Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific
Monograph 1: The Philippines at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century

Malcolm W. Mintz


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Chapter 15

ARTS AND LANGUAGE


OVERVIEW

This chapter opens with a discussion of the musical instruments which were used at the turn of the sixteenth century. Sections include bells and gongs, rhythm sticks, drums, the wind instruments and strings. Time is taken to describe the construction of such instruments where this information is available. Section 2 is a short discussion of dance, associated with both religion and leisure, and in Section 3 is an extended presentation of songs, verses and chants. Examined here are those songs and verses which had a connection with religion, births and deaths, leisure and work. Included is a discussion of poetic forms with examples from Tagalog and Bikol, and an extended description of those forms found in the eastern Visayas. Section 4 looks at the presentation of narratives and the skill of individuals in delivering relevant and interesting stories. This is carried through to Section 5 which examines the way individuals spoke to one another and how good or bad they were at communicating.

Language is the focus of Section 6, examining the effect a variety of languages spoken in close proximity had on the ability of individuals to communicate, including the language choices which had to be made, and the mixing of elements of two languages which were expected to be kept apart. Section 7 discusses the alphabet and writing, its possible origin and spread through the islands. Included is a description of the alphabet itself, and the materials used in writing. Ending the chapter is a final section on painting and sculpture, how designs were executed, which colours dominated and how these were applied.


1. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
 
All of the musical instruments present at the turn of the sixteenth century would be recognisable today. The forms might vary, and while the materials might also differ, on the whole these, too, would be much the same as those found in the modern world.

1. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
(i) Bells and Gongs
 
The Spanish used the term campana to refer not only to bells, but to gongs, an instrument which played a part in any number of practices at the turn of the sixteenth century, from military and religious to social.

Militarily, the striking of the gong along with the beating of drums (see Section 1(iii)) and the blowing of a horn (see Section 1(iv)) served as a warning of the imminent arrival of visitors whose status as friend or foe was unknown. Such was the greeting which accompanied the arrival of a contingent of Spanish soldiers led by Captain Juan de Salcedo at Mindoro in the summer of 1570.[1]

Gongs were not only used as a warning, but also carried on board boats when sailing out to raid or do battle.[2] For Bikol this was signalled by the particular way the gong was struck (líhos). The striking of the gong, alternating with the sounding of a second instrument, was also used to set the cadence for rowing when embarking on such missions (see Sections 3(iv) and (v)).[3]
    líhos MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to strike a gong in a particular way when going into combat [MDL]
Dances representing the preparation for combat also involved the sound of the gong. Here the gestures of both men and women mirrored the movements of battle, advancing and retreating, inciting and assuaging, prodding with spears and protecting with shields while coordinating the slow movement of the feet and hands to the uninterrupted rhythm of the gongs.[4]

To alert people to the occurrence of religious meetings, the sound of gongs would ring out across the town, drawing them to the location where the event was to take place as there was no set site for such religious gatherings.[5] Gongs were also rung with the accompaniment of small drums and the tapping on porcelain vases both at the commencement of ritual ceremonies, as well as throughout the service, often loud and persistent enough to hamper communication.[6]

The gong also played a central part in the performance of ritual sacrifice, setting, for example, the cadence whereby a particular victim, whether a pig, or chicken or fish, was stabbed repeatedly until the required religious significance was attained. The same cadence could also be achieved by the beating of a drum (see Section 1(iii)).[7]

Calling people to the fields to work and to alert them to festive gatherings or occasions of communal drinking was also done with the sound of the gong. The more alcohol that was consumed, the louder and more frequent the gongs would ring, drawing even more people as the sound reverberated even further into the distance.[8]

The loud ringing of the gongs and its ability to reach the furthest limits of the town and echo across the open fields and valleys made it the perfect instrument for calling. While Lisboa records no specific entries relating to such sounds, the other central Philippine languages do, each presenting a variety of terms which are meant to represent the deep, hollow call of the gong.[9]

Pigafetta, in 1521, recorded in his journal of Magellan's circumnavigation of the world, a more gentle sounding of the gongs which was heard in Cebu. Here four young women blended the beating of a drum with the light tapping of the gongs. Two of these were suspended and struck with a stick wrapped in palm cloth, one was larger and presumably struck while resting on the ground, and two smaller gongs were held in the hand and hit together. This was the harmonious welcome which greeted Pigafetta to the home of the local leader's son.[10]

One of the widespread terms for gong, agong, is also not listed by Lisboa, although it is a term found in the dictionaries of the other central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan. The Visayan languages all identify it as a local gong. In Tagalog, however, it is defined as an instrument of Chinese origin, an origin supported by the account of Morga in 1609.[11]] Pigafetta also attributes the manufacture of the brass gongs in Cebu to China.[12]

The gongs which Lisboa identifies for Bikol are the mangmáng and mungmóngan, terms which very possibly represent the sound they produce when struck. The mangmáng, described as the size of a plate, is confirmed as being small by Encarnacion's entry for Cebuano.[13] For the mungmóngan there is no indication of size, only that it is made from brass or bronze, although it is probably larger than the mangmáng judging by the chosen vowels.

Mungmóngan is also found in the dictionaries for Tagalog, Kapampangan and Cebuano. Noceda, for Tagalog, defines it as a Chinese gong, while Bergaño for Kapampangan defines it as a local gong associated with the Visayas. Encarnacion for Cebuano, while confirming that it is a gong used in the Visayas, also attributes its origin to China.[14]
    mangmáng gong (typ‑ local, about the size of a plate) [MDL]
    mungmóngan gong (typ‑ local, made of brass or bronze) [MDL]
The rich, deep reverberating sound of a gong could be produced only if the gong was in good repair. Gongs which were poorly made or made of inferior materials would inevitably crack, and the sound produced would be thin, shallow and flat (sagalsál)
    sagalsál plunk, the sound of a loose guitar string; MAG‑ to make this sound; to go plunk [MDL: the dull sound of a cracked gong; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound; Sagalsál na iníng mungmóngan This gong sounds like it is cracked]
Gongs were generally struck with padded sticks or mallets (baktól), the Bikol entry also showing the broader use of the term in alerting people to particular gatherings, such as fiestas. A second term, básal, for Bikol is restricted to the rhythm created for dancing by the beating of a gong, drum or other rhythmic instrument. The other central Philippine languages, with the exception of Kapampangan, have this as a term for the general striking of a gong or drum, with Cebuano also specifically mentioning dancing.[15] Básal, however, also has a wider meaning.

For Bikol Lisboa offers a fairly restricted extension of meaning in the entry básal where reference is to the conductor of dance music. In his entry for búsol, however, it is clear that the term also refers to a local official, something also found in Tagalog and Cebuano. Encarnacion, for Cebuano, goes on to explain that básal refers specifically to the current leader of the community in contrast to former leaders or to the leaders of other communities. Use of this term for such a meaning probably refers to the right of the leader to sound the gong as a call to particular assemblies.
    baktól the stick, pole or mallet which is used to strike the local gong; MA‑ or MAG‑ to sound (such gongs); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to strike such a gong; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to strike such a gong to mark a particular occasion, such as a fiesta, or to call a particular group of people; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a pole, stick or mallet to strike such a gong [MDL]

    básal MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to beat drums, strike gongs or sound other rhythmic instruments for dancing; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a mallet or other specific object for beating or striking; Súgo' nin Capitan Básal Signal of the conductor (of dance music); (fig‑) Da'í nakakahalát nin básal You can't wait for the drums (Said to s/o who is in too great a rush to do s/t, indicating that they will be dancing without the accompaniment of music) [MDL]

    búsol MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to replace s/t; to take s/o's place (as a retiring official, such as the Capitan Básal; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to put s/t or s/o in place of another [MDL]
The Spanish term campana, used for both gongs and bells, will always be a source of potential misinterpretation. There are entries in Lisboa, however, which do more clearly indicate that the interpretation should be 'bell' rather than 'gong'.

