the support of those in power (handíg) and who, through emulation, hoped to raise their status (alabáˈab). Underlying all of this was the accumulation and consolidation of wealth (yáman), for as long as leaders remained rich, their power internally within the community remained strong.
    hiyangtáˈ illustrious, notable; MA‑ to become more illustrious [MDL]

    bantóg ‑AN distinguished, famous, eminent, great, illustrious, notable, renowned, well-known; a celebrity; MÁGIN ‑AN: mágin bantógan to become famous; MAG‑, I‑ to make s/o famous; to make s/t known; to promote or spread the news about s/t; to publicize; KA‑‑AN fame, grandeur, greatness, majesty [+MDL: MA‑ famous, known in distant parts; MA‑ to become famous; MA‑‑AN to hear of s/o's fame; to hear about one who has become famous]

    handíg MAG‑ to recline, lean back; MAG‑, I‑ to lean s/t back; MAG‑, ‑AN to recline or lean on s/t [MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to put a ladder or steps into place; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to lean a ladder against s/t; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to have a ladder put into place; (fig‑) Naísog ka rugáring taˈ igwá kang hinahandigán You act brave because you have powerful people to rely on]

    alabáˈab MAKA‑, MA‑ to achieve or attain the eminence, merit or superior status of another person; to fill s/o's shoes; Makakaalabáˈab ka sakúyaˈ? Can you reach my level of achievement? [MDL]

    yáman MA‑ affluent, rich, wealthy, well-off, well-to-do; MAG‑ to become rich; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to enrich s/o; to endow s/t; KA‑‑AN riches, wealth; affluence [+MDL: MA‑ propertied, landowning; owning many jewels; MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow wealthy, rich; to acquire land, jewels; DAˈÍ MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to do s/t with little care, consideration or forethought: Daˈí nagyayáman si kuyán sa pagtarám kon sa pagtuklós That person is imprudent in what she says and what she does; diˈ yáman of little value or consequence: Anóng laˈóg kaiyán? - Diˈ yáman What's inside that? - Nothing much]
There were also other attempts taken to raise one's status in society, even if not to the lofty heights of the leaders. People could boast of their exploits, or falsely claim they had influential friends or they themselves held certain positions of power (sidangóg). Sidangóg is clearly a derivation of the root dangóg which carries the basic meaning 'to hear' or 'to listen', and the extended meaning 'reputation', Its literal meaning is most probably 'the person to be listened to'. A rise in status might also be attempted through a business transaction, where one hoped to achieve respect by asking for a high price for the items one was selling or a large dowery for one's daughter when responding to inquires of marriage (angkáˈ). Angkáˈ has a somewhat related meaning in Tagalog where it refers to both the monopolisation of goods for sale, and to a woman with two suitors.[15]
    sidangóg MAG‑ to brag; to boast of one's exploits or capacities, either falsely or to a greater extent than is true, saying, for example, that you are working for an influential person, but are not, or that you are one of the leaders in the community, but are not; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to boast or brag to s/o; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to boast or brag about s/t [MDL]

    angkáˈ MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to ask for a lot in exchange for s/t sold; to ask for a high a price for the things one sells (hoping to be regarded with more respect in the community); to ask for a large dowry for one's daughter; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAG‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to offer things for sale at a high price to s/o; to ask for a large dowry from the prospective bridegroom's family; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to ask for a particular high price or a large number of goods [MDL]
Not all newcomers were welcomed into the upper echelons of society. Some may have been accused of making their way without having accomplished what their peers may have achieved. The term describing this, lambóng, is also the name of the ankle-length tunic. If there is a relationship here, it would have to relate to the dress of the village notables, but there is no explicit mention of this. Lisboa does generally mention items of ornamentation worn by the upper classes of society, for example, the ivory bracelets worn from the wrist to the elbow, gáding, or the strands of hair attached to the daggers which may have once been used in conflict, uybá.[16] Other newcomers could be accused of such degrees of arrogance as to be completely ignored, or, even worse, such levels of incompetence as to preclude their ability to govern (hiragós).
    lambóng MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to join the ranks of the notables in the community, or the circle of rich and famous, without having accomplished what the others have; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to include o/s in the ranks of the notables, or the circle of rich and famous, without having emulated their accomplishments [MDL]

    lambóng an ankle-length tunic or robe; MA‑ to wear such a garment; near Quipayó the term used is yambóng [MDL]

    gáding ivory; bracelets worn on the arm from the wrist to the elbow by the upper classes of society; MAG‑ to wear such bracelets; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place such bracelets on s/o's arm [MALAY] [MDL]

    uybá strands of hair attached to daggers carried by those of high status in the village; may also be attached to other items [MDL]

    hiragós MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cook food; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to cook food in a pot or other utensil; maghiró-hiragós to cook a lot of food; to be busy cooking; to go through the actions of cooking (said in jest); (fig-) Hiragós an ísog kainí, daˈí lugód akóng nagaátom saíya His is a cooked bravery, so I wont pay any attention to him (Meaning: His arrogance is worth nothing if I don't pay any attention to him); Hiragós kang magpalabát-labát You think far too much of yourself; Hiragós na magparabuˈót kainíng daˈí nagdadagamdám The one who is to govern us has no knowledge of what he is doing (lit: We have a cooked leader who doesn't know what he is doing) [MDL]
Once an individual had managed to consolidate enough power and support to secure his position as leader of a community, this position was then hereditary, passed down through the male line to one's oldest son. Where there was no direct male descendant, the line of rule would pass to one's brother, or having none, to one's nephews or cousins.[17] Power would remain within the family line until it was lost due to any number of adverse circumstances (lutós). The village might fall under the domination of another, the heirs might reveal themselves to be incompetent to govern, losing the respect of the villagers and, perhaps most commonly, the family might fail financially through fiscal mismanagement (unák, tiptíp) and with increasing impoverishment, experience a dramatic loss of influence (após, pidóˈ).[18] It was possible for such loses to be reversed, and with a new accumulation of wealth and the rebuilding of influence and power, a family could be restored to a position of prominence (mákot).
    lutós MA‑ or MAG‑ to burn poorly and produce little light (as a candle when the wick burns low, or a torch burning with a poor quality resin); (PAG‑)‑AN to be illuminated by such a poor light; lutós-lutós MA‑ or MAG‑ to burn poorly on occasion (a candle, torch); (fig‑) Naglutós-lutós an saímong buˈót You are unpredictable (sometimes doing s/t well, sometimes not); Nalutós an pagharóng-hárong ni kuyán, harí-hári idtóng mga kaganák The household of that person is burning less bright, not like that of his parents (Said when one's family is no longer seen as leaders of the community) [MDL]

    unák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to use or consume s/t gradually; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to consume s/t gradually from a larger amount, or from the stores of a particular person; MA‑ to be consumed or diminished little by little; to slip through one's fingers; to dribble away; to be frittered away or squandered (one's wealth); MA‑‑AN to have one's food or other items diminished little by little (a person) [MDL]

    tiptíp MAKA‑, MA‑ to spend all of one's money, wealth; to use up all of one's financial resources; MA‑‑AN to be left with no money; to be left destitute [MDL]

    após butt (as of a cigarette); stump (as of a candle); hot coals of a fire; MA‑ to burn down to a butt, stump, hot coals [+MDL: MAKA‑, MA‑ to burn s/t down to a butt, stump, coals (a fire); (fig‑) to dwindle to nothing; Naapós na bága an pagkaginoˈó niyá His estate is like burnt out coals (Meaning: It has dwindled to nothing)]

    pidóˈ abject, mean, low; MA‑ or MAG‑ to fall from a position of power or respect; to lose status; to become impoverished; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat s/o with no respect; to deprecate s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to treat s/o in a particular demeaning way reflecting their loss of status or wealth [MDL]

    mákot MAG‑, ‑AN to set s/t on fire; MAKA‑, MA‑ ‑AN to catch fire [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to burn; to catch fire; (fig‑) Nagmamákot namán an pagharóng-hárong na kuyán Their house (family) is again in ascendancy (after being down and out)
Lisboa includes two superstitions which further serve to distinguish people of high status from the rest of the community. One of these served as a warning for those who drank from the same vessel or ate from the plates reserved for people of high rank: their stomachs would swell with air (púhon). While this superstition is not recorded in the other early dictionaries of the region, Noceda does have the entry puˈon for Tagalog which is defined as a term of address used by a slaves to their master.[19]
    púhon an ancient belief which holds that if a slave or person of low birth were to drink from the glass or eat from the plate of s/o of high rank in the community, the abdomen of the slave or person of low birth would swell with air; MAKA‑ to hold such a belief (those of high rank); MA‑‑AN to be affected by such a belief (slaves, those of low birth); MANG‑ to bring about such an occurrence (those of high rank or their ancestors) [MDL]
The intent of the second superstition, dáˈay, is less clear, although it may have come about to explain why women of high rank were not seen working in the fields as others in the community were required to do. Families of the ruling classes were generally exempt from such labour.[20] This is a term also found in the Visayan languages, with the explanation in Hiligaynon coming closest to that in Bikol. referring to a spirit carrying off a woman due to, among other reasons, her beauty, or causing her to fall ill.[21] Both Cebuano and Waray have definitions referring more generally to the death or the carrying off of someone by a spirit.[22]
    dáˈay (arc‑) a belief which holds that women of high status in the community, or those recognized for their beauty, will fall ill if they visit agricultural fields or other specified locations; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cause women to fall ill under such circumstances (an aníto) [MDL]

(iii) Titles
In all of the major central Philippine languages there is reference to a king (hádiˈ), although it is doubtful that such a term was applied to rulers of locally governed areas.[23] It has been generally assumed that the term was a borrowing from Malay with its origin in Sanskrit, although there is a mismatch in meaning both with Malay, where hari means 'day' and with the original Sanskrit where the primary meaning is the colour 'yellow' or 'green', although references to the Hindu gods are possible.[24]

Hádiˈ is probably a borrowing from Malay, but the form which has been borrowed is most likely adi defined by Winstedt as 'superior or exalted, especially in titles' and attributed to the Sanskrit form ādi [25] where the basic meaning is 'commencement, beginning' or 'prime'.[26] The form is also found in old Javanese where it does mean king and is used in a number of traditional titles such as adipati and adiraja.[27]
    hádiˈ king, ruler; MAG‑ to reign as a king; MAG‑, ‑AN to rule; to reign or have dominion over an area; PAGKA‑ reign; KA‑‑AN realm, dominion, kingdom [+MDL: KA‑‑AN a council of kings]
There were other titles of nobility which were not recorded for Bikol. The largest of these is found for Tagalog where the set of terms can be traced to the Malay world to the south. The one additional term recorded for Cebuano is luming, defined primarily as a noblewomen or a women of high rank in the community, but also a woman who is kept protected (retirada), that is, one who is kept in the house away from the world outside.[28] It is this second sense which is also found in Hiligaynon where young women of a particular age were kept confined to their residence.[29]

Turning now to Tagalog, the title tuan was given to those of high status in the community.[30] This was a title given to those below the rank of of ginoˈo which was reserved for the leader and his family. Clearly, tuan is a borrowing from Malay, now widely used as a title of respect, but carrying a stronger connotation of 'lord' or 'master' in earlier references.[31]

A further title applying to those of status was gat for men and dayan for women which Noceda translates as the equivalent of the Spanish don and doña.[32] Gat is no doubt a shortened form of the Malay title megat which originally applied to the offspring of a child born to a princess married to a commoner. The title is most commonly associated with the sultanates of Perak and Kedah, although it was also given to the second Sultan of Malacca. Winstedt attributes the origin of this title to Sanskrit, but I have not yet found a reasonable Sanskrit reference.[33] The Kapampangan bagat may be a related term. This refers to a gift which is given to the a guest who is a member of the ruling class. The guest is referred to as bagatan, or, literally, 'one given such a gift'.[34] Dayan, from the Malay dayang, has less of a royal connotation. It refers to a maid, or maiden, and may also refer, in a relevant context, to the female attendant of a princess in the royal court.[35] One further title applied to the male ruling class in Tagalog is lakan.[36] This is most likely a borrowing which originates from the Javanese where raka means 'lord'.[37]

(iv) Death and Burial
In addition to the control of land and accumulated wealth, the dátoˈ and his attendant family were also in possession of a significant number of slaves (see Section 3).[38] The absolute dominance of the dátoˈ over this particular group of people can not be made more clear than during the rituals accompanying death.

The early accounts written by observers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries generally included descriptions of burial rituals which bore great similarities from one region to another. Burials of the leaders of the community, the dátoˈ, involved significant degrees of family oriented ritual and veneration.[39]

Bodies of the dead were washed and then perfumed with various of the tree resins available in the surrounding forests. These were then wrapped in cloth, the type of cloth and the amount used to shroud the body commensurate with the status of deceased (sápot ).
    sápot a shroud; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to shroud the dead; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t as a shroud; also used to refer to clothes when annoyed or angry: Haháˈin idtóng sápot digdí hoˈ? Where are the clothes that were here?; Kuˈá idtóng ipinagsápot kan bangkáy mo? Pick up the shroud for your corpse (Said when angry, almost as a curse) [MDL]
The body was then embalmed, externally using extracts of the agarwood tree (kalambák ) and internally by placing the sap of the Piper beetle (búyoˈ) into the mouth of the deceased so that it would defuse into the cavities of the body.[40] The following entries are Bikol, although Lisboa makes no mention of their use in embalming.
    kalambák oil (typ‑ medicinal, fragrant, used for rubbing into the skin); derived from the resin of the agarwood tree (Aquilaria malaccensis), which is produced by the wood in response to infection by a type of mold [MDL]

    búyoˈ vine (typ‑ Piper beetle, possessing a leaf used as part of the mixture of betel nut and lime called mamáˈ); ‑AN a place where this vine grows [+MDL]
The deceased was then placed in a coffin (lungón) which was fashioned from one piece of wood cut from the trunk of a tree with the lid positioned so tightly so as to seal the coffin off from the outside air. In such a way, and with the effects of the embalming, the body would remain intact for a significant period of time.[41]
    lungón coffin; MAG‑, ‑ON to bury s/o in a coffin; MAG‑, ‑AN to place s/o in a coffin; MAG‑, I‑ to use s/t as a coffin [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place or bury s/o in a coffin; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to locate a coffin in a particular place]
The coffin was not buried in the ground. It was kept in the house which had served as the residence of the deceased, or in a house built specifically for the purpose of internment. The coffin could be placed in the upper part of the house, or beneath it on a raised platform. A third option was its placement into a pit dug under the house. In this position it would be encircled by a railing and left exposed, not covered with soil.[42]

Plasencia, describing the customs of the Tagalogs, mentions a different approach to burial. Here the body, after being mourned for four days, was placed on a boat which served as the deceased's coffin. This was then placed under the porch of a house and left there to decay.[43] Colin also mentions a similar situation on the island of Bohol,[44] and a corresponding reference is also found in the Boxer Codex.[45]