Bagtíng, referring to a ringing sound, is defined in the 1754 edition of the Vocabulario as the sound of a bell such as that found in Spain. The 1865 edition omits this reference, possibly because it was already clear. Bagtíng is also found in Tagalog, Waray and Hiligaynon with Mentrida for Hiligaymon also mentioning that reference is to the ringing of the type of bell found in Spain.[16]

The sound referred to by rimóng-rimóng is also undoubtedly to the ringing of many bells in unison, not the striking of gongs, since their sound is described as bagtíng.
    bagtíng ding-dong, the sound of a bell; MAG‑ to peal; MAG‑, ‑ON to ring a bell; MAG‑, ‑AN to ring a bell for a particular person or occasion; ‑AN: bagtíngan a large bell [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to ring a bell (such as those found in Spain); MAG-, I- to use s/t as a ringer or striker for a bell; ‑AN: bagtíngan or babagtíngan bell tower]

    rimóng-rimóng the sound of many bells ringing at the same time: Rimóng-rimóng na an bagtingón sa Nága; nagfiesta gayód The sound of the bells is resonating from Naga; it must be fiesta [MDL]
While bells could be struck on the rim to make them ring, they would most likely have been sounded by an internal ringer or clapper (tingká'). Certainly the small bells such as guróng-guróng (referred to in narratives and verse as guringyáw) would have been sounded by such a mechanism. The same term is listed by Sánchez de la Rosa for Waray.[17]
    tingká' bell clanger or ringer; clapper, the tongue of a bell [MDL]

    guróng-guróng rattling sound; MAG‑ to rattle [MDL: small bells; MAG‑ to wear such bells; MA‑ to place bells on s/o; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to put on bells; Garó na nagrukyáw an guróng-guróng The ringing of the bells seems like people shouting; Garó na ing mga guróng-guróng iníng kinagingkíng These small bells make a clinking sound (Said when the bells turn out small and misshapen)]

    guringyáw small bells, used in place of guróng-guróng in song and verse [MDL]
In modern Bikol kagingkíng refers to the tinkling of bells. For Lisboa, however, this was a clinking sound made when two glasses or containers are hit together, or the sound made when pottery or glassware is tapped to determine its condition, the pinging sound indicating there are no cracks. Tingtíng also refers to the tinkling of small bells, as well as the clinking sound when cutlery is tapped against a glass or two glasses are tapped together. These are clearly onomatopoetic terms and the recurrence of the final syllable, in particular -ting, is found across the central Philippine languages in words of similar meaning.
    kagingkíng tinkling sound of small bells; MAG‑ to tinkle; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to make s/t tinkle [MDL: clinking sound; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound (two glasses, containers hitting one another); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to tap pottery, glassware with the fingers to see if it is cracked (refer ring to the sound); (PAG‑)‑AN to be the source of such a sound]

    tingtíng a tinkling sound; the clinking or ringing sound when metal hits metal; MAG‑ to make such a sound [+MDL: sound made when cutlery hits a plate or bowl; sound of a bell; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to strike s/t, making such a sound; to ring a bell, as to announce that start of mass; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to ring a bell to call s/o]
There are numerous entries in the dictionaries of the central Philippine languages referring to both bells and gongs as well as their sounds and the instruments used to strike them. These terms are listed in the endnotes for those who wish to pursue this further.[18]

1. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
(ii) Rhythm Sticks
 
The rhythm sticks, kalótan, are described primarily as a plaything, but as subsequent entries in Lisboa make clear, they also served a wider function. Reference to these is also found in Noceda for Tagalog (kalutang) where they are described as an instrument of the people living in the mountains, presumably the Aytá' or Negritos.[19] The 1865 edition of the Lisboa adds to the earlier definition that these were also used by those of the mountains, referred to in Bikol as the Agtá'.
    kalótan two sticks, one generally longer than the other, having a diameter of 6-7 cm and a length of 15-30 cm, hit together to produce a sound; described as a plaything or toy, but clearly having a wider, entertaining function; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to hit two sticks together to produce a sound; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make this sound to entertain s/o [MDL] [+MDL 1865: commonly played by those living in the mountains]

    Agtá' Negrito, Aeta, Philippine aborigine [+MDL: Agtá MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow black; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to blacken s/o; payóng Agtá' flower (typ‑ large, called this because of its similarity to the hair of the Negritos, see payó); pipinítan nin Agtá' instep; súsong Agtá', bee (typ‑)]
Noberto Romualdez in a lecture presented to the University of the Philippines in 1931, describes these sticks as still in use in some of the Tagalog provinces, making no mention of their restriction to the people of the mountains. He also identifies the wood which is used for such sticks as tan'ag.[20] There are a number sources which identify tan'ag as Kleinhovia hospita, a flowering tree growing up to 20 metres, possessing a soft wood and medicinal properties derived from its bark and leaves.[21] The reference in Bikol to ta'nág is undoubtedly to the same tree, although there can be no confirmation that it was the wood used in the rhythm sticks described by Lisboa.
    ta'nág tree (typ‑ flowering, possessing a straight trunk and a soft wood, with a bark and leaves used for a variety of medicinal purposes; Kleinhovia hospita) [+MDL]
The sticks were also used to call people's attention to a particular gathering, serving, along with a number of other instruments, as a sign of invitation (dápit, with kabíro used in narratives and verse). The basic meaning of dápit, or its cognate form, lapit, in Kapampangan, in all of the central Philippine languages, is 'to draw near'. Additionally, in all of these languages, with the exception of Kapampangan, it also means 'to invite'. While only Bikol offers the additional information that such an invitation can be musical, Alcina, in a separate reference, does indicate that the kudyapí' alone can be used for the purpose of invitation, particularly to those living far from town.[22]
    dápit MAG‑, ‑ON to escort the dead (priests) [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to call on s/o for the purpose of inviting them to the house for a meal, a drink or discussion; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to announce an invitation by passing through an area playing a musical instrument such as the kudyapí' or subíng, by whistling or by striking the sticks called kalótan; to extend such an invitation to those who live out of town (resident there due to unacceptable social or criminal behavior); ‑ON: an darapíton one invited many times or by many people; Garó na ing dápit She's decked out like an invited guest (Said when one is very dressed up, as when going to a wedding)]

    kabíro invited, used only in song or verse [MDL]
The kalótan were also used to interpret what was being said (talubasá), although exactly how this was done or the situation in which this occurred is not explained. It is possible that the reading was done as part of a religious ceremony where the leader was relaying the messages of ancestral or animistic spirits. The root word here is clearly bása 'to read' (see Section 7). That would leave talu- as either a fossilised prefix or part of a compound whose independent meaning is impossible to retrieve. There are a few additional entries which show talu- as a possible prefix, such as talubkás / bukás and talulhó / luhó, but the relationship between the root and the affixed form is not demonstrably clear.
    talubasá to interpret what is being said by reading the sticks called kalótan; syn‑ palibasá [MDL]
1. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
(iii) Drums
 
Drums, along with gongs, set the rhythm for rowing and dancing (see Section 4), and played a part in the performance of religious ceremonies. Juan de Plasencia describes the continual beating of large and small drums throughout the four-day celebration of the traditional Tagalog ceremony, pandot,[23] and reference is also made in the journals kept by the early Recollect missionaries (the Franciscans), to the rhythm of drums which kept time to the singing of men and women, alternating from one to the other, as they waited for participants to arrive at a religious gathering.[24]

A variety of drums was used in the Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century, with many of them continuing in use into the modern era, if not by the dominant lowland groups which came under the strongest Spanish influence, then by those which were more removed from their dominance, such as the ethnic groups in Mindanao and the mountains of Luzon.