This now brings us to Bikol. During the burial of the leaders of the community (lubóng), the coffin was also left in the residence of the deceased (biráy). What is interesting about this term is its corresponding meaning in the other central Philippine languages. In Tagalog it is described as a small boat.[46] In Waray, Cebuano, Hiligaynon and Kapampangan it is a large boat,[47] with Encarnacion for Cebuano and Mentrida for Hiligaynon drawing comparisons to the barángay, the boat which once brought settlers to the Philippines from the Malay world to the south. The term was subsequently applied to those familial groups arriving by boat and the small communities they lived in.[48]
    lubóng MAG‑, I‑ to bury a corpse; to inter or entomb s/o; MAG‑, ‑AN to inter s/o in a particular place; MAKI‑ to attend a funeral; PAG‑ funeral, burial; ‑AN cemetery, graveyard; linubngán grave, tomb [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to bury s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to bury s/o in a particular place]

    biráy the house or residence of a leading member of the community which serves as a place of confinement after death; the house with the coffin and body is then left to decay or collapse; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to confine the dead in such a way; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to confine the dead to such a house; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a house for such a purpose; (fig‑) Nagsulóm na iníng biráy This house is very dark (Said when annoyed or angry) [MDL]

    barángay boat (typ‑ medium size, larger than a binítang) [MDL]
In addition to the biráy Lisboa makes reference to another type of shelter, also reserved for the elite of the community, although, possibly, not those holding the highest status. This was the kálang into which the caskets of people of some influence were placed.
    kálang a small hut or shelter in which the caskets of influential people of a town are placed; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place the dead in such a hut or shelter; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN / MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a hut or shelter for such a purpose [MDL]
Accompanying the dead was some of the wealth which they accumulated during their life. Gold was placed into the coffin along with the body so that the deceased would be well received in their new world,[49] with the amount of gold determined by their previous status in life.[50] The body could also be adorned with jewels with gold leaf placed over the mouth and eyes [51] or gold pieces placed into the mouth.[52]

Another box containing the finest clothing of the deceased was placed near the coffin, and also located nearby were dishes of food left for the deceased on their journey.[53] Near the coffin of men were left their weapons of warfare, and around those of women the objects of their labour, such as looms.[54] Where the body of the deceased was interred in a boat or boat-like coffin, food was also added to the boat to simulate the supplies that would be needed on a raiding journey.[55] In place of food supplies, Plasencia describes a variation for the Tagalogs where male and female pairs of animals which could be consumed as food were positioned where rowers would normally sit at the oars to propel the boat forward. The welfare of the animals was left to the attendance of slaves.[56]

There was great fear that the body of the deceased would be interfered with by evil spirits. A coffin, for example, which had burst open was attributed to the touch of such evil spirits. To prevent this from happening, fires would be lit around the house where the coffin was kept and armed guards would stand vigil for a number of nights.[57] In the Boxer Codex it is mentioned that bamboo torches would be lit daily for more than two months [58] and the coffin guarded continuously for up to three or four years.[59] For Bikol this guard was one of the deceased's slaves (dáyo). The same term was used in Waray, Cebuano and Hiligaynon.[60]
    dáyo (arc‑) a slave who stands guard over the grave of a leading member of the community so that the body will not be disinterred by the aswáng; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to assign a slave to this task [MDL]

    aswáng supernatural creature; a devil or witch said to eat human flesh; ‑ON or MA‑ to be bewitched, enchanted or put under a spell [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to bewitch s/o; to call s/o an aswáng; to search out the bodies of the dead to feast on; MANGHING‑, PANGHING‑‑AN to accuse s/o of being a witch; (fig‑) KA‑ gluttonous: Kaaswáng mo doy sa pagsúngay What an aswáng you are when it comes to eating]
The deceased would not go into the afterlife with just supplies of food, money and clothing. They would also be accompanied by one or more of their slaves. How this was effected was recorded differently in the extant accounts of the time.

The Boxer Codex mentions that slaves would be killed in the same way that their masters met their end. If they had drowned, the slaves too would be drowned, and if they were stabbed, this would also be the way the slaves were put to death. In the case of illness, the slaves would either be drowned or buried alive.[61]

Loarca also mentions that a slave would be put death in the same way that the deceased had died. The slave who was chosen was one that was little valued, and one who was foreign to the region, presumably someone who had been captured in one of the frequent raids on neighbouring communities.[62]

In Colin's description, one of the deceased favourite slaves, whether male or female, would be well fed, and then put to death.[63] This description is from an account based on the work of Chirino who, additionally, indicated that more than one slave could be chosen for this fate.[64] Plasencia adds that if the deceased was a warrior, a living slave would be tied beneath the body and left there to die and subsequently decay along with the boat and its contents.[65]

Colin also relates an account attributed to the island of Bohol where the deceased was placed in a boat serving as a coffin with up to seventy slaves assigned as rowers buried with him. Colin, again, draws on the written reports of Chirino. Chirino does mention that there was once a case where the deceased was burred with a full contingent of rowers, but he does not mention the number of rowers involved nor does he indicate that the incident took place on the island of Bohol.

This scale of ritual killing is not repeated elsewhere and is very likely exaggerated if not apocryphal. In societies so chronically short of labour as those in the sixteenth century Philippines, where raids were carried out to secure additional workers and death sentences were commuted to a life-time of slavery, it is highly unlikely that the loss of so many lives for ritual purposes would have been tolerated, although, if Chirino's account is to be accepted, exceptions clearly occurred.

Lisboa includes two entries which refer to the death of a slave upon the death of the master. Hugót refers to a slave killed by garrotting or strangling. In none of the other central Philippine languages does this term refer to the death of a slave, and only in Hiligaynon and Cebuano does it refer to death by hanging.[66] In Waray as well as Hiligaynon and Cebuano, this term, or its cognate form, igut in Kapampangan, refers to the tensing or tightening of something which is slack or loose, such as a rope or cord.[67] In Tagalog it has the opposite meaning of loosening something which is tense.[68]
    hugót a sacrifice offered to the aswáng to keep it from devouring the entrails of a newly dead chief or other important person in the village; the favorite slave of the deceased is killed and his entrails are offered in sacrifice by the balyán [BIK MYT] [MDL: a slave who is killed by garroting (strangling) upon the death of his master; MA‑, I‑ to kill a slave as a sign of mourning for his master; MA‑, ‑AN to mourn a master with the killing of a slave]
The second term in Lisboa, sáyat, makes no mention of how the slave is put to death, although if the following derivation is correct, then it may very well have been through stabbing. This is a term which is not found in the Visayan languages, nor in Tagalog and Kapampangan, with a relevant meaning. This may be a borrowing of the Arabic sayyāf 'sword bearer' or the plural sayyāfat 'sword bearers' which has entered Bikol through Malay.[69] The term is associated with Penang Malay where sayat means 'to cut off bits of skin or flesh'.[70]
    sáyat (arc‑) MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to put to death a slave upon the death of his master as a sign of mourning; to kill a slave for this purpose MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mourn a master in this way [MDL]

Accounts of early Philippine society have all described three classes of citizens: the ruling class, discussed above (see Section 1) the slaves, discussed below (see Section 3), and the group of freemen positioned between these two.[71] This group of freemen, referred to as timáwaˈ, comprised both individuals who were always free, that is, those who were never slaves, as well those who had once been slaves, but were set free or who had earned or purchased their freedom This is a term found in all of the central Philippine languages.[72] Additionally, for Tagalog, there was another term for this group of people, maharlika,[73] a term which has a dramatically different meaning in the modern language. From reference to what were freed slaves it now refers to the 'nobility' or 'aristocracy'.[74]

Maharlika is from the Sanskrit maharddhika, an adjective with the central meaning of 'prosperous'. This is the meaning the term carried in tenth century Java. By the early colonial period in Indonesia, the Dutch had come to use this term, now expressed as mardijikers, to refer to the children of former slaves, primarily the Portuguese-speaking Christians from India, indicating that at some point in the etymological development of the term, reference came to be made to freed slaves. It is this aspect of its meaning that must have entered the Philippines. As a side note, maharddhika is also the origin of the modern Indonesian term merdeka 'freedom'.[75]
    timáwaˈ an ordinary resident or villager, neither a slave nor a noble; a freeman, a free slave; MA‑ to free a slave; to declare oneself free (a slave); to become an ordinary citizen (one who was once richer or of a higher rank) [MDL]
Bikol also has another term for the people who are neither nobles or slaves, bátak, a term which parallels the meaning of timáwaˈ. This does not appear in the other central Philippine languages and may be a borrowing from Malay where the positive, nominal meaning is 'nomad', 'rover' or 'wander', and the verbal meaning, 'to rove' or 'wander'. There is also a negative aspect to its meaning in Malay, 'to rob' or 'steal', an association possibly made with those whose have no permanent home.[76]
    bátak freeman, describing a person who is no longer a slave; MAG‑ to free o/s or declare o/s free; MA‑, ‑ON to set s/o free; MA‑, ‑AN to set s/o free from a group of slaves [MDL]

We now turn to the slaves, urípon, a term with cognates in all of the central Philippine languages.[77] When annoyed with a slave, a term of anger in Bikol such as salpók or pungkáˈ may have been used, and when reference is made to slaves in a narrative or verse, the term pandóˈ.
    urípon slave; MA‑ one who possesses slaves; MAG‑, ‑ON to enslave; to treat s/o like a slave; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to capitulate to s/o; to yield or submit to s/o; KA‑‑AN: kauripnán slavery, bondage [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to have slaves; to enslave s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to take s/o's child or relative as a slave; MAKA‑, MA‑ to take s/o as a slave due to indebtedness; PAGKA‑ slavery, bondage; KAG- kagurípon slave owner]

    salpók slave, used only when annoyed or angry; syn‑ pungkáˈ [MDL]

    pandóˈ ‑AN slave, used in place of urípon in narratives and verse [MDL]
There were any number of reasons one might end up a slave. Insults resulting in fines that could not be paid could lead to slavery,[78] as could a default on loans which usually came with usurious levels of interest.[79] Convictions for theft resulting in unpayable fines had a similar outcome.[80] As for capital offenses such as serious assaults or murder, a sentence of death was frequently commuted to enslavement. The need for additional labour usually mitigated the necessity for revenge.[81] Individuals who were captured through raids on neighbouring villages were held for ransom which, if not paid, also resulted in enslavement.[82] These conditions are summarised briefly by San Antonio,[83] and discussed in more detail in Chapter 4, 'Crime and Punishment,' Section 3.

Slaves were the property of their masters, and children of such slaves (gintúboˈ) also held that same status in the household. If they were born to slaves living in the main household, then they too were always on call to serve their masters in that capacity. If they were slaves who lived independently in their own homes, then the children also served in the same way, required to work when called upon but also enjoying some independent existence. Things were more complicated when children were born to slaves having a differing relationship to the owner, or those born to parents, one who was free and one who was a slave. In such a situation, if there was only a single child, it would be considered half slave and half free. If two children were born, then the first would follow the condition of the father, and second that of the mother. A third child would be treated like a single-child family, considered half-slave and half free. This is described in more detail, focusing on the Tagalog region, by Morga [84] and San Antonio, drawing for the most part on the work of Plasencia.[85] Romantic relationships also existed between masters and slaves in the Bikol region, both through marriage (únoy) and concubinage (utáy).
    gintúboˈ a slave born in one's own house or inherited from one's family; MA‑ or MAG‑ to possess such a slave; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to turn s/o into such a slave; (PAG‑)‑AN to be served by such a slave; PAGKA‑ slavery of this type [MDL]

    únoy MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to marry one's female slave [MDL]

    utáy MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to fool or deceive s/o; to mislead or defraud s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to deceive s/o about s/t; PAG‑ deception; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to give s/t of lesser value for s/t that is of greater value; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to take s/t of greater value in exchange for s/t of lesser value; also associated with this meaning is: to be a concubine to one's master (a slave); to argue with one's master (a slave) [MDL]
The term gintúboˈ (also see Section 1(ii)) is clearly a Visayan form, and it appears with the same meaning as in Bikol in Cebuano.[86] The root word here is túboˈ 'to grow'; the verbal prefix is gi(N)-. From a purely verbal translation of 'grown', we can get the nominal meaning 'one who has grown', which has then been given the specific interpretation of 'a slave born into one's family'.

Slaves were property, and as such they could be bought or sold (sáliw). Morga, writing in 1609, comments that this trade was so widespread, not only from village to village and province to province, but also from island to island, that the Spanish, at first, did not dare attempt to disrupt it, not so much for its economic impact, but its cultural one.[87] This was in spite of slavery being officially outlawed in 1591. It wasn't until the end of the seventeenth century that we see the enforcement of laws banning inherited slaves (gintúboˈ). The total elimination of debt slavery was far less successful and may be said to have continued in some form or other until the end of the Spanish period in 1898.[88]
    salíw MA‑, ‑ON to buy slaves, dogs, boats; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to buy slaves, boats from s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to pay a particular price for such a purchase; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sell slaves, dogs, boats; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sell a slave to s/o; PAG‑ the buying and selling of slaves, dogs, boats [MDL]
Slaves may also have been owned by different owners. This could have come about when children were born to slaves whose parents had obligations to different masters, or when partial settlement of a debt meant that the labour a slave was required to perform was shared. In such circumstances, an offer could be made to buy out the portion of the slave not already owned (hinalustós). This is a complex entry clearly showing a prefix of the form HING-, generally indicating 'transition', and a root, also complex, of the form talustós which refers to a subsequent transplanting of rice. It is possible to see a analogy between such movement of rice and the transfer of ownership of a slave.
    hinalustós MA, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer s/t as payment to buy the one-half of a slave or property one does not already own; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to buy outright a slave or property shared with another by paying for the one-half one does not already own [MDL]

    talustós MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to transplant rice from the edges of a field where it was first transplanted (see tagbóng) to another area when the area along the perimeter becomes flooded with too much water; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to plant an area with such transplanted rice [MDL]
As with all transactions, there would inevitably be some discussion as to the wisdom of the purchase (láwa-láwa, see the examples) , as well as the final price paid (hawáˈ, see the figurative meaning). As slave labour was called upon to man boats, the implication was that the purchase would eventually prove to be uneconomic.
    láwa-láwa thoughts, opinions; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to think s/t over carefully; to judge or consider the merits or qualities of s/t; to judge s/t; to offer one's opinion about s/t: Guráˈno an láwa-láwa mo kan pagbatóˈ kainíng urípon? How much do you think this slave is worth?; Makurí an láwa-láwa ni kuyán kan pagbatóˈ kaiyán urípon niyá That person thinks his slave is worth a great deal [MDL]

    hawáˈ scarcely, hardly; only, just: Hawáˈ nakakikítaˈ (It's) hardly visible; Hawáˈ pagtatarám (She) hardly speaks; Hawáˈ na? Just that? (used ironically to indicate it is too much); ... Hawáˈ na an sanggatós Just a hundred (but used ironically to indicate that even one will be difficult to get); (fig‑) Pagkahahawáˈ nang pagbatón; urípon iyán It's an overly expensive way of raising a sail; he's just a slave (Implying that too high a price was paid for a slave) [MDL]
Slaves had duties to perform (tángas-tángas) and someone had to be in charge. This was left to the master of the house or one to whom their authority was delegated. Criticism was levelled when those supposedly in charge did not appear capable of carrying out their duties (laygáy).
    tángas-tángas MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to carry out household duties or chores (a servant, slave); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be in service to s/o in a house [MDL]

    laygáy MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to be in command of a boat, vessel; to be in charge of a ship; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to issue particular orders to the crew of a boat; also indicates: to be in charge of the servants and slaves in one's house: Maráˈot an daˈí naglalaygáy sa mga urípon It's bad for one not to be in charge of one's slaves; Maráˈot an daˈí naglalaygáy sa tibáˈad nang tuklós It's bad for one not to be in charge of those who are working [MDL]
Slaves lived with the family they served (dangán) and a bond must certainly have formed between them and the family. Regardless of the differential status, there must have also been a duty of care (atáman) which extended even to those who were brought into the household when seemingly having no where else to live (sapód). There were also those who were happy to work in exchange for protection (ayóp), even to the extent of indenturing themselves when such a relationship was uncalled for (lábo).
    dangán KA‑ one who lives together with a slave in a house; Kadangán ko si kuyán I stay together with that slave [MDL]