The gimbál is a large drum represented across all of the central Philippine languages.[25] Specific information about the drum, aside from its size, is not found in the early dictionaries for these languages. Modern reference places the drum among the ethnic groups of Mindanao where it is described as having a drum head on both top and bottom and a body hewn from either a section of wide bamboo or a hollowed log.[26] There can be no way of knowing if this description is applicable to the gimbál of the Bikol region four hundred years ago or to the instruments referred by the same name in the other central Philippines languages.
    gimbál drum (typ‑ large, native to the Philippines) [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to beat such a drum; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to beat such a drum for s/o; MA‑, ‑I or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use sticks for beating such a drum; PARA‑ drum player; ‑ON: gimbálon this type of drum; (fig-) Garó na ginimbál an lawód The sea is being beaten like a drum (Said when the waves are very high)]
The pátong was another large drum, found in the Bikol region and the Tagalog region to the north. Noceda describes its body as cut from a log or a long section of bamboo, and this may very well have also applied to the Bikol drum.[27] Reference in Waray is not to a drum, but only to a type of strong and durable bamboo.[28]
    patóng large drum (typ‑); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to beat such a drum; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to beat such a drum for s/o or for a particular occasion [MDL]
What was probably a smaller drum, the karatóng, was used to set the rhythm when dancing. Lisboa makes no mention of size, although the cognate form kalatong, found in Tagalog and Waray, is described as small, and the Cebuano entry indicates it was made from a section of bamboo. The entry for Waray also mentions dancing, but specifically references this as part of a religious ceremony and limits this ceremonial action to just one hour.[29]
    karatóng drum (typ‑); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to play the karatong; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play the karatong for those who are dancing [MDL]
The lálod and tamadóng are two other drums which Lisboa includes in his Vocabulario, although presenting very little descriptive information about each. In Cebuano, lalod is part of a tree trunk or a hollowed log, and it is possible that this is how the sides of the Bikol drum were formed.[30] Tamadóng, like lálod, does not appear elsewhere in the central Philippine languages, and is most likely onomatopoetic, representing the sound made by a drum. The rest of the entry relates to what must have been a fleeting construction by children in which a hole dug in the ground is covered and struck like a drum. The covering appears to refer to an unusual growth of the betel nut when it develops in what must be a sac-like membrane (talulhó').
    lálod (arc‑) drum (typ‑ long, commonly used in the past) [MDL]

    tamadóng drum (typ‑); also a hole dug in the ground and covered with the thin, sack-like skin of the betel nut (talulhó), made by children and hit like a drum; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to beat such a drum, making a sound; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t for striking a drum [MDL]

    talulhó skin or husk of the betel nut when it germinates enclosed in a sack [MDL]
Ápad is the skin of the drum. The skin of which animal, however, is not mentioned. Where a drum covering is included in the entries for the other central Philippine languages, the skin used is also not identified. The skins most likely used would have been those of the deer and the larger lizards.
    ápad the skin of a drum; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to cover a drum with hide or skin; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular hide or skin to cover a drum [MDL]
The sticks, mallets or strikers for a drum were probably the same or similar to those used for the gongs (see básal, Section 1(i)), and the terms used to represent the sound produced were clearly onomatopoetic (huróg-hudóg, kuróg-kudóg).
    huróg-hudóg sound (as of a drum roll, the footsteps of many people on a wooden floor, of a piece of artillery); MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound; Huróg-hudóg na kamó What a racket you are making [MDL]

    kuróg-kudóg the sound of a drum; the shuffling feet of many people; the splashing of a school of fish flipping and jumping in water; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound; Kuróg-kudóg na What a loud sound [MDL]
References to drums varied in number across the early dictionaries of the other central Philippine languages. I've included these in the endnotes for those who would like to examine these further.[31]

1. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
(iv) Wind Instruments
 
The horn (hamudyóng), most likely that of the domestic water buffalo (anwáng), or a specially cut section of bamboo, was blown as a sign of warning. Lisboa refers to it as used in the past during times of war and it must have been sounded to warn of impending attack by adversaries in neighbouring villages or by those from further afield. Both Noceda for Tagalog and Encarnacion for Cebuano have references to the horn, although the terms differ from each other and both the form and meaning differ from Bikol. In each of these regions, the horn was used to alert people to a meeting or gathering and to call them together.[32]
    hamudyóng conch shell, horn [MDL: a horn or specially cut piece of bamboo sounded as a signal or warning, used formerly in wars; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sound a horn; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to alert or warn a particular area or people by sounding a horn or cut section of bamboo; (fig‑) Muda pa iníng banwá'; garó na naghamudyóng What terrible weather; it is as if someone has sounded the hamudyóng (referring to the roaring of the wind of a great storm)]

    súngay horn, antler; MAG‑ to grow a horn [+MDL: the horn of any animal; ‑AN: sungáyan a large deer with long antlers]

    anwáng water buffalo; syn- damúlag [MDL]
The horn or trumpet (turútot) when sounded along with the striking of gongs (síbag) signalled a different meaning, that of rejoicing at the return of boats from a successful pirating mission. Such success would have meant the return of the boats not only with items of value, but with captured individuals destined to serve as slaves in areas chronically short of labour. Waray has a term identical to Bikol for the clearly onomatopoetic turútot, although Sánchez de la Rosa defines this as an instrument primarily associated with children.[33]
    turútot bugle, horn, trumpet; MAG‑, ‑ON to play the trumpet [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play the trumpet; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play the trumpet for s/o]

    síbag MA‑ to sound a horn (hamudyóng) or trumpet together with the striking of gongs (mungmóngan) as a sign of joy at the good luck of those who have returned from pirating; MA‑, I‑ to sound one instrument with the other; MA‑, ‑AN to join the sounding of one instrument with the other; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sound both instruments together; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to sound one instrument first; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to follow the sounding of the first instrument by the second [MDL]
Diego de Artieda in 1573 makes reference to a heavy bamboo pipe which was sounded as part of a religious ceremony. The pipe, reaching 1.6 metres in length, was played like a trumpet by the presiding priest or priestess while communicating with their gods. The specific ceremony referred to ended with the sacrifice of a pig.[34]

The two types of flute which were in use in the region were the mouth flute, buró-budyóng, and the nose flute, tikúko, the latter term eventually coming to refer to flutes in general. The buró-budyong was made from a section of bamboo, although Lisboa does not specify the species of bamboo chosen. Mentrida for Hiligaynon, however, identifies the type of bamboo used for mouth flutes in Panay as bagákay, as does Alcina for the eastern Visayas.[35] Being thin with widely spaced nodes, bagákay may have been the ideal material for use as a flute. Whether this was the species used in Bikol, however, is impossible to know. The cognate form, bulo-buryong, is found in Tagalog, although Noceda's identification of this as an instrument associated with the mountain peoples, or Aytá, indicates that it is most likely the nose flute with is being referenced.[36]
    buró-budyóng bamboo mouth flute, differing from the tikúko which is played with air expelled through the nose; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to play the bamboo mouth flute; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play this flute for s/o [MDL]

    bagákay bamboo (typ‑ thin with a rough exterior, containing widely spaced nodes, used as a siphon or staff, or in making rope) [+MDL]

    tikúko nose flute; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play the nose flute; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play the nose flute for s/o; the term is now also used for flutes played by mouth; PARA‑ one who plays the nose flute [MDL]
A nose flute is played with the air coming out of one nostril, forced either through the end of a tube or an opening in the side of the tube close to the upper end. The second nostril is blocked. Lisboa makes no mention of the material used, although Encarnacion for the Cebuano lantoy cites both bamboo and wood.[37] Bamboo is the material in general use in the mountain provinces of northern Luzon where the nose flute is still commonly played.[38]

Each of these flutes would also be provided with a series of holes along its length (sárop) which when covered would have the effect of altering the sound produced by essentially changing the length of the tube. When the holes are open or uncovered, the tube is effectively shortened and the pitch is higher. With the holes covered, the tube is effectively lengthened and the pitch is lowered (lubád).[39]