    atáman referring to s/o in the care of another; s/o who is adopted or is a foster child; a servant, pet; MAG‑, ‑ON to adopt s/o; to care for s/o; to nurse, nurture or support s/o; to foster a child; KAG‑: kagatáman nin amáˈ foster father; kagatáman nin ináˈ foster mother [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to concern o/s with s/t; to take an interest in s/t; to attend to or look after s/o; MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to take care of s/o; to show concern toward s/o or s/t; PAG‑ or PANG‑ care, attention, concern]

    sapód MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take in s/o who is wandering about, seemingly lost (whether a slave or free person): Sinapód ko na lámang iníng ákiˈ taˈ nagkakabasáng-basáng I've taken in this child because he was just wandering about aimlessly [MDL]

    ayóp MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to work for s/o in exchange for protection; to seek care, protection or guardianship from s/o in exchange for work; (fig‑) MAPA‑ or MAGPA‑ to surrender: Paayóp na kamó Surrender [MDL]

    lábo MA‑ or MAG‑ to fly into a flame (as a moth) or drop into a liquid (as the wax of a candle); ... (fig‑) Taˈ daw taˈ malábo ka sakóˈ na bakóˈ kang urípon? Why are you indenturing yourself to me since you are not a slave? ... [MDL]
Nevertheless, treatment of slaves could be harsh, meted out not only by their masters (pusók) but also by others in the village (síring). Threats could also be made, deprecating the value of the slave's labour (sahóm).
    pusók harsh, strict; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be harsh or strict with s/o (one's children, servants, subjects); to mistreat s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to impose a particular punishment or harsh regime; to give a particular reprimand or reproach; (PAG‑)‑ON to become strict, harsh; ‑ON: puruskánon one who is strict, harsh; Kapuruskánon mo doy What a strict person you are [MDL]

    síring MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat s/o badly; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to treat s/o badly in a particular way; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mistreat s/o belonging to another; MANG‑ to be mistreated; to be injured or hurt by mistreatment; MANG‑‑AN to have s/o belonging to you mistreated; MAKANG‑: makaníring to be the reason one suffers mistreatment [MDL]

    sahóm MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to kill or slaughter a domestic animal for home consumption, not for trade; (fig‑) Pasasahomón taká ngatdihán I'm going to slaughter you (Said to a slave, indicating that the owner has nothing to lose by such a death) [MDL]
Such unequal relationships between the powerful and powerless must never have been comfortable and questions of loyalty and trust could never have been far from the minds of the ruling class (sárig). Additionally, villages were generally small, and the slaves held by one person could, for whatever reason, fall partially or fully under the influence of another family (átong). And then there was the question of honesty. The head of the household may have expected that whatever was given to the slaves should have been enough to satisfy their needs, and so when some of them engaged in stealing, this was seen as a betrayal (tungíˈ).
    sárig MA‑ firm, secure, stable, steady, sturdy; reliable, steadfast, trustworthy; DAˈÍ MA‑ unstable, insecure; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to have faith or confidence in s/o; to trust s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to confide s/t; Daˈí kitá mananárig sa urípon We can't trust or depend on slaves ...]

    átong ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to go downstream; I‑ to be carried downstream by the current; ... MAPA‑, IPA‑ to set s/t adrift downstream; MAPA‑, PA‑ ‑AN to send s/t drifting down a particular river; (fig‑) to sweet-talk s/o; to unduly influence s/o: Pinagpapaatóngan nin úlay ni kuyán an sakóng urípon My slaves are being unduly influenced by that person; Maraháy daˈí taká pinaatóngan nin úlay It's good that I didn't unduly influence you by what I said; ...]

    tungíˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to become uneasy and touchy due to being overfull (an animal); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to leave food over when feeling overfull; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to feed an animal to the point of its being satiated; (fig‑) Pinatungíˈ giráray nin pagkakán iníng urípon na iní, nanhahaˈbón pa nang gayód This slave is always fed more than he needs, and still it seems he goes around stealing [MDL]
Slaves, too, had feelings and opinions, at times willfully accepting their lowly status when criticisms were levelled at their work or attitudes (károy), noticeably showing displeasure when asked to do something (súgoˈ), and also capable of criticising a master who had treated them unfairly (guráng).
    károy benefit or gain which one hopes to achieve by carrying out particular actions; a return on an investment of time, prayer (such as when s/o goes to church to pray for a reward or remuneration they hope to receive); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to do s/t so that a later benefit or return will be realized; to consider how s/t can be used to further one's aims: Anóng károy mo kaiyán? What do you hope to gain by that?; Anóng kinakároy mo sakúyaˈ na urípon? What do you hope to get from me, a slave? [MDL]

    súgoˈ MAG‑, ‑ON to send s/o on an errand or mission; to command s/o to do s/t; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to give s/o an order or command; Nalimót-limót túlos si kuyán kon sinusúgoˈ That person immediately makes a face showing displeasure when asked to do s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to issue a particular order; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to send s/o on an errand to a particular place; ‑ON: susugóˈon

    guráng old (humans, animals); aged, elderly... [+MDL: gúrang MA‑ old; MA‑‑ON very old; MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow old; ... PAGKA‑ age; KA‑ ‑NAN: kagurangnán Mr, Mrs; master; Himinaríˈ na akó kainíng sakóng kagurangnán I find my master insufferable; Nagngalás na gáyo akó kainíng sakóng kagurangnán taˈ daˈí akó pinahihingalóˈan I'm annoyed at my master because I'm not given time to rest; MAGKA‑‑NANAN: magkagurangnánan to call s/o Mr or Mrs; MANG‑‑NAN, PANG‑‑NANAN: mangagurangnán, pangagurangnánan to serve a particular master as a servant or slave]
Slaves could free themselves by offering something in exchange for their liberty, although an entry such as salingdíng offers no specifics as to what that offer might entail. More clearly, if slaves could pay off any debts that were owing, they would gain their freedom. There is a set of related entries here. Hiluwás is the complex entry comprising the prefix HING-, showing transition, and the root luwás. Híwas appears to be related to this set; however, as there is no motivation for the deletion of the -lu- segment in the longer form, hiluwás, it is best seen as a separate form. Híwas itself has an associated set of meanings dealing with things which are wide, open and spacious, and, therefore, figuratively, 'free'.

San Antonio describes a ceremony held between master and slave to celebrate the gaining of freedom. Included in this is the absolute division of all furniture and utensils used by the slave, down to the ripping of blankets in two and the smashing of pottery vessels so that the pieces could be evenly divided.[89]
    salingdíng MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer s/t in exchange for s/o's freedom; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to free s/o by offering s/t in exchange for their liberty; to liberate s/o [MDL]

    hiluwás MAKA‑ to free o/s from servitude by paying off one's debts or otherwise satisfying ones obligations; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to pay off one's debts and obtain one's freedom; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to settle one's debts with s/o [MDL]

    luwás SA outside, external; ...[+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to go out; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to go out for s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to leave or go out from a particular place]

    híwas free; MAGPA‑ to look to obtain one's freedom; to seek one's freedom (a slave or one with other obligations); Mahíwas an buˈót ko taˈ nakabáyad na akóng si útang I feel free now that I have paid my debts
As the Spanish had outlawed slavery in 1591, they could not have availed themselves of such labour. We begin to see in some of the Lisboa entries a transition to wage labour (lingkód) and terms developing specific meanings related to serving. Alagád, for example, develops from a basic meaning of 'guardian spirit', to 'constant companion' and then to 'servant', and adág is defined specifically as someone in service to the Spanish.
    lingkód MAG‑, ‑AN to serve s/o (as a servant) [MDL: a servant who works for wages; MA‑, ‑AN: lingkorán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paglingkorán to serve a master; to work for particular wages; PARA‑ servant]

    alagád MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to be in the constant company of s/o; to serve s/o; PARA‑ constant companion; servant (the meaning of 'servant' developed subsequent to the traditional meaning of 'companion'); also once signified a household or guardian spirit: Si kuyán may paraalagád That person has a guardian spirit [MDL]

    adág a male or female working for the Spanish as a servant; MA‑ or MAG‑ to work for the Spanish as a servant; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, ‑ON to work for a particular Spaniard; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to work on a particular Spanish estate [MDL]
Átag is a reference to a different type of labour, more communal in nature. This certainly is the meaning given the term in Tagalog where such labour may be expected without compensation, and in Kapampangan, the reference is to those who have been requested or invited to do something.[90] Even though this was work which was most likely assigned and required, some form of payment was clearly expected in Bikol, as can be seen in the example for the entry patimamangháˈ.
    átag term used to refer to s/o who performs a specific service or duty; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to distribute duties among the Indios; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to ask that particular services be performed [MDL]

    patimamangháˈ a small payment made against a debt which is owed or labor which has been provided to reduce penalties which would be imposed if no payment were made at all; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to pay a small amount toward a debt or provided service; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to pay off a portion of a debt to s/o; to partially pay s/o for the labor they have provided; Maraháy kutáˈ na kon patitimamanghaˈán nang gayód an mga táwo kainíng dakól na átag It would be good if we give the people who have worked for us a small amount in appreciation of the great deal of service they have provided [MDL]

Status was achieved though authority and wealth. Clearly only a small portion of the inhabitants of a village held this exalted position. Others would have found themselves with adequate finances and moderate influence, and still others with little money and no power. These were the poor of the society who would have struggled to survive (mírot).
    mírot destitute, very poor; MA‑ to become destitute [MDL]
The general term in Bikol that signified trade or business, karákal, also indicated impoverishment although with different sets of affixes. Karákal, or its cognates, is the common term throughout the central Philippine languages for 'trade' or 'commerce', although none of these languages also have it indicating 'poverty'. In Tagalog and Kapampangan, again, the languages to the north of Bikol, we probably come closer to the original meaning of the term, and that is the 'small sticks used for counting'. Tagalog, also, clearly has the root form, lakal, which Noceda defines as 'a bunch of counting sticks'.[91]
    karákal MAG‑to travel from place to place for purposes of trade; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to trade in a particular place; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to trade or deal in particular items; to seek particular business deals or contractual arrangements [MDL]

    karákal MA‑ poor, impoverished; Abóng karákal mo How poor you are; MANG‑ to be in need; to present an appearance of poverty; MANG‑, IPANG‑ to give s/t without payment; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to give s/t to s/o poor or in need; MAKI‑‑AN to contribute or offer support, each person according to his or her own means; MAKI‑, PAGPAKI‑‑AN to apportion things among yourselves, each person receiving an appropriate share [MDL]
Lisboa also has an entry for the Sanskrit loan, dukhá, to indicate 'poverty' or 'destitution', a term which carries into the modern language. Tagalog also has this term,[92] as does Malay where the form is duka and the accompanying meaning is 'grief' or 'sadness'.[93] The original meaning in Sanskrit is 'grief', 'misery' or 'suffering',[94] closer to the Malay than either the Bikol or Tagalog. If we assume that Bikol borrowed the term from Tagalog, we still have to find an intermediate donor language. If this were Malay, it would be unusual for the Philippine languages to add h to the second syllable as this sequence occurs primarily, though not exclusively, in Sanskrit loans.
    dukhá abject, destitute; PAGKA‑ destitution [+MDL: MA‑ to become poor, destitute; MAGPA‑ to give away one's worldly belongings; to deliberately impoverish o/s; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to impoverish s/o; MAG‑ magduró-dukháˈ to feign poverty; to act poor while in reality being rich; PAGKA‑ poverty] [SANSKRIT duhkha]
There were more figurative meanings used to refer to the poor, such as reference to accommodation where iron in the construction of a house was noticeably missing (batbát), or where one's remaining possessions would fit into a fist (gugóm). The context for a third entry, darí-darí, appears to be an attempt to extract payment, perhaps in the form of taxes or tribute, from someone who has absolutely no means to pay.
    batbát iron, wrought iron; MAG‑, I‑ to work iron in a forge; to forge iron ... [MDL: iron which has been worked in a forge, later to be processed into iron plate or sheets (inirós); MA‑ or MAG‑ to forge iron; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use iron for plating; (fig‑) ... Iyó man batbát an paglóng kainíng pagkaharóng-hárong ta The only iron you'll find in our house is that on the end of a top (Said when one is very poor and has poor accommodation]

    gugóm a clenched fist; ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to clench the fist; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to clench s/t in the fist; (PAG‑)‑AN to be held in a fist ...; (fig‑) Sagkód ta na iní sa panggugóm We have reached the point where we just have a fistful (Said when one has become very poor)]

    darí-darí MAKA‑, IKA‑ to be able to extract or get s/t from one who is destitute or poor; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to be able to get one who is destitute or poor to give s/t; Daˈí ka makakadarí-darí kaiyán táwong iyán You won't be able to get anything from that wretched person [MDL]

Those in power were shown what must have been anticipated deference by others of lower status in the community. Slaves would have been expected to be humble before their masters (lúdok), and those captured in what were endemic raids on neighbouring communities would no doubt have also been intimidated into submission and subservience (níroˈ). The general term for humility, hámak, is listed by Lisboa as a borrowing from Manila and, therefore, Tagalog in origin.
    lúdok MA‑ humble, low, menial, servile; MAG‑, ‑ON to humiliate s/o; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑AN to humble o/s before s/o; PAGKA‑ humiliation; PAGPA‑ humbleness, servility [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to be humiliated; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to humiliate or embarrass s/o]

    níroˈ MANG‑ to humble o/s; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to submit o/s to s/o; to become subservient to s/o; MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to humble s/o; to conquer or subdue s/o; PANG‑ humiliation; MAPANG‑: mapanírong táwo humble, subservient, submissive; MAPAPANG‑: mapapanírong táwo dominant [MDL]

    hámak lowly, humble; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to humble s/o; to consider s/o of low status; MAKAPA‑, MAPA‑ to be humbled [+MDL: MAPA‑, IPA‑ to think little of s/o; to undervalue or underrate s/o; hámak lámang roughly, more or less; the term is taken from Manila]
Individuals occupying an elevated position in society may have referred to those of lower status with the same terms reserved for the family, terms such as fathers might use with their sons (awáˈ) and mothers with their daughters (ikí), or terms which additionally showed affection and respect (yabáˈ).
    awáˈ term of affection used by men: spoken by a father to his son, the old to the young, the influential to the less influential; equivalent to 'My child'; the term used by women is ikíˈ [MDL]

    ikíˈ term of affection used by women when speaking to their daughters; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to speak to a daughter with love and affection [MDL]

    yabáˈ ... [+MDL: words of love or affection, as parents might use with children, older people with the young, those of high status with those of lesser status, and among those fond of each other; ... MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to say words of affection, respect; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to speak to s/o with such words of respect or affection]
Respect would be shown to those who earned it, or those who expected it. Gálang is the most prevalent term in Bikol used with this meaning, a meaning shared with Tagalog and Kapampangan to the north, but not with the Visayan languages to the south. The term does not appear in Cebuano and Hiligaynon, and in Waray it actually has the opposite meaning, 'to show a lack of respect'.[95] Respect, as with anything, can be overdone. Lisboa includes an example in the entry for gálang which shows that such fawning behaviour may very well mask laziness, and too much praise may make one feel physically sick (baldíˈ).
    gálang MA‑ considerate, courteous, dignified, polite, respectful, reverent, thoughtful; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to honor or respect s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to show s/o a particular honor or respect; ‑AN: gagalángan honored, respected; MAGPA‑ to act as one who should be honored or respected; Nagpapagálang ka lámang You're only good at showing respect (Said in reproach to s/o who is lazy and doesn't perform a job properly)]