The early dictionaries make no mention of the length of these flutes nor the number of holes, no doubt because these would vary. Alcina talks of flutes of moderate length with three or more holes along their length.[40] Romualdez in 1931 does mention the variation in length, indicating that flutes could reach up to 1 metre, although those he describes across the Philippines from northern Luzon to Mindanao were 40 to 45 centimetres long with the holes ranging from three to six.[41] Tarukatík in Bikol referred to the movement of the fingers placed over the open holes in the playing of the flute.
    sárop wooden plug or stopper; also used to refer to the holes on a flute which when covered enable it to produce sounds of variable pitch; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to insert a plug or stopper; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to stop or plug s/t with a wooden stopper; (fig‑) Anóng nakasárop saímo? Why are you covering your ears? (Said when s/o does not hear what is said); Si makuríng pagkasárop mo! How deaf you are! [MDL]

    lubád MA‑ or MAG‑ to change (in pitch, color, appearance); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to change or alter the pitch or tone (when singing playing an instrument); to change the color or appearance of s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to change to a different pitch, color; PAG‑ change, alteration ... [MDL]

    tarukatík MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play an instrument that requires the moving of the fingers to cover open holes (such as on a flute) [MDL]
The mouth harp or Jew's harp (subíng) was another instrument common in the region. Encarnacion referring to Cebu, Mentrida to Panay and Sánchez de la Rosa to Samar mention that this was an instrument played by boys for their entertainment. Alcina, also referencing Samar, however, cites no such restriction with a clear statement that this was an instrument enjoyed by all ages and genders.[42] Lisboa has no indication of who in the Bikol region favoured the instrument.
    subíng mouth harp, Jew's harp (typ‑ instrument made of steel or bamboo, held between the teeth and struck with the finger when played); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play such an instrument; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play a mouth harp for s/o; (fig‑) Garó na mga subíng iníng pantát These catfish are like mouth harps (Said when the fish are very small) [MDL]
The mouth harp could be made from a variety of materials. Both steel and bamboo were mentioned by Lisboa and Encarnacion, and bamboo and rice stalks by Sánchez de la Rosa. Alcina indicates that while steel was common, bamboo was the traditional material used, producing a sound equal in quality to that of steel. Both Encarnacion and Alcina explain how the mouth harp was made, with Alcina offering the more detailled explanation.[43]

A sliver of wood is cut from a section of bamboo. This is cut to a finger's width or smaller, and a length spanning the spread of a hand. This is carefully thinned to a depth of two to three millimetres (expressed as the edge of 4 real coin) by removing the softer interior and retaining the harder part near the outer skin. The tip of a knife is then used to divide the bamboo sliver into three parts, down to a point about a finger's length up from the bottom. The two side pieces are then cut about the width of two fingers shorter than the central piece. A small piece of wax is then pressed into the slits at the lower end, extending over the edge of the two outer pieces. When the mouth harp is played it is placed into the mouth with the teeth gripping the outer strips where the wax has been placed. The longer segment is then struck with the finger to produce a sound, the mouth serving as a resonator.

When the mouth harp is played, the longer, central segment, referred to as the tongue, produces only one pitch. When the shape of the mouth is altered, the components of the pitch, or harmonics, are also altered, producing what is essentially a different sound.[44]

Whistling (taghóy) was also considered a musical sound, made by pushing the air forcefully through the lips. Each of the central Philippine languges had a term for such a sound, although only Waray has the same term as Bikol.[45]
    taghóy whistle, a sound made by forcing air through the lips; MAG‑ to whistle; MAG‑, I‑ to whistle s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to whistle at s/o [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to whistle; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to whistle at s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t as a whistle]
1. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
(v) String Instruments
 
There are three stringed instruments which are referred to in the early dictionaries of the central Philippine languages. The litgít, a two or three stringed instrument which is compared by Lisboa to the Arabic rebab, is also cited by Mentrida for Hiligaynon where it is still played on the island of Panay. Romualdez in his lecture of 1931 indicates that this was still an instrument of the Negritos in the province of Capiz on that island.[46]

There is a description of what is probably a more primitive version of the litgít made in one of the northerly towns in the province of Iloilo, near the boundary with Capiz. Here a section of bamboo is cut to a length of about one metre. This will serve as a resonator.

The centre part of the bamboo is scraped to a depth of about 10 milimetres to create a space for the strings to vibrate. A deeper cavity is created at the top or head of the bamboo section where the two pegs to which the strings are attached are inserted, one from the left and the other from the right. These can be turned to change the tension on the strings in the tuning of the instrument.

Two strings, made from abaca fibre, are tied to the tuning pegs at the top of the instrument and fastened at the bottom in a groove which is made for that purpose. Tension is maintained by positioning a thin strip of wood or bamboo in which a shallow arc has been cut over the strings near the bottom of the instrument. A bow, with strings also made from abaca fibre, is drawn over the instrument to produce a sound.[47] This is a modern description of what is a home-made instrument. There can be no way of knowing how closely this might resemble the instrument which existed in the Bikol region and was referred to by Lisboa. The bow in Bikol is busóg-búsog, reduplication here indicating a diminutive from of the bow which is used to shoot arrows.
    litgít musical instrument (typ‑ small, with two or three strings, played in the manner of a rebab and now used to refer to such an instrument); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play a litgít; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play a litgít for s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a bow in the playing of a litgít [MDL]

    búsog bow (for shooting arrows) [+MDL busóg-búsog bow (as of a violin); arc of a mousetrap]
The two other stringed instruments are the kudyapí' and the kudlóng, often played together (síday), the kudlóng played only by women and the kudyapí', presumably only by men, although this is stated explicitly only by Alcina.[48] The kudyapí' is included in clearly related forms in the early dictionaries for Tagalog, Cebuano and Kapampangan,[49] and the kudlóng in Tagalog, Cebuano and Hiligaynon.[50]
    kudyapí' musical instrument (typ‑ string, similar to a lyre) [+MDL: kudyápi' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play the kudyapí'; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to play the kudyapí' for s/o; (fig‑) Nakangará'-ngára' na an pagkudyapí' niyá His playing of the kudyapí' yells out a warning (Meaning: He makes his kudyapí' talk)]

    kudlóng musical instrument (typ‑ string, made from reeds, played by women); MA‑ or MAG‑ to play the kudlóng [MDL]

    síday MA‑, I‑ to play one stringed instrument with another, such as the kudyapí' with the kudlóng; MA‑, ‑AN to accompany one stringed instrument with another; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play two stringed instruments together; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play both instruments for s/o or in a particular place; to accompany the first instrument by the second; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to play the second instrument to accompany the first [MDL]
The kudyapí' is a borrowing of the Malay kecapi.[51] This in turn is a borrowing of the Sanskrit kacchapī where it refers to a type of lute which is so named because it resembles the shape of a small tortoise (kacchapikā).[52]

Following the description by Alcina, the kudyapí' is a little bit longer and narrower than a sitar. Romualdez has the length of the more modern kudyapí' at one and a half metres.[53] It has a short neck and a body which is left open at the bottom, all carved from one piece of good quality hardwood to a thickness of about three fingers. The inner part of the body is then scrapped out leaving the upper part thin and smooth and the sides at a width of one finger to give the instrument greater strength. A hollowed-out coconut shell cut-open at the top is then fastened to the underside of the body where it has been left open. This serves as the sounding chamber for the two, and less commonly, three copper or silver strings which are strung from top to bottom across the instrument. The strings are plucked with a small feather quill.[54] The number of strings clearly varied. Both Chirino and Diego de Bobadilla refer to four strings, and Colin to two or more.[55] Along the neck of the instrument were placed three or four metal frets. These in Bikol were referred to as bidyá' and between them were placed pieces of wax.
    bidyá' raised pegs, functioning somewhat like frets on a guitar, on which the fingers are placed when playing the kudyapí'; between these pegs are placed pieces of wax; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to place such points on the kudyapí' [MDL]
The kudyapí' was an instrument heard in the evening, and when it was played it drew people to the house where the performance was taking place.[56] All of those who have written about it profess to its captivating sound, not only approaching the human voice, but serving as well as a conduit for communication, relating words and feelings with just the sound of the strings. Chirino and Diego de Bobadilla went so far as to describe conversations which took place when the sound of one instrument was answered by the sound of another,[57] and Alcina has written about what can only be described as a type of eroticism produced by the strings and its effect on the women who deliberately came to to hear it.[58]