    baldíˈ nausea, disgust; ‑ON or MA‑ to feel disgusted, nauseous; to have a sour taste in one's mouth; MA‑‑ON describing s/o prone to nausea; ... [+MDL: PAG‑‑ON to feel nauseous; (fig‑) Nababaldiˈán man gayód an pagkaginoˈó niyá His adulation is sickening (Said when s/o does not like the person who is complimenting them)]
Also indicating respect is nigawáˈ, a complex entry which may very well have been borrowed into Bikol from one of the languages to the north. Both Tagalog and Kapampangan have the term aní-aní which means 'courtesy' or 'respect' in the former, and 'reverence' in the latter. Both also have the term gawáˈ meaning 'to do' or 'to make',[96] although neither of them have examples of these two terms in combination. Neither Bikol nor the Visayan languages to the south have these two terms and so the possibility exists that it was borrowed, in an unrecoverable context, from either Tagalog or Kapampangan, with the greatest likelihood being Tagalog as that, of the two languages, is the more common source of borrowings into Bikol.
    nigawáˈ MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to respect s/o; to show respect to s/o; MANG‑, IPANG‑ to do s/t which shows respect; MAPANG‑: mapanigawáng táwo respectful; PANG‑‑AN: paninigawaˈán na táwo one deserving of respect; Kadaˈí mo máyoˈ maninigawáˈ sa mga magúrang You show very little respect for your elders [MDL]
Respect is also shown with the term sibí, and with alugaˈóg we have an instance where someone is held in such high regard, that approaching them, even to offer a gift, produces trepidation. While it is tempting to see alugaˈóg as comprising a prefix of the form alu-, which may very well be the case, it is not only difficult to assign a meaning to this form (see Chapter 12, 'Stars and Seasons,' Section 2), but the putative root, gaˈóg, does not exist in Bikol or the other central Philippine languages.
    sibí MA‑ respectful, courteous; genteel; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to respect s/o; to show respect toward s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to show a particular respect or deference [MDL]

    alugaˈóg MA‑, MA‑‑AN to hold s/o in high regard; to be too shy to approach s/o or give them s/t due to a feeling of differential status, or a feeling that what may be given is not enough; Kadaˈí mo maaalugaˈóg How little respect you are showing [MDL]
In an ideal society, it would be expected that everyone would be treated the same (turóˈ-turóˈ), but in any society of leaders and followers, and of rulers and ruled, that would rarely be the case.
    turóˈ-turóˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat everyone the same; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give everyone the same treatment (even with regard to the number of lashes given in punishment) [MDL]
The Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century, for the most part, comprised relatively small village groupings which were home to 40 to 50 families. Many of these families would have been related to those in charge of running the community, and some would have expected special treatment, perhaps of a financial nature. There could have been an expectation that one's good fortune would be shared (urí), and when this did not happen there could have been resentment at the increasing wealth of one group over another (maˈnó). The figurative meaning in the entry atá where only the rice with very little substance is left for particular relatives encapsulates this feeling, a feeling which would only have been exacerbated if a lack of humility led to boastful behaviour (támay).
    urí MA‑ jealous, envious; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to envy s/o; to be jealous of s/o; PAGKA‑ envy, jealousy [+MDL: MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagurihán or pagudyán or MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN: pangurihán or pangudyán to not want s/o to share in your good fortune; MAG‑, IPAG‑ or MANG‑, IPANG‑ to not want to share your good fortune with anyone; MA‑, MA‑‑AN: maurihán or maudyán to be jealous of s/o or s/t; MA‑ or MA‑‑ON: mauurihón or mauudyón jealous, envious; mauríng áki' a child who ignores the person holding him or her in their arms]

    maˈnó (always used in the negative or implying the negative): DAˈÍ MAKI‑ to not get anything; to get nothing: Daˈí akó nakikimaˈnó I got nothing; Nakikimaˈnó akó? And what did I get? Nothing; DAˈÍ PAKI‑‑AN to get nothing; to give nothing: Ayáˈ pang nalulungtóˈ ka, daˈí múˈna kamí pinakikimaˈnohán? Although you get richer and richer, we get nothing; DAˈÍ IPAKI‑ to get nothing of s/t [MDL]

    atá rice bran [+MDL: also referring to rice which is all husk and no grain; MA‑ rice which contains a large mixture of empty rice husks; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mix good rice with empty rice husks in an attempt to deceive; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add empty rice husks to good rice; (fig‑) Magturúgang kamí patín iyán mga ginoˈó, kundíˈ aanhón ta an atá kon bagá sa pároy We and the influential people in town are all related, and yet all we get are the empty husks and not the rice]

    támay MA‑, ‑ON or MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to belittle, insult or deprecate s/o, comparing one's own status or wealth to their lack of it; MA‑, I‑ or MANG‑, IPANG‑ to disparage or belittle s/o's status or wealth [MDL]
Acknowledgment need not have been only financial in nature. Those who had shown support to others may have at least expected some form of polite recognition in return, and when this was not forthcoming, then accusations of ungratefulness may have been leveled (biháng). Also, those who had specific skills and particular responsibilities may have also expected some fitting recognition, but they too may have been disappointed when the hoped for respect did not materialise (sáday, see the figurative entry).
    biháng ungrateful; an ingrate; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be ungrateful toward relatives, friends or others who have been good to you; KA‑‑AN ungratefulness: Biháng na táwo si kuyán That person is an ingrate [MDL]

    sáday platforms built onto the tree houses called muˈóg; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to construct such a platform; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to build a platform onto a muˈóg; (fig‑) Nalalábot akó kaiyán, nasáday lámang akó kon bagá sa muˈóg I take responsibility for that, and yet I'm relegated to being a platform on a tree house (Said of s/o who has primary responsibility, yet is not given the respect expected) [MDL]
Feelings of resentment could have arisen at any time and for any number or reasons, from a general feeling of being undervalued by others members of the community (páyiˈ), to more specific complaints, such as the lack of an invitation or the incorrect form of address (sípat), or quite deliberately being demeaned and treated as if lower in status (saníg).
    páyiˈ describing fruit with a thick skin and little meat, or a head of rice with thick husks and little grain; MA‑ to develop in this way (fruit, grain); (fig‑) Bagá lámang kamí páyiˈ sa buláwan It is as if we are like the thick crust on gold (Said when people are not properly valued by their fellow townsfolk) [MDL]

    sípat MA‑ angry, annoyed, aggrieved (due to not being treated with the respect one feels they deserve); MA‑ or MAG‑ to take offense; to feel one has been dealt an affront; to be angry or annoyed (as due to not being invited first, and so now refusing to go); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to feel this way toward s/o; MAKA‑ to cause s/o to take offense (as the use of an incorrect term of address); MAGKA‑ to be annoyed at one another due to such perceived offense [MDL]

    saníg MA‑, ‑AN to sit with the back half-turned to s/o else; MA‑, I‑ to turn the back half way; MAG‑ to be seated with the back half-turned to one another (two people); ... (fig‑) MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to demean s/o; to treat s/o as if they were lower in status: Pinagsasanigán akó ni kuyán That person is not treating me with due respect; also: to withdraw a proposal of marriage from one set of future in-laws in favor of another who offers better prospects [MDL]
At a more general level, there was simply rudeness (labúnos) and harsh words (riˈíg-díˈig) which would certainly have brought about personal, if not social rifts in society.
    labúnos rude, discourteous; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to speak discourteously, rudely or insolently to s/o; to show discourtesy toward s/o; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to say s/t rude, insolent; Labúnos na manarám-tarám si kuyán That person speaks rudely, discourteously [MDL]

    riˈíg-díˈig MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t harshly or gruffly; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o in this way [MDL]
Stinging or biting remarks (irará) were used to offend or shame, words were uttered to mock or ridicule (rawráw), and accusations levelled to discredit or disgrace someone (duhágiˈ), all leading to varying degrees of humiliation.
    iraráˈ MA‑ descriptive of words that are stinging, biting or sarcastic; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to offend or shame s/o with such words; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use such words; MAKA‑ to sting, bite (such words) [MDL]

    rawráw MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to deride, mock or ridicule s/o; to scoff at s/o; to defile or deface s/t; PAG‑ travesty [MDL]

    duhágiˈ MAG‑, ‑ON to smite, scourge [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to insult, discredit or disgrace s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t to insult, discredit or disgrace s/o]
Bikol shares the term duhágiˈ with modern Tagalog where the meaning is 'oppression' or 'ill-treatment'.[97] The term does not appear in the Noceda dictionary of 1617. In Malay, the cognate term is dahagi with meanings varying from 'covetousness'[98] to 'opposition' or 'open rebellion'.[99] There is an interesting discussion of this term and its possible relationship to related terms in Malay, selected languages of Indonesia, and Sanskrit in Ships and Spirits: Cultural transfers in Early Monsoon Asia, although there is no definitive conclusion reached as to its origin.[100]

The reasons behind the contempt shown to others are difficult to ascertain from dictionary entries alone. While the effort to convince someone they are of little importance (hínaˈ) is clearly done to lower their status, it most likely was also done to raise one's own. And when insults are directed at a person in their presence (tangád) causing enough offense to lead them to run off (abís), the question remains as to why things were taken to this extent in the first place. Passive acceptance to insults was, however, by no means guaranteed, for instead of turning and going off, the aggrieved individual may very well have countered with insults of their own (see tangád).
    hínaˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to convince s/o that s/t is of little value or importance; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t to demean or belittle s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to demean or belittle s/t; to speak ill of s/t; to be contemptuous or scoff at s/t; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to have little regard for s/t; to find s/t of little value; MA‑ one who finds things of little value; contemptuous; KA‑‑AN: kahihináˈan demeaned; that which is seen as having little value; Hináˈ-hínaˈ mo doy How you scoff at everything [MDL]

    tangád MA‑, ‑ON to belittle, demean, discredit or disgrace s/o, speaking ill of them in their presence; MA‑, I‑ to say s/t to demean s/o; MAG‑ to exchange insults, demeaning one another; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to exchange insults with one another; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t to one another in an exchange of insults [MDL]

    abís MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to hurt s/o either physically, or emotionally by saying s/t unpleasant, causing the person to run off; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t or to use s/t to hurt s/o [MDL]
Derision may have been done in private or it may have been done in public in a person's presence (múda), causing even greater embarrassment. The person denigrated need not have been present at all. Such unpleasantness could still be spread maliciously, although those spreading the rumour would not go unscathed, for having such a reputation would mean that others would be reluctant to befriend them (rarámaˈ).
    múda MAG‑, ‑ON to curse or swear at s/o [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to belittle, demean, deride or insult s/o, embarrassing them in front of others; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak this way to s/o in front of others]

    raráma.ˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to speak ill of s/o; to dishonor or defame s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t to defame s/o; MA‑ to be placed in a bad light due to what is said about you; to be dishonored, defamed; Habóˈ kong makipagibá-ibá ki kuyán; marararámaˈ lámang akó I don't want to go with the person; I don't want people to think I am like him (lit: I don't want people to speak ill of me) [MDL]

While there were many instances of kindness in early Philippine society, there also existed numerous areas of interpersonal conflict. In the remainder of this chapter, we will look at these elements which led to personal or social enmity.[101]

(i) Irony and Sarcasm
When irony is used, the meaning conveyed is generally the opposite of what is said (suhíˈ), and the intent is either to inject humour into the conversation, or to bring about additional emphasis. Sarcasm is less neutral, drawing on the use of irony to deride or ridicule, or even show contempt (saláˈ-sála). The modern meaning of saláˈ-sálaˈ is closer to the non-reduplicated form, sálaˈ 'incorrect' or 'mistaken'. The conveying of sarcasm by this term is not current, and only in Tagalog did it appear to have the same meaning.[102]
    suhíˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON / MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say the opposite of what is expected; to say s/t contrary; to say s/t ironic (unexpected); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o in this way to s/o [MDL]

    saláˈ-sálaˈ if I'm not mistaken; all things considered ... [MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in a sarcastic way; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to talk sarcastically about s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o sarcastically; MA‑: masaláˈ-sálang táwo a sarcastic person; Abóng saláˈ-sálaˈ mo doy You are very sarcastic]
More generally, someone bragging about an accumulation of wealth, or a large amount of gold, may very well be met with the expression alitsaná, showing cynicism or sarcastic disbelief. The component parts of this compound are most likely alít, indicating a kind of conservation and care with one's belongings, verging on the stingy, and saná, translating simply as 'merely' or 'only'.
    alitsaná expression of sarcastic disbelief, used when s/o indicates that they have a large quantity of s/t or a great deal of gold [MDL]

    álit MA‑ conservation-minded, provident ... [+MDL: alít MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to conserve s/t (as food, drawing down one's stocks slowly); to use s/t sparingly (as particular items of clothing so they will not become worn) maalít na táwo one who conserves or is careful in the use of s/t; Abóng alít mo How careful you are with things (Implying stinginess)]

    saná just, merely, only; a mere ... [+MDL: Iyó saná Just that; Pirá saná Just a few; Pirá saná? So, how many are there? ...]
When irony is used to convey a meaning opposite to what is said, it frequently has a critical intent, and most of the examples which follow show this. It may, however, also be complimentary. Referring to something crumpled when it is obviously new (lúmid), is one such example. Other entries achieve their intended meaning from context. Malúmoy pa an siríng (see lúmoy) in one context is the understated 'Is that acceptable?' with the understood meaning 'It is wonderful', and in another context is 'Is that something to laugh about?' which is a rebuke when something is serious.
    lúmid MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to rumple, crumple or wrinkle s/t; to handle s/t roughly (paper, cloth); Iyó pang lúmid So it's crumpled (Said ironically when s/t looks new and is in good shape) [MDL]

    lúmoy soft, tender; spongy; ... [+MDL: MA‑ soft; MA‑ or MAG‑ to become soft; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to soften s/t; PAGKA‑ softness; (fig‑) Malúmoy an buˈót ni kuyán That person has a nice disposition; also used ironically: Malúmoy pa an síring? Is this acceptable? (Said ironically for s/t that is wonderful); Malúmoy pa an síring? or Malúmoy pa iní? Is that s/t to laugh about (Said ironically to indicate that s/t is very serious); Malúmoy pang táwo iyán kabalákid? Is this the number of people you wanted (Said when there is a huge number of people); Malúmoy pang álo nindó iyán? Is this the level of noise you want (Said when it is very noisy)]
When irony is used to inject humour into a conversation, it must clearly be based on the relationship held between the participants. Using a name that reflects a quality opposite to that which can be seen or is known to be true (sasawá) can easily go wrong. One calling a village leader a labourer must certainly know that this will be accepted in jest. Calling someone brilliant when they have just done something stupid (sudhóˈ) is meant to set the situation up for joking, not conflict, as is reference to the exaggerated actions or looks of someone who has been drinking (káyaw). Also, when exaggerating someone's age (arutárot) it must be known that this will not cause offence.
    sasawá a name given to s/o reflecting a quality opposite to that usually associated with the person, used ironically: for example: a fair skinned person may be called si Agtáˈ the Negrito; or an ginoˈó a nobleman may be called dagahínon one who works the land; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to give s/o such a name; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give an ironic name [MDL]

    sudhóˈ MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to joke with or tease s/o by praising them, but meaning the exact opposite of what is said (such as calling s/o smart when they have just done s/t stupid, or good when they have just done s/t bad); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to praise s/o when joking in this way; MA‑ one who jokes in this manner [MDL]

    káyaw MA‑ or ‑ON to exaggerate s/o's actions by indicating it verges on the absurd, setting the scene for joking with them: Garó kinakayáw an lalawgón mo kon nakakainóm ka Your face takes on the look of a crazy person when you drink [MDL]

    arutárot an expression used ironically to indicate that a person is far older than his or her actual age: Arutárot pang taˈón idtó She is many years older; Arutárot sakúyaˈ si kuyán That person is much older than me [MDL]
Irony when used to criticise may have the effect of taking the edge off a more strongly felt disapproval. The sentence may be phased as a question, asking if the person expects someone else to be happy with their work (abáˈ), of if they themselves, upon reflection, believe they have produced a satisfactory result (ayád pa). The criticism may also be more general, questioning whether someone has the ability to carry out a set task to the required ends (buwát), or it may be more judgmental (highly dependent upon context), indicating complete dissatisfaction (singáw).
    abáˈ MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to show annoyance with s/o (as, for example, for not completing a task, or completing it unsatisfactorily); spoken ironically, as in: Abaˈán ka ni kuyán kon maraˈót mo iyán? Do you think that person is going to be happy with you if you spoil that?; Abaˈán taká ngápit kon daˈí mo mahamán iyán Do you think I'm going to be happy with you if you don't finish it?; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t to show such annoyance [MDL]

    ayád pa interrogative expression indicating sarcasm, similar to the English 'Do you really think this is good?' or 'Do you think you've done well?': Ayád pa iníng gíbo mo? Do you think what you've done is good? (Well, it isn't!) [MDL]

    buwát MAG‑ to have the ability to do s/t (always used sarcastically); Iyóng buwat iyán (He) should at least have been able to do that; Iyóng buwát sanggatós, átaˈ daˈíng sangpúloˈ It should have been a hundred, but it wasn't even ten; Iyóng nabubuwát sanggatós, átaˈ daˈíng saróˈ It should have been a hundred, but it wasn't even one [MDL]

    singáw MA‑ describing s/t which brings delight, pleasure or gratification; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to take delight or pleasure in s/t; Singáw ko saímong so-baˈgó I was pleased with you earlier (Said ironically when s/o does not do what they are told, does the opposite of what is expected or does not do s/t well); Iká ko lámang nasigawán asó nagugútom akó Only you sustained me when I was dying of hunger [MDL]
There is also a use of irony which asks that someone reflect upon their own actions or judgement. Would you complain strongly about a hat you were wearing if you thought a little more about the person who made it? Or could you really believe that further study would produce no increase in learning (see arám bilí)? Irony can also be cruel. Saying that someone looks happy when there has just been a death in the family (dayakdák) is probably as much a comment on the person who says such a thing as the person referred to, and it clearly carries an undertone of annoyance and anger.
    áram bilí it's better than (as 'not being able to do s/t at all'): Áram bilíng daˈí ka mageskuéla It's better than not going to school at all [+MDL: do you think!: Áram bilíng parakurusóng ka, daˈíng háros iníng kurusóng mo? Do you think that if you were a hat maker the hat you wore would be worthless? (A question asking the wearer to consider the hatmaker before expressing criticism); Áram bilíng naghihinunód ka giráray, daˈí ka pa máyoˈ tataˈó? Do you think that if you were to study again, you wouldn't learn anything?]

    dayakdák happy, glad; used ironically when angry or annoyed: Abubóng dayakdák mo, tará baˈgó kang kagadánan How happy you are, and you have just had a death in the family; MA‑ happy (when one should be sad) [MDL]
There are also examples where the speaker's intention is to convey the complete opposite of what is said. This can refer to wishes or desires (úgod-úgod), it can refer to a total number where 'a few' conveys the meaning of 'many' (dudúˈot), or to the remaining distance or time (hamamáni, dúgos) where 'short' means 'long', and 'early' means 'late'.
    úgod-úgod expression used ironically: with verbs indicating desire or want, it indicates one does not want to do s/t; and with verbs indicating a lack of desire, it indicates one does want to do s/t; Úgod-úgod akó buˈót? Why should I care?; Úgod-úgod akó habóˈ Why shouldn't I like it?; Úgod-úgod mo pagsasayánga, tará daˈíng ibá It's good you wasted it; there isn't any more; Úgod-úgod mo hahampaká, tará maráˈot an háwak It's good that you're going to whip me; my body already hurts [MDL]

    dudúˈot few, but used ironically to mean 'many': Dudúˈot pa iyán? Is that what you call a few?; Dudúˈot pang táwo iyán? You think that's just a few people? (There are many) [MDL]

    hamamáni shortly, just a little more; used ironically indicating that much more time remains, or there is still a great distance to cover: Hamamáni pang pinaglakawán ta idtó? Have we just walked a short way? (Implying that it seems like a long way); Hamamáni pa idtóng duwáng púloˈ nang taˈón It's as if it has been twenty years (but in reality it has been longer) [MDL]

    dúgos a good time to do s/t (used ironically, implying one is too late); Dúgos ka babakál taˈ naúbos na So you have finally decided to go shopping now that everything is gone; Dúgos ka kakaˈág taˈ daˈí na digdí si kuyán So you'll finally be coming, now that that person isn't here; [MDL]

(ii) Arguments
Lisboa has included many terms which refer to arguments. The most general is íwal, with a variety of others carrying meanings such as 'to bicker' or 'to quarrel'.
    íwal MAG‑ to quarrel with one another; to have a misunderstanding; to have an altercation; to argue, squabble, wrangle; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON to argue with s/o; MA‑, I‑ to argue over s/t; MAG‑ to argue with one another; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to incite two people to have an argument; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to incite two people to argue in front of others; Makakakuˈá lámang akóng kaíwal I'll only make enemies (because of a particular type of action or behavior)]

    búsaˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to argue or quarrel; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to argue or quarrel with s/o [MDL]

    síga MA‑ or MAG‑ to argue or disagree with one another; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to argue with s/o; to have a dispute with s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to argue or disagree over s/t; MAKI‑ to pick a quarrel with s/o [MDL]

    simpál MAGKA‑ to bicker or argue; MAGKA‑, IPAGKA‑ to bicker or argue over s/t, MAGKA‑, PAGKA‑‑AN to bicker or argue with s/o [MDL]

    tíliw MAG‑ to quarrel or bicker; MAG‑, ‑ON to quarrel or bicker over s/t; MAKI‑‑ON: makititilíwon quarrelsome, peevish [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to quarrel or bicker with s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to bicker over s/t]

    sáˈil MAG‑ to quarrel, argue, bicker (two people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to quarrel over s/t; MAKI‑ to pick a quarrel with s/o; MAKI‑‑ON: makikisaˈílon quarrelsome [MDL]

    rúbo-rúbo MAGKA‑, PAGKA‑‑AN to bicker, argue or quarrel; to talk at cross purposes (two or more people); MAGKA‑, PAGKA‑ ‑AN to argue over s/t in this way [MDL]
Arguments may arise due to any number of reasons, for example, from a disagreement over something previously agreed on, such as wedding arrangements, where shortcomings in the initial agreement suddenly cause problems (ukgáng). Two men may argue over a women they both have a relationship with (ángag), or two women may argue, trading insults (taláy). While Lisboa does not present any reason for the argument between the two women, he does have an entry describing their voices when arguing (saláy-sagáy).
    ukgáng MAGKA‑ to disagree (those who have previously reached agreement on a wedding or other matter due to some perceived short coming in the original agreement); MAGKA‑, PAGKA‑‑AN to disagree in this way about s/t; PAGKA‑ disagreement: Makurí an pagkaukgáng mi Our agreement has almost completely fallen through [MDL]

    ángag MAG‑ or MAGKA‑ to argue or quarrel over a woman (two men, both of whom have a relationship with her); MAGKA‑, PAGKA‑‑AN to quarrel over a particular woman [MDL]

    taláy MA‑, ‑ON argue with a woman, insulting her (another woman); MA‑, ‑AN to argue over s/t; MAG‑ to stand face to face and argue, trading insults (two women); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to argue together over s/t [MDL]

    saláy-sagáy describing a woman's voice when she yells in an argument: Saláy-sagáy na si kuyán That woman is really yelling [MDL]
Marriage is an area where disagreements may regularly occur. An unhappy marriage will engender enough occasions where life for the wife can be made difficult by the husband (ráˈot-ráˈot), and this, accompanied by continual periods of bickering, may eventually bring the couple to realise that separation and responsibility for their own livelihoods may be the best solution (kamót, see the figurative entry). Even relative periods of calm and tranquility may be broken when a husband has to step in to protect his wife from advances made to her by another (aníˈ) or in the extreme case where there is an attempt to remove her by force (dahás).

Bikol shares the general meaning of dahás with Tagalog where it means 'to take by force', although there is no specific reference in Tagalog of this applying to women.[103] In Waray and Cebuano the meaning also centres on violence, but in the larger sense of sacking and pillaging a town during a time of conflict.[104]
    ráˈot-ráˈot enmity, ill-will, displeasure or dissatisfaction between husband and wife or those in a group; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be displeased with s/o; to show dissatisfaction toward s/o or be ill-disposed toward s/o; to make one's life difficult (a husband to a wife); MAG‑, IPAG‑ to be displeased or dissatisfied about s/t; MA‑ a husband who makes his wife's life difficult [MDL]

    kamót hand; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make s/t with the hands; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to run the hands over s/t (such as an image); (fig‑) PAG‑‑AN: Pagkinamtán kitá Let's go our own ways and earn our own livelihood (Said when a husband and wife or relatives argue)]

    aníˈ referring to a situation where one's enemy or opponent causes a fight between himself and a husband, relative or friend by making advances toward the wife; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to incite such a fight with s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to incite such a fight by saying s/t or by a particular action; MAKA‑, MA‑ to be incited to fight in this way [MDL]

    dahás violence or force shown toward a woman; MA‑ describing one who shows violence toward women; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take another person's wife or woman by force; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to use force or show violence toward a woman [MDL]
Arguments may also arise from a test of wills where one person refuses to give in to the other (sángil, súbok), or it may come about after an adverse situation has been rectified, where the aggrieved person questions whether the situation should have arisen in the first place (sahúri, from hurí 'late', 'overdue').
    sángil MAG‑ to be at loggerheads; to refuse to give in to one another; MA‑ to be stubborn; to refuse to do s/o's bidding; to disobey s/o; Kasángil mo doy You are very stubborn [MDL]

    súbok MA‑, ‑AN to argue stubbornly with s/o; to be firm in one's opposition to s/o; to oppose s/o with great conviction; MA‑, I‑ to say or do s/t when opposing s/o; MAG‑ to oppose one another, neither giving any ground (two people or many opposing each other); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to firmly oppose a number of people; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in opposition to a number of people; (fig‑) Nagsusúbok na gáyo sa kuyán Those people are equally stubborn [MDL]

    sahúri MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to quarrel with s/o; to chastize or punish s/o who has hindered or obstructed you in some way after the impediment has been removed; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to impose a particular punishment [MDL]
While arguing is not a spectator sport, arguments which play out in front of others will certainly draw the attention of whomever is nearby. Manók 'chicken' has a special use in such circumstances referring to people who look on while others are arguing, making no attempt to interfere. The underlying reference here is to attendance at a cockfight, hence the reference to 'chickens'. Not all who observe an argument, however, may remain silent. If there is a feeling that the argument is trivial, then reference may be made to finding an anomaly in the drawn boundary between two rice fields, something not worth fighting over (dúlon).
    manók MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to look on as people argue, making no attempt to interfere (as one would behave when watching a cockfight) [MDL]

    dúlon MA‑ to work in a field adjacent to another; MAG‑ to be side by side (two agricultural fields); to work in adjacent fields; ... (fig‑) Garó na kamó naghúliˈ nin pagdulónan It is as if you are finding fault with the boundary between two fields (Said when people argue over things of little consequence) ... [MDL]
Someone seeing that an argument is getting out of hand may warn of the emotional or physical consequences of being very upset (buˈnág) and others may point out that the argument has gone on for so long that the original point has been completely lost (gúmon).
    buˈnág ... [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to spread s/t, such as newly harvested rice, in the sun to dry; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to spread rice or other items out on a mat to dry; (fig‑) ... Kayáˈ kundíˈ makabuˈnág an tulák But be careful you don't spread the contents of your stomach (Said to s/o who is quarreling)]

    gúmon a small bundle of tangled or uncombed abaca fiber which must be combed in preparation for weaving; MA‑ to be entangled (fiber, such as abaca, cotton, silk); (fig‑) Garó na kamó kagúmon-gumónan It's like you have got yourself all tied up (Said when one argues so much they forget who they are arguing with; or when one strikes blindly out with a knife, forgetting exactly who they are fighting) [MDL]
Arguments may not always have a satisfactory resolution with some ending with an exchange of blows (buˈók, gúlong). The scratching or clawing which might accompany a deteriorating argument (kawhág) is something the modern world might associate with arguments among women, but Lisboa makes no mention of gender.
    buˈók MAG‑ to quarrel, exchanging blows (two people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to quarrel in this way over s/t; MA‑, ‑AN to give s/o a blow in a quarrel; to strike s/o; MANG‑ to be an outlaw; to be wanted by the law; to become infamous due to indiscriminate killing; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to kill indiscriminately [MDL]

    gúlong MAG‑ to come to blows during an argument; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to fight with s/o during an argument (many against one); MA‑, ‑ON to fight with s/o during an argument [MDL]

    kawhág MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to scratch or claw at s/o when quarreling; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to scratch s/t off; PAG‑ scratching, clawing [MDL]

(iii) Debates
Some disagreements may be classified as arguments and others as debates, perhaps a more civil way of maintaining divergent views (rawí, súyat). Here different points of view are presented and held, with the possibility that the investigation and reasoning may eventually bring about agreement
    rawí MAG‑ to argue or debate with one another; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to argue or debate with s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to argue a point; to have a debate over s/t; rawí-rawí MAG‑ to argue or debate (many people) [MDL]

    súyat MA‑, ‑ON to argue or debate with s/o; MA‑, I‑ to argue over or debate s/t; to wrangle over s/t; MAG‑ to argue with one another; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to argue with one another over s/t; MA‑, IPAG‑ to present one's point of view when arguing with s/o; súyat-súyat MAG‑ to argue (many people) [MDL]
Agreement may be reached when strong evidence manages to convince one of the participants that they were in the wrong (susíˈ), or agreement may come about when further investigation reveals the underlying truth of the matter (sudyáˈ). This last term has changed in modern Bikol where the meaning has become 'to censure, reprimand' or 'blame'.
    susíˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to have a dispute, argument or altercation with s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to have a dispute over s/t; MAG‑ to have a dispute (two people); MAKA‑, MA‑ to win s/o over to your point of view in a dispute; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to convince s/o about s/t; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to present arguments to convince s/o; PAG‑ a dispute, altercation: Makurí an pagsusíˈ nindá Their dispute was terrible [MDL]

    sudyáˈ MAG‑, ‑ON to admonish s/o; to censure, chide, rebuke, reprimand, reproach or reprove s/o [MDL: MA‑ to investigate or look into s/t so as to be satisfied with the conclusions one has drawn; MAG‑ to work to get to the truth of the matter (two people); to attempt to convince one another that one's point of view is right (a number of people); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN / MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to disagree over s/t; to dispute the veracity of s/t; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to argue a point with s/o; to disagree with s/o over the truth or falsity of s/t; MAKA‑, MA‑ or MAKA‑, IKA‑ to bring s/o around to your point of view about s/t; to convince s/o of s/t; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to be able to win s/o over; to be able to convince s/o; PAG‑ conviction, a convincing argument]
When divergent opinions are more strongly held, this may result in what may be described as a clash of wills (tiwáy). Resolution in such instances may not be possible, and in cases where obedience is expected, as within families between children and their parents, the outcome will clearly be with the side holding the greater power.
    tiwáy MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be in disagreement with s/o; to not see eye to eye with s/o; to not conform to s/o's opinion; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to hold a divergent view or opinion; Katiwáy mong ákiˈ sa magúrang Your child is very discourteous to his parents [MDL]