While the kudyapí' is described as a type of sitar, the instrument played by women, the kudlóng, is described as a small guitar. The women make this from the stems of a wild grass which Alcina refers to as tigbao. This is the Saccharum spontaneum (in Bikol, talahíb), a plant with a variety of uses whose stems are firm enough for use as walling and temporary fencing.[59] Ten to 12 of these stems, cut to a length of 15 centimetres and set out to a width of 10 centimetres (described in terms of the width of the palm of the hand), are tied together in an arrangement resembling the fingers of a hand. A cord-like fibre is drawn from the middle of each of the stems and strung across the instrument from one side to the other. It is then held close to the chest and played like a guitar.[60]
    talahíb grass (typ‑ coarse, tufted, growing in open fields, the hollow stems used for the shafts of arrows, for temporary fencing, house walls, fish runs, brooms, hats and screens; Saccharum spontaneum)
What Alcina describes as truly remarkable is a performance when the two stringed instruments, the kudyapí' and the korlóng, are played together, síday (also see Section 3(v)). These instruments are said to talk to one another, the one asking a question and the other providing an answer with no further communication other than the sound of the strings.

To properly function, instruments which are played together must be kept in tune (bágay), avoiding the dissonance of those which may have been incorrectly adjusted (lawgáw) and allowing for a pleasing, harmonious performance (sabót)
    bágay MAG‑ to harmonize; MAG‑, ‑ON to harmonize to a particular song or tune; to bring voices or instruments into harmony ... [+MDL: MAG‑ to be in harmony; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to tune s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to harmonize with a particular voice or instrument; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to bring a voice or instrument into harmony with another]

    lawgáw out of tune, off-key; MAG‑ to go out of tune or off-key [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to go out of tune (instruments such as the kudyapí'); MA‑ to be out of tune ...]

    sabót MAG‑ to sing in harmony; to play instruments in harmony; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to harmonize; to follow the rhythm of s/t; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to harmonize with s/o or with another instrument; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to bring one voice or instrument into harmony with another ... [MDL]

2. DANCE
 
Dance was part of both social and religious life. Chirino recorded in 1604 that dance to the rhythm of gongs (see Section i(i)) accompanied the ritual sacrifice of animals, and was also present in ceremonies held for the sick, ending abruptly if the person were to die, for no dancing was permitted at periods of death and mourning.[61] The sound and rhythm of dance may have been the intent of the Bikol term katumbá recorded by Lisboa
    katumbá (arc‑) a sound made to accompany dancing; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular instrument for making this sound; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make this sound for those who are dancing [MDL]
Social occasions also called for dance. These festivities, which went on for days, were associated with extended periods of drink (see Chapter 2, 'Food,' Section 1) ending when participants could no longer continue, intoxicated and overcome by exhaustion.[62] The Bikol entry, bakyáw, describes the presentation of drink to someone who had just finished dancing, an act that was probably repeated throughout the period of celebration. Later in the century Domingo Fernandez Navarrete also commented on the ubiquity of dance and the rhythm and grace shown by the dancers.[63]
    bakáyaw one shot of tubá' given to s/o who has just finished dancing; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to give s/o such a drink after dancing; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer such a drink [MDL]
While Lisboa includes terms related to dance and its movements, he has no mention of specific dances, something which is partially redressed by entries in three of the dictionaries for the other central Philippine languages. Tarók, the general term for dance in Bikol at the turn of the sixteenth century, shares this meaning in the modern language with the Spanish loan báyle and the term common in all of the surrounding languages, and probably borrowed from one of them, sayáw.[64]
    tarók MAG‑ to dance; MA+KA‑ to dance with s/o; tarók-tarók MAG‑ to prance about as if dancing [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to dance; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to dance with s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to move the feet when dancing; (fig- Anó iníng pagtarók mo garó ka na ing napulót What kind of dance are you doing, as if you are stuck in resin (Said when a person can't dance)]

    sayáw MAG‑ to dance; MAG‑, ‑ON to dance to a particular tune; MAKI‑ or MA+KA‑ to dance with s/o; KA‑ dancing partner
Lisboa also has entries which describe the movement of the feet in time to the music (kinakín), either while just listening or performing particular dance steps (sadsád), and the motion of the body (talambíd) as it followed the form of a particular dance. Keeping in time to the music was also accomplished with the snapping of the fingers (pitík), a term which has been generalised in the modern language to indicate not only the snapping of the fingers, but the flicking away of small objects.
    kinakín MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to move the foot (as in time to the music); MANG‑ to move the feet in time to the music [MDL]

    sadsád MA‑ or MAG‑ to perform dance steps; MA‑, ‑AN: sadsarán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagsadsarán to dance on s/t or at a particular place [MDL]

    talambíd MA‑ or MAG‑ to turn or spin around (as when dancing); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to turn or spin s/t around; MA‑, ‑AN: talambirán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagtalambirán to spin around in a particular place [MDL]

    pitík MAG‑, I‑ to flick s/t away; to shoot s/t with a finger (as a marble to make it roll or jump); to snap the fingers; MAKA‑, MA‑ to get hit by s/t that has been flicked; to get hit by s/t that has snapped (such as a rubber band); PANG‑: pamitík a switch (whip) [MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to snap the fingers (as when dancing); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to snap the fingers against s/t]
For Tagalog and Kapampangan, the two languages to the north of Bikol, a dance referred to as indak is presented, with Noceda for Tagalog indicating it is simply a type of dance, and Bergaño for Kapampangan, a dance performed only by women.[65] Bergaño has entries for two other dances, the terak, performed only by men, and the libad, danced by both men and women.[66]

In the 1860 edition of the Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala, but not the earlier edition of 1754, Noceda refers to a dance of the Negritos and the indigenous people of what is now the province of Zambales, the amba.

The amba, clearly the root of the affixed form ambáhan found widely in the other languages of the central Philippines (also see Section 3(v)), is described in 1906 as both a song and a dance, sung and performed frequently throughout the day, The rhythm, set by the striking of the gong and the clapping of the hands, remains unchanged. Only the lyrics change to reflect immediate interests and concerns.[67]

Sánchez de la Rosa makes reference to a number of dances in Samar. Detailled information about each, however, is lacking. The bias is presented simply as a Visayan dance and the balitaw as the most common of the Visayan dances. The inkoy-inkoy is the dance associated with the northern part of Samar.[68] There are modern references to the balitaw as a courtship dance accompanied by song, comprising improvised steps and verses and capable of going on for hours, ending with the acceptance or rejection of the man's suit.[69]


3. SONGS AND VERSES
 
The recitation of verses and the singing of songs, closely related and often indistinguishable, were present in any number of social occasions and religious ceremonies. As writing was limited to the taking of notes and the sending of messages (see Section 7), verses and songs were the vehicle for transmitting knowledge and customs from generation to generation. Here were the stories of the past which were kept alive and relevant as children learned the traditions of those who came before them.[70] These songs and verses formed an integral part of everyday life, heard when working in the fields, when rowing, when feasting and relaxing, when attending births and deaths and observing religious rituals.