(iv) Provocations
Arguments can come about for any number of reasons and they can persist and develop in any number of ways. They can arise when someone becomes aware of an incident which has brought about feelings of resentment. They then seek out the person who brought about these feelings in order to confront them (rawál). The reason for the argument may also be unspecified, based simply on the desire to pick a quarrel (sáˈan-sáˈan), or it may come down to a someone's personality where a quarrel is the desired outcome of a person's aggressiveness (hingos).
    rawál MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to search s/o out to give them a talking to or to have an argument with them; to go to s/o's house to give them a piece of your mind or to pick a fight with them; MAG‑ to argue with one another; MAKI‑ to search s/o out for an argument [MDL]

    sáˈan-sáˈan MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to look for an excuse (for a quarrel, to leave, to flee); MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAG PA‑‑AN to look for an excuse to quarrel with s/o or to leave or flee from a particular place [MDL]

    hingos MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to go around picking fights with people; to be quarrelsome toward people [MDL]
Provocation can also take other forms. It is possible to drive someone to the end of their patience causing them to become angry, with the result being a full-blown argument (púsok). Saying something annoying or irritating may also bring about the same result (tíngol), as may repeated requests or questions (uyát) or the saying of something derogatory (nuksó).
    púsok MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to drive s/o to the end of their patience; to provoke s/o, causing them to lose their patience and become angry; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to provoke s/o by doing or saying s/t; MAKA‑ to cause s/o to lose their patience; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to lose patience with s/o; to be at the end of one's tether with s/o or s/t; to be absolutely fed up with s/o: Napúsok na akó saímo I can't stand you anymore; ‑ON: puskánon or puruskánon impatient, short-tempered, hot-headed: Puruskánon na matuklós si kuyán That person doesn't have much patience with his work [MDL]

    tíngol MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to annoy or irritate s/o by what one says; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t irritating or annoying; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to find yourself repeatedly annoyed or irritated by s/o; IKA‑ irritating, annoying (what s/o says) [MDL]

    uyát MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pester or harass s/o with repeated requests or questions; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to repeatedly ask s/t; MA‑ a pest, vexatious; uyát-uyát MAG‑ to ask over and over again [MDL]

    nuksó curse; MAG‑, ‑ON to put a curse on s/o [MDL: MAKA‑, MA‑ to provoke s/o to anger; to enrage s/o by saying s/t derogatory; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to say s/t derogatory, provoking s/o to anger]
Teasing, mocking or ridiculing someone will, undoubtedly, not be well received (rúkaˈ-dúkaˈ, sugót-sugót, ulóg-ulóg), and to preclude the otherwise inevitable consequences of such repeated behaviour, one is left with few alternatives.
    rúkaˈ-dúkaˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to tease or mock s/o; to harass s/o; ‑ON a tease; one who mocks, harasses [MDL]

    sugót-sugót MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to mock or ridicule s/o; to make fun of s/o; MA‑ a tease; one who mocks or ridicules; also sugót [MDL]

    ulóg-ulóg MAG‑, ‑ON to scorn, disdain or mock ... [+MDL: úlog-úlog MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to mock or ridicule s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to hold s/o up to particular ridicule; ‑ON one who ridicules or mocks]
Perhaps the least stressful alternative is to avoid such people in the future (aliyayhá). Other alternatives are to walk away, making some excuse to leave (tárik), or to just leave, either calmly (híwal) or in anger (lúgong). It is possible that the intent of the ridicule was to drive the person away (húlay), and in such cases the decision to leave would have met the intention of the speaker.
    aliyayhá MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to avoid particular people, wanting to have nothing to do with them because they reproach, upbraid or say unkind words about others [MDL]

    tárik MA‑ to leave or excuse o/s so as to avoid an argument or fight; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to walk away from an argument or fight [MDL]

    híwal MA‑ or MAG‑ to leave; to walk away from s/o so as to not suffer further maltreatment; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to leave a particular person or place for this reason [MDL]

    lúgong MA‑ or MAG‑ to go off angry or irritated; to go off in a huff because of what has been said to you; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to leave s/o for this reason [MDL]

    húlay ‑AN: huláyan taˈ or huláyan saná expression used to mock or ridicule s/o with the intent of driving them away [MDL]
Provocation may frequently come from a third person, often deliberately seeking to cause trouble between two other people. This can be general, where the reason for the discontentment remains unspecified (háron), it can arise from rumours or gossip (hátod-hátod), or the deliberate altering of what has been said (kulíˈ-kulíˈ). Lisboa has figurative entries referring to people who seem to make it their practice to sow discord: panás, based on the term 'sharply pointed', referring to people who go from place to place causing trouble, and úring based on the term 'charcoal', referring to people who go around besmirching the reputations of others.
    háron MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sow discord or discontentment between two people, leading to unpleasantness and arguments; to turn two people against each other; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t leading to discord and discontentment; harón-háron MAG‑ to go about sowing discord and discontentment, causing unpleasantness and arguments [MDL]

    hátod-hátod MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to spread rumors about people, causing discord; MA‑, ‑AN: hátod-hatorán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paghátod-hatorán to tell a rumor to s/o; to cause discord among people by spreading rumors or gossip; MA‑ rumor monger, a gossip [MDL]

    kulíˈ-kulíˈ inconsistent, variable in speech: Katangkóran na úlay, daˈíng kulí-kulí Honest talk or Straight talk with nothing changed; MA‑: makulíng-kulíng táwo describing s/o who is inconsistent in what they say; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to change or vary s/t that is said with the aim of causing trouble; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use particular words in changing what has been said; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to cause trouble between people by deliberately reporting incorrectly to one what the other has said [MDL]

    panás MA‑ having a sharp point; MAG‑, ‑AN to sharpen s/t to a point [+MDL: pointed (a stick, length of bamboo); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to carve s/t to a point; (fig‑) panás magibóng describing s/o who goes from place to place sowing discord]

    úring charcoal (usually referring to charcoal made from coconut shell); ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make charcoal from a particular wood; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to blacken s/t with charcoal; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use charcoal for a particular purpose; PAGKA‑ the making of charcoal ... (fig‑) MAPAG‑: mapagúring táwo a person who besmirches the reputations of others; one who sows discord]
Incitement to argue can also be more direct, such as goading someone in a way that may also be used to provoke an animal to attack (agyát).
    agyát MAG‑, ‑ON to force s/o; to persuade s/o forcefully; to dare s/o; MANG‑ to put pressure on s/o; to bully or goad s/o to do s/t; to put s/o under duress [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to goad s/o into an argument or an animal into biting or attacking; MA‑ to feel distressed, agitated, incited]
Ill-feeling can also be created or enhanced. Instead of simply observing a business transaction, a third person may encourage the buyer to question whether the exchange was honestly carried out, referring to the way the purchased items were weighed, or to ask for items in addition to what was agreed on (yawít). An already bad situation may be made far worse by inflaming the emotions of someone who is already angry, revealing or inventing additional negative things about the person they are angry at (saginunóng).

Saginunóng is clearly a compound form, the first element of which is sagín which, when affixed with the set of causative affixes, creates the meaning 'to defame' or 'to misrepresent someone to others'. The second part of the compound is less straight-forward. If we maintain the final stress of unóng then the meaning is 'to live in someone else's house'; if we use the form with penultimate stress, then we have the meaning 'to share in another's work'. While it is possible to assign a literal meaning to the compound, the result would only be speculative.
    yawít MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to dare s/o or incite s/o to argue, or to ask for more than they are entitled to, or to question the way items have been weighed; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t as an incitement or dare [MDL]

    saginunóng MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to incite, stir up or inflame the emotions of one who is already angry with s/o else by saying s/t bad about that person; to encourage s/o to persist in some wrongdoing that they have already begun by saying that they won't be caught; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to say s/t to incite s/o; to take s/t on the sly after being encouraged to do so [MDL]

(v) Reconciliation
Arguments will eventually end, and those who at one point had stopped speaking to each other may again find themselves on speaking terms (húron). On other occasions it may take a third party to step and make things right, talking to both people involved (háwak, híron), or to just one of them where the blame is felt to be more one-sided (hubád, see the figurative meaning).
    húron ... [+MDL: MA‑ to engage in pleasant conversation; to again be on speaking terms (those who had stopped talking to one another); MAG‑ to confer (many people, the leaders of a community); KA‑ the person one talks to; PAGKA‑ conversation; conference, negotiations; hurón-húron MAG‑ to frequently converse with one another; to behave like lovers, always exchanging tidbits of conversation]

    háwak MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to reconcile or make peace between two people who have quarreled [MDL]

    híron MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to straighten s/t up; to rectify s/t; to set s/t right; to settle an argument; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to settle an argument between two people; (fig‑) Kadákol kahíron-híron kainíng úlay mo You speak in a very roundabout manner [MDL]

    hubád MAG‑, ‑ON to undo a knot; to untie or unfasten s/t; to disentangle or untangle s/t [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to come loose or become undone (a knot or tie); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to loosen a knot or tie; MA‑, ‑AN: hubarán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paghubarán to untie (as the hands, feet, a person); (fig‑) Hubarón mo si pagkatampalásan mo ki kuyán Undo your impudence toward that person (Meaning: Ask for forgiveness or Say you are sorry)]

(vi) Reprimands and Blame
Reprimands and scoldings generally occur where there is a state of unequal power relationships. Parents may scold children, and those in authority may reprimand those over whom they expect to have some control. Blame, on the other hand, can occur across all social and personal levels, bringing varying responses and outcomes.

A simple reprimand (túyaw) might be expressed in the hopes of correcting evidence of deficient behaviour. This can be lightly done so as not to cause offense, more like chiding or nudging someone to change their behaviour (húpay, agumúˈod), used perhaps in a situation where someone is reminded that they talk too much (kábal-kábal).
    túyaw MAG‑, ‑ON to comment on s/t; to remark about s/t; MAG‑, I‑ to add a comment or a remark; PAG‑ commentary [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to scold or reproach s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in reproach; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to scold s/o (many people); MA‑ argumentative]

    húpay MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to chide s/o; to gently admonish or reprove s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in admonishment [MDL]

    agumúˈod MA‑, ‑AN: agumuˈóran or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN: pagagumuˈóran to chide or reprimand s/o you are annoyed with [MDL]

    kábal-kábal term used to reprimand s/o by telling them they talk too much: Nagkakábal-kábal ka man giráray You're always running off at the mouth [MDL]
Reprimands can also be more extreme (nalasáˈ) and can go on repeatedly or be accompanied by an almost endless stream of speech (daˈdáˈ). They can also be particularly hurtful, causing insult where they contravene customs of politeness. Such would be the case where someone was referred to by their given name (tangpás), something which shows a lack of respect (paksáˈ). Depending of the nature of the relationship, proper address would be by use of an accepted title (palagsák).
    nalasáˈ MAKA‑, MA‑ or MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to censure, reprimand, rebuke or scold s/o in the extreme; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to use strong words when scolding or reprimanding s/o [MDL]

    daˈdáˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to admonish or reprimand s/o, presenting an endless stream of speech; to repeatedly reprimand s/o; MA‑, I‑ MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say many things in admonishment or as a reprimand: Mapagdaˈdáˈ ka pa, daˈí ka máyoˈ tataˈóng pakaráy You continue to be reprimanded, and still you don't know how to improve you behavior [MDL]

    tangpás MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to reprimand s/o; to scold s/o to their face or by referring to them by name; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t when reprimanding or scolding s/o [MDL]

    paksáˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to call s/o by their full name, thereby showing a lack of respect; different from gaháˈ which is a nickname showing respect or affection; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use the full name when calling s/o [MDL]

    palagsák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to call parents, in-laws or other people who should be regarded with respect by their own names instead of by title, thereby showing less respect than might normally be expected; in-laws should be addressed with the titles amáˈ for men and ináˈ for women, and others by the name of one of their children, such as amáng Juan father of Juan or ináng Juana mother of Juana [MDL]
Sulsól is a term which comes into modern Bikol with the meaning 'to regret', or 'to be remorseful', only part of the meaning Lisboa included in his Vocabulario. Depending on its affixation, the term also meant 'to scold' or 'to reprimand', this part of the meaning now lost.
    sulsól MAG‑ to be remorseful; MAG‑, ‑AN to repent or atone for s/t; to deplore, regret or rue s/t; PAG‑ atonement, regret, remorse, repentance [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to reprimand or scold s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to reprimand s/o for a particular reason; makurí an pagsulsól to have terrible regrets; to be given a terrible scolding; MANG‑, MANG‑‑AN or MAKANG‑, MANG‑‑AN or MAKAPANG‑, MANG‑ ‑AN to regret, rue s/t; IKANG‑ to blame o/s for s/t; Makapanulsól ka ngápit You'll regret it later]
When individuals come to suspect that someone else in the community has done something that should not have been done, we then enter the realm of accusation and blame. This can be on an individual basis (sahót), or the whole community can take a stand against one individual (yunyón). A change in affixation on yunyón also dramatically changes the focus, from one whom everyone has denounced or accused, to one who has been burdened with wide-ranging responsibilities.
    sahót MAG‑, ‑ON to allege or suspect s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to suspect s/o of s/t; to allege s/o did s/t [MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to blame or accuse s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to blame or accuse s/o of s/t]

    yunyón MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to take a position against s/o; to accuse, denounce or contradict s/o (the whole household or community); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to accuse s/o of s/t; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to fall on one's shoulders; to become one's responsibility (household chores, work, business dealings); MA‑, IKA‑ to be responsible for all duties or chores; Sakóˈ saná kayuyunyón iníng dakól na gigibóhon Everything that has be to done has fallen on me [MDL]
Blame has no legal requirement, and where one person may feel another has done something wrong, the basis for this feeling may have no relationship to what has actually happened. Blame can be apportioned with absolutely no evidence whatsoever (punggá, murángos), or it may be directed at someone where there is only circumstantial evidence to draw on (tukdáw). Even more pernicious is the case where blame cannot be directed at those who might deserve it, and so is consequently targeted at a group which includes the innocent as well as the guilty (rabáy).
    punggá MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to blame, mistreat or accuse s/o of s/t without basis or cause; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to treat s/o in this way for a particular reason [MDL]

    murángos MANGHING‑, PANGHING‑‑AN to take out anger on one who is blameless; to blame s/o unjustly [MDL]

    tukdáw MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to blame s/o without basis or foundation; to accuse s/o using circumstantial evidence; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to blame s/o for s/t; to accuse s/o of s/t [MDL]

    rabáy MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to blame or punish everyone for the misdeeds of a few; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to blame and punish the innocent along with the guilty; MA‑‑AN to be blamed or punished in this way (the guilty and innocent); IKA‑ to be blamed or punished (the innocent); MAKA‑ to blame the innocent along with the guilty [MDL]
Where blame cannot be directed at those who are truly at fault, it is directed elsewhere. This may be a deliberate act occasioned by the fear of accusing the rightfully guilty party (pári), or it may be more of a lashing out where anger is either misdirected or deliberately directed at someone else (muswáng). Whatever the case, the censure or blame is misplaced (básol).
    paríˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to vent one's anger on s/o who does not deserve it, not having the nerve to direct it to the rightful person [MDL]

    muswáng MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to take out the anger one feels toward s/o on s/o else; to direct one's anger toward one who is blameless; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to direct one's anger elsewhere, and not where it should be directed [MDL]

    básol MAG‑, ‑ON to blame or censure s/o; to reprove s/o; MAG‑, I‑ to blame s/o for s/t; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to take the blame for s/t; to atone or repent for s/t [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to blame, censure or reproach s/o for s/t another person has done]

(vii) Annoyance and Offence
A person can become annoyed for any one of many reasons (uyám), and in turn their behaviour can annoy others. There are also those who are inherently grouchy or cranky and so can be irritated at the slightest provocation (purók-pusók, puˈsóng).
    uyám MA‑ annoying, bothersome, irksome; MA‑‑ON obnoxious, repellent; MAKA‑ annoying, disagreeable, irritating, distasteful; MA‑ to be annoyed, bothered; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be annoyed or irritated at s/o; MAG‑, ‑ON to annoy, bother or harass s/o; to aggravate s/o; MAG‑, I‑ to be annoyed about s/t [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to become annoyed; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to annoy s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to annoy s/o about s/t; MA‑‑ON vexed, irritated; Iyó pang nakauyám idtóng si kuyán And that is it for the irritating ways of that person (Said when one dies shortly after falling ill, indicating that he will not be missed by the doctors who treated him or those who served him)]

    purók-pusók MA‑ or MAG‑ to be irritated or annoyed; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be irritated or annoyed at s/o [MDL]

    puˈsóng irritated, grouchy, cranky, annoyed; MA‑ or MAG‑ to become irritated, grouchy, cross at the slightest provocation; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to become annoyed at s/o [MDL]
The indication of annoyance need not be verbal. While the modern meaning of puróng-pusóng refers to someone who is grumpy or petulant, for Lisboa it referred to someone showing non-verbal annoyance by stopping what they might be doing, looking at was going on, and shaking the head in disapproval. Perhaps what was being observed was someone working too slowly or apathetically (yúwoˈ-yúwoˈ), or someone engaging in some bit of foolishness, or exhibiting uncalled for stubbornness (baróˈ).
    puróng-pusóng cranky, grouchy, grumpy, irate, irritable, petulant; ‑ON describing s/o who is grouchy; MAG‑ to become cranky [MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to shake the head in anger or annoyance, stopping what one is doing; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be annoyed at s/o in this way: Puróng-pusóng na si kuyán That person is really annoyed; (fig‑) Minuróng-pusóng namán si amáˈ Father is shaking his head again in anger (Said when there is a sudden gust of wind)]

    yúwoˈ-yúwoˈ MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be annoyed or fed up at seeing s/o do s/t slowly or apathetically; Yúwoˈ-yúwoˈ ko saímong maghilíng It annoys me to see you so apathetic [MDL]

    baróˈ ignorant, foolish; stubborn; MA‑ or MAG‑ to be ignorant, foolish; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to irritate or annoy s/o with one's ignorance, foolishness or stubbornness; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to ask foolish questions which result in irritating others; baróˈ-baróˈ MAG‑ to repeatedly ask foolish questions; to stubbornly pursue a point; ‑ON: baróˈ-baróˈon na táwo s/o who acts in this way [MDL]
There are also many specific reasons why one might become annoyed. Waiting for someone who does not arrive on time may lead to anxiety and apprehension as well as annoyance (langkág), and the longer one waits, the greater the feeling of irritation (pángoˈ). Pararatóng, from the root datóng 'to arrive', is non-specific as to the cause of the annoyance. The causative affixation on the root leads to a possible conclusion that this is someone who has been summoned because their presence was needed, and has arrived, possibly, late.
    langkág MAG‑, ‑ON to wait anxiously or apprehensively for s/o; MAKA‑ causing apprehension or anxiety (as s/o not arriving on time); MA‑ to be anxious or apprehensive; PAG‑ apprehension, anxiety, misgiving [+MDL: MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be annoyed at having to wait for s/o; MAKA‑ to be annoying (as s/o not arriving on time); MA‑‑ON: malalangkágon one who gets annoyed at having to wait; MAGMA‑ to show one is annoyed; MAGMA‑, PAGMA‑‑‑ON to say s/t to show one is annoyed at having to wait]

    pángoˈ MAG‑ to become annoyed, fed up after waiting a long time for s/o: Nagpángoˈ na akó paghalát ki kuyán I'm fed up waiting for that person; Nagpángoˈ na akó paghalát saímo I'm tired of waiting for you [MDL]

    pararatóng MA‑, ‑AN: pararatngán to be angry or annoyed at s/o in your house who has just come in from outside (as from another house or from work in the fields) [MDL]
Verbal communication alone can also lead to irritation and annoyance. Offence can easily be taken when shown a particular discourtesy (babangháˈ), when displeased at someone's words or actions (gagátok), when told something that causes resentment (biˈnól, hinálod), or when asked to do something that is not something one wants to do (kúsong). Breaking expected custom may also cause ill-will. The entry puráw has two sets of meanings, one indicating that resentment can be felt without a specific cause, and the other arising from a type of insult when drinking customs are not followed. Hinálod is clearly a complex entry with a form of the prefix hing- indicating 'transition'. This would leave a root of the form sálod, which does not have a relevant meaning in Bikol.
    babangháˈ MA‑‑ON: mababangháˈon na táwo touchy; describing s/o who becomes annoyed at the slightest provocation; MA‑ to be annoyed by an unkind word or discourtesy; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be annoyed at s/o for this reason; MAKA‑ or IKA‑ to cause such annoyance or displeasure [MDL]

    gagátok MA‑, MA‑‑AN to take offense at what s/o does or says; to be displeased or cross at s/o; MA‑‑ON: magagatókon cross, vexed, peevish; easily offended [MDL]

    biˈnól MAG‑ to be peeved, irritated, irked [+MDL: binól MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be annoyed, displeased or resentful at what has been said to you, or toward the person who has said it; MAKA‑ to cause such displeasure]

    hinálod MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to take offence at what s/o has said; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to become annoyed at s/o who has said s/t causing offence; MAPANG‑: mapanhinálod na táwo one who takes offence at what is said; also: to involve o/s on behalf of a friend or relative when an offence is committed against them; to repay a debt for s/o who is unable to do so himself: Taˈ daw taˈ nanhihinálod ka; iká an linalanghadán ko? - Taˈ daw taˈ daˈí ko man hinálod na, linalanghadán mo an sakóng ákiˈ? Why are you taking offence; were you the one I insulted? - Why shouldn't I take offence when you have insulted my child?; Daˈí kutá na akóng ibinabáyad kundíˈ pinanhinálod ni amá idtóng útang ko I wouldn't have been able to pay, but my father repaid my debt [MDL]

    kúsong MA‑ or MAG‑ to do or say s/t in an annoyed, irritated or vexed manner: Nakúsong ka saná kon sinúgoˈ ka na You become irritable when s/o asks you carry out an errand; Makúsong namán ngápit si kuyán That person will just get annoyed (if you ask her to do s/t) [MDL]

    puráw MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to be annoyed with s/o without just cause; to give s/o a drink without drinking first and offering them a toast (see álap); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to be annoyed at s/o due to a particular reason; to offer a drink of tubáˈ without first drinking and offering a toast [MDL]

(viii) Anger
Annoyance and anger are separated only by degrees of irritation. In modern Bikol siríˈ describes a temperamental, thin-skinned person who is easily angered, a change from the meaning recorded by Lisboa where the term referred to the mischievous and quarrelsome behaviour of young men. Even people who are usually calm, easy-going and generally forgiving can be roused to anger (gagátaˈ).
    siríˈ MA‑ thin-skinned, easily angered; ill-humored, ill-natured, ill-tempered, irascible, temperamental; MÁGIN MA‑ to become temperamental; siríˈ-siríˈ hotheaded, easily angered [MDL: MA‑ naughty, mischievous, quarrelsome (young men, boys): Si masiríng ákiˈ iní What an incorrigible young man this is; MANG‑ to go around picking fights (young men, boys)]

    gagátaˈ MA‑ to be angered, roused, provoked (one who is normally calm, easy going, accommodating or forgiving); usually used in the negative: DAˈÍ MA‑: Daˈí nagagagátaˈ si kuyán That person is very slow to anger; DAˈÍ MA‑, MA‑‑AN to bear s/t; to accommodate or forgive s/o; to be slow to exact vengeance on s/o; Si daˈí magagagátang táwo si kuyán patient, long-suffering; MA‑‑ON: magagagatáˈon vengeful, quick to anger; cross, peevish; (fig‑) Hangáw kagagagátaˈ si kuyán kon nagtatarám That person is hardly roused when speaking (Meaning: You can hardly get a word out of him or her) [MDL]
Any number of terms referred to anger, from the most general, anggót, the common term in the modern language, to terms which have now fallen out of use (dúmol, hulók). Mulanghít described a more extreme type of anger verging on fury, a term which is also no longer used.

Mulanghít is another complex form, although neither the meaning of the root nor the affix is recoverable. The fullest possible form may very well have been hing- + pu- + langhít resulting in himulanghít after the expected assimilation. Loss of the first part of the prefix, hi-, would have resulted in the current form. While there is some evidence that a prefix of the form pu- existed,[105] without an attributable meaning for the root, this derivation must be seen as speculative.
    anggót angry, cross, peevish, piqued, mad; MA‑ ‑ON or ‑ON very angry, cross; fractious; ... aranggóton easily angered, hotheaded, irritable, testy, touchy; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make s/o angry; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be angry at s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to be angry for a particular reason; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be angry at s/o or s/t]

    dúmol MA‑, MA‑‑AN to be annoyed or angry at s/o; MA‑, IKA‑ to be annoyed or angry for a particular reason; MAGKA‑ to be annoyed or angry at one another [MDL]

    hulók MA‑, MA‑‑AN: mahulkán to be angry or annoyed at s/o; MA‑, IKA‑ to be angry at s/o for a particular reason; MAKA‑ to be annoying, angering; MA‑‑AN: mahuhulkán angry, cross, annoyed [MDL]

    mulanghít MA‑ to be very angry, cross, irritated or annoyed; to be furious; to fly into a rage; Namulanghít na si kuyán That person is very angry; Namumulanghít túlos si kuyán kon naanó-anohán na That person flies into a rage if you bother him [MDL]
Numerous ways exist of expressing anger, but one of the most obvious is with the voice. Raising the voice and talking loudly may very well be a sign of anger (gasák) as well as loud speech which shows irritation (laghód).
    gasák referring to s/o who is loud and angry; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to say s/t loudly and in anger; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to raise the voice in anger [MDL]

    laghód describing speech showing irritation or anger; MA‑ or MAG‑ to speak or talk loudly and angrily; MA‑, ‑AN: laghorán or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN: paglanghorán to speak irritably or angrily to s/o; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to say s/t in an irritable or angry way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to direct particular angry words toward s/o; Laghód an pagtarám ni kuyán; naaanggót gayód That person is speaking loudly and irritably; she must be angry [MDL]

(ix) Challenges and Threats
There are, undoubtedly many subtle and overt reasons for people to find themselves at odds with one another. Enmity or ill-will (rimírim) is the result of unpleasant associations, either current or historical, as is the bearing of grudges (ráˈan-dáˈan) arising from unresolved, and possibly, unresolvable hostility. Such grudges may result in short-term conflict where the smallest reason could be used to cause trouble (gumárit), or in long-term feuds between families in the same village (natád).
    rimírim MA‑, MA‑‑AN to hold ill-will toward s/o; to be unfriendly or hostile toward s/o; MAGKA‑ to hold ill-will toward one another; to share mutual enmity [MDL]

    ráˈan-dáˈan MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to hold a grudge against s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to hold a grudge for a particular reason [MDL]

    gumárit MAKI‑, PAKI‑‑AN to look for a pretext or excuse for some action; for example: to not do what one is told; to pick a fight with s/o one has previously had a grudge against) [MDL]

    natád MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagnatarán to feud; to fight (one clan or family with another in a village); MAG‑, IPAG‑ to take up arms in such a fight or feud [MDL]
Warnings exist which counsel someone to tread carefully when dealing with one who is angry, advising them, for example, not to oppose what is being said (sungsóng, see the figurative entry), or cautioning them that a fight with one individual may lead to the collective animosity of other members of the family (siróm, see the figurative entry).
    sungsóng MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to go against the current or into the wind; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to steer a boat into the wind or against the current; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to enter an area where one has to go against the current or head into the wind; (fig‑) Maráˈot kon pagsungsongán tang naaanggót pa It's not a good idea to contradict one who is still angry [MDL]

    siróm ant (typ‑ small, red, biting); MAG‑, ‑ON to bite s/t (such ants); ‑ON to be covered with such ants [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to eat s/t (ants); (fig‑) Garó ka pagsiromón kon pakiíwal ka kaiyán dakól na magturúgang It's as if you'll be covered with ants if that family picks a fight with you (Said as a warning about associating with a family where there are many brothers and sisters)]
People who are reaching the end of their tether may also issue warnings to those they find exasperating, indicating what might happen if their behaviour continues; threatening to beat them (pagpág), trample on them (linák), break their jaw (paták), wring their neck (gútol), slap or whip them (dalín), cut them in two (tapasák), or stab them like a frog in the grass accidentally killed when clearing the rice fields (gabás).
    pagpág MAG‑, I‑ to shake s/t out (as a rug); MAG‑, ‑AN to beat s/t to remove the dust; to beat s/t against s/t else [MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to shake or beat bundles of straw to be used for roofing; MANG‑ to flap the wings vigorously (fowl, birds); (fig‑) Papagpagán taká ngatdihán kon maanggót akó I'll give you a good beating if I get angry]

    linák MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to thresh rice with the feet, used in annoyance or anger in place of giník; to trample on s/t; (fig‑) Paglilinakán taká ngatdihán kon maanggót akó I'll trample on you if I get angry [MDL]

    paták MA‑ or MAG‑ to split, cleft, break or crack s/t (as an ivory bracelet); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to split, cleave or crack s/t; MAKA‑, MA‑ to split, crack or break; PAG‑ splitting, cracking; KA‑ ‑AN a split, cleavage; (fig‑) Mapapaták ngatdihán an saláng mo kon maanggót akó I'll break your jaw if I get angry [MDL]

    gútol MAG‑, ‑ON or MANG‑, (PANG‑)‑ON to pick flowers or leaves by pinching them off with the nails ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pinch off flowers or leaves with the nails; (fig‑) Gugutólon ko ngatdihán an halanóhan mo In another moment I'm going to wring your neck]

    dalín ‑ON: dinalín torch (typ‑ made from a round ball of resin); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make such a torch; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to roll resin into a ball on a particular surface; (fig‑) Pagdalinón taká ngatdihán A few moments more and I'll flog you or I'll slap you [MDL]

    tapasák splat, the sound of an egg falling and breaking on the floor; the sound of hacking into s/t soft (like the trunk of a banana plant); MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound; (fig‑) Magtatapasák ka pakaraháy ngatdihán kon maanggót akó I'll cut you in two if I get angry [MDL]

    gabás MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to unintentionally cut or stab s/t with a knife (as a fish, or frog that happened to be in the grass when one was clearing a rice field); (fig‑) Garó ka ngatdihán kagabasán na talapáng kon maanggót akó You'll be like a frog that accidentally gets stabbed if I become angry (Said when threatening s/o with a knife) [MDL]
Such a warning might also come from a third party, witnessing the situation and advising someone when they have gone far enough (káya).
    káya MAG‑, ‑ON to withstand or endure s/t; to take or stand s/t (as pain, hard work); to afford to do s/t; ... [+MDL: káyaˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to tolerate or stand s/t: Daˈí ka kakayáˈon ni kuyán That fellow is not going to stand much more of you; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t as a threat, indicating one is at the end of their tether]
Challenging or threatening behaviour can arise for any number of reasons. Most unpredictably this can happen when one is drunk or furious, or somewhat unhinged, where the aggressive behaviour is not directed at anyone in particular, but at whomever is nearby (wásay).
    wásay MA‑ or MAG‑ to storm about threatening people, picking up and throwing about whatever one comes across (one who is drunk, furious or crazy); to be belligerent; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to walk around town in this way; to throw things about in one's house in this way; Nagwawásay na si kuyán That person is storming about [MDL]
Unresolved anger can lead to a variety of threats, those which are general (harí, pangahás), and those which involve unspecified (ároy) or specified objects such as a board, or stick (antál). When a person is not immediately present, they can be challenged to come out of their house to fight (ángat).
    harí MAGPA‑, PA‑‑AN to threaten s/o verbally [+MDL: PA‑ verbal threats; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to threaten s/o verbally; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to issue particular threats; Bakóng paharí lámang iní saímo That's not just a hollow threat directed at you]

    pangahás MA‑ threatening, menacing; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to threaten, menace or challenge s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to set down a particular challenge; to threaten s/o with s/t [MDL]