3. SONGS AND VERSES
(i) Of Religion
 
Songs were not only an integral part of religious rituals, but were the means by which such traditions were preserved and religious beliefs perpetuated.[71] Such songs and verses were usually chanted (suragí) by the religious leader, which in Bikol was the balyán. These were chants which were suited to the particular occasion, such as to aid in the cure of someone who was ill (tigáy).
    suragí' chants of the balyán; MA‑ or MAG‑ to chant (the balyán) [MDL]

    balyán priestess to whom local people turned in time of need to offer up prayers and perform rituals [MDL]

    tigáy MA‑ or MAG‑ to sing or chant (the balyán to cure one who is ill); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to recite chants over one who is ill; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sing particular chants MDL]
Juan de Placensia in his 'Customs of the Tagalogs' describes a religious gathering in which the recitation of verses is held before an ancestral image in which the community asks for their gods to look upon them with favour. Here the singing is led by a religious leader with responses by the participants. It is probable that the Bikol entry nganán, which relates to responses heard not only during religious occasions, but also other occasions, such as rowing (see Section 3(iv)), refers as well to this type of communal response.[72]
    nganán MANG‑ or MAGPANG‑ to lead responsive singing (as when rowing, praying in a church); PANG‑‑AN or PAGPANG‑‑AN to respond when singing responsively; IPANG‑ or IPAGPANG‑ to sing s/t responsively; PARA‑ the leader of responsive singing [MDL]
On other occasions of a religious nature, chanting would occur without the presence of a religious leader. Such was the case on the nights of the full moon when women would gather together to chant responsively the phrase hál-lia. A modern interpretation in Merito B. Espinas' 'A critical study of the Ibalong, the Bikol folk epic fragment' [73] is that this action was to prevent an eclipse. Although Lisboa makes no mention of this in his entry, it was most likely the reason for the chanting.
    hál‑lia a ritual held on the nights of the full moon in honor of the guguráng; bamboo or hollowed tree trunks are beaten to scare away the bakunáwa who would otherwise swallow the moon [BIK MYT] [MDL: a pastime of women who chant responsively on the nights of the full moon, one group saying hál‑lia, and the other responding in the same way] [+MDL 1865: hália]
3. SONGS AND VERSES
(ii) Of Births and Deaths
 
Only Diego de Bobadilla has reference to the singing at the birth of a child, and this takes place during a week-long festival when a child is born into the family of one of the ruling classes (see Chapter 13, 'Status and Social Conflict,' Section 1). During this week it is the women who sing songs of joy in celebration at the birth.[74] Numerous references, however, are made to the singing which takes place at funerals.

The grief which was shown and the lamentations which were heard upon the burial of the dead were an expected part of the internment process. The louder the wailing and the greater the number of mourners, the more significant was the dedication to the deceased. Sorrowful songs sung by both the relatives of the deceased and by the mourners who were hired to increase the numbers at the funeral related the achievements of the deceased and the bereaved relatives, At each mention there was an increase in cries and wailing. Such singing could go on for days, the more important the status of the deceased, the longer the period of mourning.[75]

Alcina, writing of the eastern Visayas, and in particular Samar, refers to these verses sung in mourning as parahaya. The root, haya, carries the same meaning in both Cebuano and Hiligaynon, but in the later Waray dictionary by Sánchez de la Rosa, the meaning is recorded as simply 'to cry'. Other terms which Alcina notes as used to refer to such verses were anugon and kanugon meaning 'pitiful' or 'wasted', the later term carrying the same meaning in Bikol.[76]

3. SONGS AND VERSES
(iii) Of Leisure
 
Songs could be sung and verses recited at any time of the day, associated with a wide variety of activities, both leisure and work. They could be sung quietly, as when drinking, dániw, and during other times of ease or relaxation, or as a lullaby when putting a child to sleep, ambáhan (see Sections 2 and 3(v)).
    dániw MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing verses, as when drinking, not raising the voice; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sing verses in this way to s/o [MDL]

    ambáhan song (typ‑ sung as a lullaby, during times of leisure or when rowing); MA‑ or MAG‑ to sing an ambáhan; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to sing an ambáhan to s/o [MDL]
3. SONGS AND VERSES
(iv) Of Work
 
All of the early Spanish reports by the residents and visitors to the Philippines make reference to singing when working and, in particular, when rowing, not only to set the rhythm of the work, but to also ease the toil of the undertaking.[77] The two song types which Lisboa records for rowing and when hauling something heavy are híla' and huló. There is a clear similarity in each of these tasks as both would require a unified effort set to a coordinated pace (also see Section 3(v)).
    híla' a work song sung when pulling or hauling s/t, or when rowing; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to pull or haul s/t, or row while singing [MDL]

    huló song (typ‑ sung when setting out to sea or when hauling s/t heavy); MA‑ or MAG‑ to sing in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sing a particular song when working in this way; also humúlo [MDL]
3. SONGS AND VERSES
(v) Poetic Forms
 
If Alcina's description of the verses used in the eastern Visayas can be applied to other areas of the central Philippines, then what existed was a complex set of poetic forms which were mastered by a class of poets, kept alive by oral transmission, and eventually lost as the link from poet to disciple was disrupted. A form of such poetic interaction, described more fully below, may still exist in a less complex form in the Bikol tiksíkan and, outside the Philippines, in the Malay pantun.
    tigsík an impromptu rhyme; MAG‑, ‑AN to construct an impromptu rhyme around a particular theme; MAG‑, I‑ to make s/t rhyme; ‑AN: tiksíkan rhyming contest
The most abstract of these verses, which could be recited or sung, used a vocabulary which was distinct from the language of everyday communication. Lisboa, himself, for Bikol, records terms which were used only in narratives and verse (see below), and this is undoubtedly the same type of reference which is being made by Alcina. Additionally, the verses relied on metaphorical reference which was so symbolic as to be largely incomprehensible except by those already familiar with the verse. Those who mastered this form of language could even be found using it more frequently than conversational language, and those poets who were renown for their skill would be sought after and well compensated for a recital of their verses during an evening's entertainment.[78]

Alcina describes the ambáhan as the easiest of the poetic forms as it is most commonly presented using everyday language and the use of metaphors is minimal. It comprises two lines of blank (non-rhyming) verse of seven syllables each, each line presenting a complete and coherent thought. Adding to the difficulty of composition is that these two verses must present the same meaning when recited in reverse. The ambáhan can be recited or sung to various melodies with the presenters changing the pitch or tone and varying the language to fit the occasion, most commonly a fiesta and other social gathering.[79]

For Tagalog, amba refers to a song and dance of the Negritos (see Section 2). The brief reference in the dictionaries of the Visayan languages is either to a couplet in Waray, or, more specifically, a couplet of two verses in Cebuano and Hiligaynon.[80]

Alcina also goes on to describe the other popular poetic forms of the eastern Visayas in a detail not found elsewhere. The paragraphs which follow are primarily a translation of Alcina's work, with some interpretive phrases added for clarification. He begins by explaining the bikal, a poetic form similar to the ambáhan which is performed between two people, a man and a woman, two men or two women. The poetic responses go on for between one and two hours and the repartee is quick and suited to the rhythm of the verse. The participants poke fun at one another, bringing to light faults, whether they be physical, which is most common, or behavioral. These exchanges are never degrading or demeaning and result in a great deal of laughter and applause among those who are listening. Audience participation is common, with some offering suggestions to the first of the participants, and others taking the side of the second. At the end of the performance, the performers and audience return to their homes remembering only the fun that they had and holding no resentment at what had been said.[81]

The term bikal is listed in the Visayan dictionaries in a far more abbreviated form and with a more direct and inflammatory meaning. In each it caries the meaning 'to challenge', 'provoke', 'incite' or 'compete'.[82]