    ároy MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to threaten or menace s/o with s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t to threaten s/o [MDL]

    antál MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pick up a plank, stick or similar object by one end, and strike or threaten to strike s/o with the other; MA‑ to shake or tremble from a blow [MDL]

    ángat MAG‑, ‑ON to challenge s/o; PAG‑ a challenge [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to challenge s/o to come out of their house and fight]
Threats can also come with general warnings (uróy), or warnings which are more specific, cautioning someone they will be beaten to a pulp, presumably if some unacceptable behaviour continues (dagók, túpak), their face will be pushed and rubbed into the ground (huráhod), or their head will be split open with a knife (písang).
    uróy MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to warn s/o before striking; to threaten s/o with harm; DAˈÍ MAG‑, ‑AN to strike s/o without warning; (fig‑) Si daˈí mauróy na táwo iní This person is too aggressive in what he does to others [MDL]

    dagók MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to wash clothes, beating them with the hand or a stick; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove a stain on clothes in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a stick or the hand for beating clothes; (fig‑) Pagdadagokán taká ngatdihán I'm going to beat you to a pulp [MDL]

    túpak MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to knead s/t with the hands; (fig‑) Pagtutupákan taká ngatdihán I'll beat you to a pulp or I'll give you a severe whipping [MDL]

    huráhod MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to rub one thing against another (as when putting out a candle by rubbing it against a wall); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to rub s/t against s/t else; (fig‑) Ipaghuhuráhod taká ngatdihán I'm going to rub your face on the ground [MDL]

    písang MA‑, ‑ON to cut a yam with a knife; MA‑, ‑AN to share a cut yam with s/o; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to divide up yams, sharing the cut-up pieces; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to share the cut-up pieces of yam with others; ... (fig‑) Mapipísang an payó mo kon tigbasón taká Your head will be split open if I cut you with a knife [MDL]
Threats and intimidation can be verbal (palasák), or they can convincingly be conveyed by gesture (gagasód), perhaps specifically by moving the hands about in an intimidating way (kúpa-kúpa). Palasák can be analysed further into the root lasák and the causative prefix PA-. Both entries are presented below.
    palasák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to mistreat s/o with words or deeds; to mistreat s/o verbally or physically; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say or do s/t in such mistreatment [MDL]

    lasák MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to cause s/o or s/t to panic, or be afraid or apprehensive (as a chicken when s/o without warning tries to grasp it, a child who is roundly scolded, or an apprentice who doesn't immediately grasp s/t and is reprimanded or berated); MAKA‑, MA‑ ‑AN to be panicky or fearful [MDL]

    gagasód MA‑ or MAG‑ to make a show of force by movement and gesture; MA‑, ‑AN: gagasorán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paggagasorán to bully, menace, threaten or challenge s/o; to bluff s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to make particular movements or gestures as a threat or challenge [MDL]

    kúpa-kúpa MA‑ or MAG‑ to move the hands about in a intimidating gesture, as when threatening to strike s/o or when rebuking s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to intimidate s/o with such gestures [MDL]

The Spanish arrived in the Philippines to find small, self-governing communities ruled by individuals referred to as dátoˈ. These were individuals who obtained their status through the accumulation of power and wealth and held their positions as long as these could be maintained. Their families, too, shared their status and were exempt from many of the duties that others in the community would have to bear. In exchange for protection by their leaders, residents in the community would be expected to pay an annual tax or tribute and contribute their labour to the recurrent tasks of planting and harvesting and the more extraordinary duties of defense during times of conflict.

While there was no set system for choosing a leader, once an individual had managed to gather enough support to be recognised in that position, subsequent rulers would be chosen from the male line of the same family.

Various titles were used to refer to these leaders. Perhaps the most interesting were those used in the Tagalog regions which referred directly back to the Malay world to the south, not unusual considering the ties the Manila elite had to the Sultanate of Brunei.

The full dominance of the ruling classes was clearly obvious during the formalities accompanying death and burial. These were family-focused rituals, but their elaboration in preparation and their extravagance in execution could leave no one in doubt of their positions of power. Food was added to the coffin to accompany the dead on their journey to the afterlife, and a number of slaves were killed to serve their deceased master. Torches were lit and the coffin guarded for a considerable length of time to deter any interference by evil spirits.

The freemen and the slaves comprised the remaining two classes of society. The freemen were those who had never seen servitude, as well as those who had managed to buy their freedom after serving as slaves. Those in debt and those who were captured in the not infrequent raids on neighbouring villages could find themselves enslaved to those to whom they owed their money or lives. The same status could also be conveyed by inheritance, with the children of slaves having to serve in the same capacity as their parents.

The poor would have had the most tenuous existence, and where their relationships could be traced to the families in power, they had certain expectations of sharing which, if not met, could engender periods of extended resentment.

While there were many kindnesses that governed individuals in an interdependent community, there were also the inevitable frictions that human societies have experienced for millennia. Arguments broke out between people for any number of reasons, from major disagreements over wedding plans to marriage squabbles between husband and wife. There were large and small provocations, some possibly intended to deliberately cause trouble, and others simply the result of annoying behaviour.

Reprimands were proffered where a difference in status made such behaviour acceptable, whereas blame was far more democratic in nature. It could be targeted not only at the deserving, but also at the innocent as proof was not considered relevant. People took offence at a variety of behaviours leading either to anger, or to challenges and threats. Irony and sarcasm played a rather ambiguous role, serving sometimes to inject humour into a conversation, sometimes to show the folly of a held position, and at other times to criticise with unpredictable results. These were the relationships which both bound a community together, and also revealed the significant fissures that kept individuals apart.


[1] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, 1609, Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society - Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 271 (also in Blair and Robertson, vol.16, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' pp. 25-210, pp. 119-120); Diego de Artieda, 'Relation of the Western Islands Called Filipinas,' ca. 1572, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, pp. 190-208, p. 197; Francisco Colín, 'Native Races and their Customs,' 1663, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 37-98, pp. 86-87.

[2] Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1754, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, reimpreso 1860, see dato; Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario español - bisaya para las provincias de Sámar y Leyte, 3rd edition, aumentado por Antonio Valeriano, Manila: Santos y Bermal, 1914, see dato; Juan Feliz de la Encarnacion, Diccionario español - bisaya, Manila: Imprenta de los amigos del pais, á cargo de M. Sanchez, 1852, see dato; Alonso de Mentrida, Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya de la Isla de Panay, Manila: La Imprenta de D. Manuel y de Felix Dayot, 1841, see dato; Diego Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, en romance, 1732, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see dato.

[3] David P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, New York: American Book Company, 1905; Project Guttenberg, EBook #38269, December 11, 2011, pp. 102-104; also see the following pages for the use and later changes in the application of the term dátoˈ: 40, 59, 80, 101-103, 127,130, 138-140, 152, 164-165, 167, 202, 206-208.

[4] 'Datuk,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 5 May 2017); 'Telaga Batu Inscription,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 5 May 2017); 'Srivijaya,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 5 May 2017).

[5] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see pono; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ponooan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see pono; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see ponoan.

[6] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dolohan: the entry is listed twice on the same page with details included only in the second listing.

[7] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see matanda.

[8] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 271.

[9] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bouis; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see buhis; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bohis; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see buhis; Bergaño, Pampanga, see buis.

[10] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, pp. 119-120.

[11] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see ginoo, guinoo; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see guinoo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ginoo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see guinoo; Bergaño, Pampanga, see guino.

[12] Bible Hub (accessed 15 June 1917).

[13] Mateo Sanchez, Bisaya, 1617, Manila, Colegio de la Sagrada Compañia de Iesus, por Gaspar Aquino de Belen, 1711, see ginoo, tubo.

[14] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 86-87.

[15] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see angca.

[16] This is discussed more fully in Chapter 8, 'Jewellery and Body Ornamentation.'

[17] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, pp. 119-120.

[18] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 86-87.

[19] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see poon.

[20]] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, pp. 119-120.

[21] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see daay.

[22] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see daay; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see daay.

[23] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see hari; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hadi; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hadi; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hari; Bergaño, Pampanga, see ari.

[24] Juan R. Francisco, 'Further Notes on Pardo de Tavera's 'El Sanscrito en la lengua Tagalog',' Asian Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 223-234, pp 230-231; Spoken Sanskrit.

[25] R. O. Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, Singapore: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, n.d, see ari.

[26] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary .

[27] Old Javanese Dictionary; type adi in the search box in the upper left.

[28] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see luming.

[29] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see luming.

[30] ] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see touan.

[31] John Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, 2 vols., London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1852, see tŘan.

[32] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gat, dayan.

[33] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see megat; 'Malay styles and titles,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 10 June 2017); 'Megat Iskandar Shah of Malacca,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 10 June 2017).

[34] Bergaño, Pampanga, see bagat.

[35] Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, see dayang; William A. Marsden, Dictionary of the Malayan language, London: Cox and Baylis, 1812, see dāyang; Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see dayang.

[36] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lacan.

[37] Francisco, 'Further notes on Pardo de Tavera's 'El Sanscrito en la Lengua Tagalog',' p. 231; V. Lieberman and M. C. Ricklefs, Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section 3, 'Southeast Asia,' Leiden & Cologne: E. J. Brill, 1977, Volume 7: 'The Economic and Administrative History of Early Indonesia.' F. H. van Naerssen and R. C. de Iongh, Chapter IV: 'The Agrarian Kratons of Hindu-Java and Bali'' pp. 36-45.

[80] de Artieda, 'Relation of the Western Islands Called Filipinas', in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 197; 'Anonymous Eyewitness Account of the Conquest of Luzon,' 1572, in Christianization in the Philippines, Bulletin VI: Historical Conservation Society, Manila: Historical Conservation Society and University of San Agustin, 1965, p. 359; de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 271 (also in Blair and Robertson, vol.16, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' pp. 124-125); also see Chapter 4, 'Crime and Punishment,' Section 3.

[39] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 133.

[40] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 79-80; Pedro Chirino, S. J., 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' 1604, Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1969, p. 302.

[41] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs', in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 80; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' p. 303; Carlos Quirino and Mauro Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago'; Being chapters of 'A Late 16th Century Manila Manuscript, transcribed, translated and annotated,' Manila: The Philippine Journal of Science, vol. 87, No. 4, December 1958, p. 421.

[42] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 80; de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 133; Miguel de Loarca, , 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' 1582, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 34-187, p. 135.

[43] Juan de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' 1589, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 173-196, pp. 194-195.

[44] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 80-81, and Labor Evangelica, Misterios Apostolocos de los Obreros de la Compa˝ia de Jesus, Madrid: Joseph Fernandez de Buendia, 1663, Chapters 4 and 15-16; Chapter 15, pp 67-68.

[45] Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' pp. 416, 431-432.

[46] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see biray.

[47] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see biray; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see biray; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see biray; Bergaño, Pampanga, see biray.

[48] de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 173-174.

[49] de Loarca, 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 135.

[50] Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' p. 431.

[51] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 80.

[52] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' p. 303.

[53] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 80; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' p. 303; Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' p. 416.

[54] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 80.

[55] Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' pp. 431-432; Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 81.

[56] de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 194-195.

[57] de Loarca, , 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 135.

[58] Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' p. 415.

[59] Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' p. 431.

[60] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dayo; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dayo; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see dayo.

[61] Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' pp. 414-416.

[62] de Loarca, , 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 135.

[63] Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 80-81, and Labor Evangelica, Chapter 15, pp 67-68.

[64] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' p. 327.

[65] de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 194-195.

[66] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see hogot; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see hugut.

[67] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see hogot; Bergaño, Pampanga, see igut.

[68] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see hogot.

[69]] John Richardson, A Dictionary, Persian, Arabic and English, London: JL Cox, 1829 (originally published 1778-1780), see sayyāf.

[70] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see sayat.

[71] Quirino and Garcia, 'The manners, customs and beliefs of the Philippine inhabitants of long ago,' p. 407; de Artieda, 'Relation of the Western Islands Called Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 197; Colin, 'Native Races and their Customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 86-87; Juan de San Antonio, Chronicas de las Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos, Sampaloc: Convento de Nuestra Señora de Loreto, 1738, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 296-373, p. 468.

[72] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see timaua; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see timaua; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see timaoa; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see timaua; Bergaño, Pampanga, see timaua.

[73] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see maharlica; de San Antonio, Chronicas de las Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 349-350.

[74] Fr. Leo James English, Tagalog - English Dictionary, Manila: Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, 1986, see maharlika.

[75] DCS - Digital Corpus of Sanskrit; Ooi Keat Gin, ed., Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia from Angkor Wat to East Timor, Santa Barbara CA: ABC-CLIO Inc., 2004, p. 872.

[76] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see batak; Kamus Dewan, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1994, see batak.

[77] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see alipin; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see oripon; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see olipon; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see olipun; Bergaño, Pampanga, see alipan.

[78] de Loarca, 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 181-183.

[79] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 276; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' Chapter 46 (also in Blair and Robertson, vol. 13, pp. 56-58.

[80] de Loarca, 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 179; de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 325-326.

[81] de Loarca, 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 185.

[82] de Loarca, 'Relación de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 183-185.

[83] de San Antonio, Chronicas de las Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 477.

[84] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, pp. 121-123.

[85] de San Antonio, Chronicas de las Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 469, 473-476.

[86] Sanchez, Bisaya, see ginoo.

[87] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, pp. 124-125.

[88] John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700, 1959, Filipiniana Reprint Series, Manila: Cacho Hermanos, 1985. p. 94.

[89] de San Antonio, Chronicas de las Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 471.

[90] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see atag; Bergaño, Pampanga, see atag.

[91] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lacal, calacal; Bergaño, Pampanga, see calacal; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see calacal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see calacal.

[92] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, see duc-ha which does not appear as a headword entry, but is used in 12 example sentences throughout the dictionary under a search for pobre.

[93] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see duka.

[94] Spoken Sanskrit.

[95] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, see galang; Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, see galang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see galang.

[96] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, see ani ani, gaua; Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, see aniani, gaua.

[97] English, Tagalog - English Dictionary, see duhagi.

[98] Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, see dahagi.

[99] Kamus Dewan, see dahagi.

[100] Andrea Acri, Roger Blench, Alexandra Llandmann (eds.), Ships and Spirits: Cultural transfers in Early Monsoon Asia, Singapore: ISEAS - Yusuf Ishak Institute, 2017. p. 463.

[101] The exchange of insults in early Bikol society could be considered so severe as to end up in the courts to be adjudicated by a set of village leaders who served as judges. This aspect of social conflict was covered in Chapter 4, 'Crime and Punishment,' Section 3(i):

[102] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, see sala-sala.

[103] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, see dahas.

[104] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dahas; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dahas.

[105] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'The Fossilized Affixes of Bikol,' Currents in Pacific Linguistics: Papers on Austronesian Languages and Ethnolinguistics in Honor of George W. Grace, ed. Robert Blust, Canberra: Pacific Linguistics C-117, 1991, p. 265-291, pp. 279-281.



Published with the support of Gender and Cultural Studies, School of Culture, History and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University.
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