Using the same verse form as the ambahan and the bikal is the balak which differs in the use of far more metaphorical reference. It is always between a man and a woman and most commonly deals with the subject of love. The balak has two distinct forms. One of these is verbal, with the two participants commenting one to the other, sharply and quickly, on intimate romantic matters. The second is musical, with the man playing the kudyapí' and the woman the kurlóng (see Section 1(v)).[83] Balak is found as an entry in the Visayan dictionaries with varying detail, with Sánchez de la Rosa for Waray simply indicating it is a poetic form, and Mentrida for Hiligaynon a poetic form on the theme of love. Only Encarnacion for Cebuano gives some of the detail which is described by Alcina, referring to allegories and metaphors on the theme of love.[84]

The siday, said to be the most difficult of the poetic forms, is used in the praise of others, whether recounting the deeds of one's ancestors, the bravery of a man, or the beauty of a woman or the attractiveness of her clothing. The verse is composed almost totally of metaphorical forms which are not completely understood by most of the people for their meanings are specific to the verse itself. It is one of the most popular verse forms among the Visayans, and they can spend long evenings listening to it without yawning or falling asleep. They pay or give gifts to poets with a skill at such verses so that they will come to their houses to sing. The form itself involves a great deal of repetition, with phrases repeated over and over with the addition of only one or two new words at each repetition. Nevertheless it is a form which the people do not tire of and which they repeatedly ask to be recounted or sung.[85] Of the Visayan dictionaries, only Sánchez de la Rosa for Waray, the same language area Alcina is describing, has a reference to this form of verse, also including some of the detail found in the Alcina.[86]

The áwit as described by Alcina has a much more specific reference than that found in the other central Philippine languages, including the later reference for Waray. He describes these as songs which are sung by oarsmen when rowing (see Section 3(iv)). These songs set the rhythm of the oars, sometimes faster and at other times slower. In each boat the most skilled of the singers is chosen as the leader and among them are those who are so adept that they can sing for hours and even days without stopping or exhausting the songs they have to sing. Some of these are the songs they have learned from their parents and grandparents before them and which they then pass on to their children. These contain language and metaphorical references which are difficult to understand. In addition to setting the rhythm of the oars, these songs also provide a pleasant diversion for passengers on long voyages.

The songs comprise two unrhymed verses in each couplet. One of the lines is a short refrain of two words or three names which are repeated by all. There is just one requirement that must be adhered to: the rhythm imparted to the rowing and the smooth onward movement of the boat is more important than the meaning conveyed by the verse. As a result of this, a word at the end of the line can be broken up so as not to extend the verse. One of the syllables is retained in the first line, and the other syllable or syllables is continued on the subsequent line.[87]

In Bikol áwit is a broader term, referring, in addition to a particular, unspecified, poetic form, to the general act of singing, as it does in Tagalog. In the Waray of the Sánchez de la Rosa dictionary it refers to songs of joy, as is also the case in Kapampangan, although Bergaño also refers to the difficulty of comprehending the types of metaphor used. In Cebuano, the nautical theme is retained as described by Alcina.[88]
    áwit song, verse, anthem; also refers to a particular poetic form; MAG‑ to sing; MAG‑, ‑ON to sing s/t; MAG‑, I‑ to sing a song; to put s/t into verse; MAG‑, ‑AN to entertain s/o with a song; to sing to s/o [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sing a song; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sing s/o a song]
The references which Lisboa has to both song and verse are far less detailled than those presented by Alcina. Included is rawít-dáwit, the general term for verses, songs and romances, the latter which would become more common as Filipinos adopted the medieval tales of the Spanish tradition. Verses that were in the form of prose would be recited (susúman), and those conceived as songs would be sung (gúya'). Where the recitation involved two people, there would be a response either by singing (dagáw) or speech (sabít).
    rawít-dáwit ... (lit‑) verses, songs or romances [MDL: verses, songs, romances; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to compose or recite couplets, verses, romances; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to recite verses to s/o]

    susúman MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to recite couplets, romances or verses about s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to recite such couplets to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to recite or present particular romances, verses; ‑ON: susumánon couplets, romances [MDL]

    gúya' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing couplets; to sing a ballad; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sing couplets or ballads to s/o [MDL]

    dagáw MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to respond in verse to one who is singing [MDL]

    sabít MAG‑ to present the lines of a rhyming verse; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to recite the first and second lines of a verse; MA‑, ‑AN to recite the first part of a verse; MA‑, I‑ to recite the second part of a verse; MAGKA‑ to rhyme (the lines of a verse); KA‑ a rhyming verse; sarabít rhyming (many syllables, words) [MDL]
Gaspar de San Agustín, in his Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas of 1698, records that verses in the Tagalog region generally comprised lines of 12 syllables. For a specific set of poems, these verses were divided into quatrains with each of the four verses rhyming at the end of the line. All of their verses were chanted, with the 12 syllable quatrains sung in the style of the comintan.[89]

San Agustín refers to the comintan, in modern spelling, kumintang, as a regional song, and certainly in the present-day Philippines it is recognised as a folk song tradition. The more common reference in the past for comintan was to a region, the current province of Batangas, and not a song. This reference is found in the Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas itself,[90] and in other early accounts of the Philippines.[91] The verse form common in the region became known by the name of the region itself as it became more widespread.

Both of the editions of the Noceda Tagalog dictionary, the first published in 1754, but including material collected far earlier by a variety of people, also make no reference to comintan as a song, but to a Tagalog-speaking region. Included are 11 references to terms which were used only in that particular area.[92] The dictionary is particularly rich in references to songs which were sung at the time. Additionally, lines of verse appear sporadically throughout the dictionary associated with headword entries which need not be related to song. The specific terms given for song are presented below, along with the two verses which accompanied these entries. The spelling reflects the original system used in the dictionary.
      dióna









      balicóngcong
      dolayánin
      híla
      hilí
      soliranin

      híli na















      hilírao
      holóna
      holohorlo
      oyáyi

      indolánin
      manigpasin

      ombayí
      ombayihán

      omíguing
      tagumpáy
      talindáo


      a song sung at weddings and gatherings involving drink. commonly comprising three verses

      Mayag aco sa masiguing
      ang malubay na ang aquin
      malayo ang madarating


      I value forgiveness
      tolerance is what I prefer
      it takes a long time to get there.

      songs sung when rowing





      a lullaby

      Hili ca na, hilii na
      Hili ca na, bata ca.
      Matolog ca na bira
      Ang ina mo'y wala pa
      Nupul pa nang sampaga
      Isasabog sa alta.

      Time to rest, to rest
      Time to rest, you are just a child
      Sleep my loved one
      Your mother has not yet not come,
      Still gathering jasmine
      To scatter around the altar.

      a song sung when drinking
      lullabies



      a solemn song sung to a mournful tune
      a song sung when rowing (listed only in the index under auit)

      solemn songs


      a type of singing producing a quivering sound in the throat
      a song of victory
      an ancient song, still sung at the present time


Lisboa has a number of entries which relate to the sound of the voice (tíngog, or karanógan when used in song or verse), whether high (lagtíng) or low (lagóng), resonantly pleasant (tatagantáng), or decidedly unpleasant when discordant and off-key (púgong). The úloy-úgoy is defined by Lisboa as 'throat-singing' (canto de garganta) and is probably similar to the Tagalog omíguing presented above. It refers in particular to the breaking of the voice as it passes through the throat.
    tíngog voice; MAG‑ to make a sound; MAG‑, I‑ to voice s/t out; to say s/t [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to verbalize s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use one's voice; ‑ON: titinggón having a loud voice]

    karanógan voice, used only in song or verse in place of tíngog [MDL]

    latíng soprano, alto; a high voice; MA‑ or MAG‑ to rise (the pitch of the voice); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing s/t in a high voice [MDL]

    lagóng bass (sound of the voice); low in pitch; MAG‑ to be bass (the voice); to be low in pitch; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to lower the pitch of s/t [+MDL: lágong MA‑ or MAG‑ to speak or sing in a low pitched voice; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing s/t in this way]

    tatagangtáng resonant, sonorous; MA‑ or MAG‑ to resound (the voice) [MDL]

    púgong hoarse; off, discordant (a voice, a cracked bell or broken drum) [MDL]

    úloy-úgoy MA‑ or MAG‑ to warble; to yodel; to sing, allowing the voice to break; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing s/t in this way [MDL]
Also included in the Lisboa Vocabulario are entries for the literary terms which were used only in narratives and verse and not in the language of everyday communication. Such use clearly parallels the oral tradition of the eastern Visayas as described by Alcina. Many of these Bikol terms can be found in one or more of the Visayan languages, but not in Tagalog to the north, possibly indicating closer cultural ties with these language areas to the south. It is difficult to say whether these terms were borrowed into Bikol at some time in the past, or if they are the remnants of an older, shared oral tradition. The related entries for Bikol are listed below with their meanings. An article entitled 'Anger and Verse: Two Vocabulary Subsets in Bikol' includes a number of these terms and links them to similar or identical entries in Cebuano, Waray and Hiligaynon.[93]

    agimbá
    apáyod
    asdáng
    báhan
    bakóng
    bána
    bantíris

    bangán



    basánaw
    bayó
    búla'
    bunsáli'
    buntalí'an
    buntu'ó'an
    dalóman
    danghílay
    dumarángan
    durugpán
    gáring
    gundáy
    guringyáw
    hipyáng
    hunúngan
    indíg
    irábong
    irágo
    kabíro
    kadyáw
    kamyá
    karanógan

    kawád


    labán
    lakindáy


    lakób


    latúlat
    lílo
    lúgay
    lungsód
    lútaw
    luyáng

    mama


    mananálo


    maníman
    mantáng
    muráka'
    palkátan
    pandó'
    pínong
    pinúngan
    ragangdángan

    salabay


    salingká'
    saló
    sayhán
    sígin
    súdang
    táking
    taruntón
    tigambá

    tubyóg


    úna
    úraw
    urógan
    same, similar, equal; used in place of sáma [MDL]
    hand fan [MDL]
    in front; used in place of atúbang [MDL]
    MA‑ beautiful [MDL]
    root (typ‑ used for blackening the teeth); used in place of amlóng [MDL]
    wife, husband; used in place of agóm [MDL]
    stone; used in place of gapó' [MDL]

    referring to the regions or lands in the direction of Manila; MANG‑ to travel to that particular area; ‑AN + ‑NON: banganánon someone from that region; the term is used most commonly in stories [MDL]

    rouge, makeup, cosmetics [MDL]
    crocodile; used in place of bu'áya [MDL]
    escape; used in place of bunglís [MDL]
    house; used in place of hárong [MDL]
    lance; used in place of tumbák [MDL]
    hill, mountain; used in place of búkid [MDL]
    to carry s/t; used in place of dará [MDL]
    man, boy; used in place of laláki [MDL]
    to observe, look on; used in place of dálan [MDL]
    guest; used in place of pananáwon; see táwo [MDL]
    man, boy; used in place of laláki [MDL]
    to come from; used in place of gíkan [MDL]
    small bells; used in place of guróng-guróng [MDL]
    to lie down; used in place of higdá' [MDL]
    house; used in place of hárong [MDL]
    to fight; used for lában [MDL]
    to accompany (one boat by another); used for ábay [MDL]
    a serpent, very large and brilliantly colored [MDL]
    invited [MDL]
    referring to the removal of s/t from a chest or pouch; used in place of bukád [MDL]
    beautiful, graceful (women); PAGKA‑ grace, beauty [MDL]
    voice; used in place of tíngog [MDL]

    or ‑ON: kinawád or kinakawád chain (typ‑ made of wire, worn by women around the waist); the form kawád is used in verse [MDL]

    feather; used in place of lawí [MDL]
    MA‑ or MAG‑ to walk; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to walk via or by a particular place; used in place of lakáw [MDL]

    MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to extend above s/t; to be taller than other things around it [MDL]

    to wait; used in place of halát [MDL]
    to deceive or trick s/o; to cheat on s/o (as in marriage); used for lulóng [MDL]
    a long time; used in place of halóy [MDL]
    town; used place of banwá'an [MDL]
    to look at s/t with awe; used in place of pitóng [MDL]
    house; used in place of hárong [MDL]

    to head toward a river, as to a pier or wharf located there; (Note: mama is listed only as part of the entry for dálit and is not a separate entry in Lisboa) [MDL]

    cock, rooster; used only in couplets or verse; the winning cock in a cockfight; see tálo [MDL]

    to wake up; used for magmatá; see matá [MDL]
    to get nothing; used for ma'nó [MDL]
    child; used in place of áki' [MDL]
    road [MDL]
    ‑AN: pandóan slave; used in place of urípon [MDL]
    ‑AN: pinóngan shield (typ‑ large) [MDL]
    bowl (type large) [MDL]
    the east; used in place of subángan (see súbang) [MDL]

    cutlass; used in place of bá'id (Note: salabay is listed only as part of the entry for bá'id and is not a separate entry in Lisboa) [MDL]

    to climb; used in place of sakát [MDL]
    to replace s/o; to take the place of s/o; used in place of salí', salíhid or silí [MDL]
    trinkets, jewelry [MDL]
    complete, perfect; used in place of aráhit [MDL]
    day [MDL]
    smock; used in place of takóp [MDL]
    to wait; used in place of halát [MDL]
    to climb a hill, mountain; used in place of túkad [MDL]

    PA‑ to refuse to do s/t, putting the onus on another; used in place of paíton-íton, see íton-íton [MDL]

    first; used for ínot [MDL]
    to burn; used in place of suló' [MDL]
    sky, heavens; used in place of lángit [MDL]

4. NARRATIVES

Writing was reserved for note taking and messages (see Section 7). Narratives were oral and the community would have been adept at both telling stories and recognising stories that were well-told. Where the modern meaning of úsip has come more to mean 'to converse', the dominant meaning for Lisboa was 'to narrate'. What was told would depend on the experiences of the narrator and the interests of the listeners. This could be the retelling of ones past deeds or exploits (súman-súman), stories which would be adjusted to focus on the main points or highlights when time was short or interest lagging (ungló'). A skilled narrator would know what to omit and what to emphasise (baró-bantók).
    úsip MAGKA‑ to converse; to have a conversation; MA+KA‑ to talk to s/o; to converse with s/o; KA‑ the person one talks to; ‑ON: usípon narrative, story; MAG‑‑ON: magusípon to have a chat ...; MAG‑, ‑AN to have a chat with s/o; to narrate or relate s/t to s/o; usíp-úsip story, topic of conversation: Anó an usíp-úsip dumán? What's the story going around there?; MAG‑ to converse; to have a conversation or discussion; MAKI‑ or MA+KA‑ to converse with s/o [MDL: MA- or MAG- to tell a story; to present a narrative; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to narrate s/t; to tell the story of s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to tell s/o a story; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to present a story, narrative; ‑ON: uusípon story, narrative; Úsip lámang sakó' ni kuyán I was just told it by someone]

    súman-súman MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to relate or retell s/o's deeds or exploits; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to retell such deeds or exploits to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to relate or pass on the story of s/o's exploits [MDL]

    ungló' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to narrate or relate only the main points of a story or an event; to summarize a story; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to tell s/o only the main parts of a story or event; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to relate only the highlights [MDL]

    baró-bantók MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to omit, leave out or skip over lines, phrases; MANG‑, PANG‑ ‑ON to mention particular passages, having omitted others [MDL]
When a narrator clearly had the attention of the listeners, and there was a sense that no one wanted the session to end, then elements would be added to the story, made up as the story went along (tugbós, tawás).
    tugbós MA‑ or MAG‑ to increase in number or amount; to embellish a tale or add to a story that is being told; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to add to s/t; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to add elements to what one has previously said, making it up as one goes along ...; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to add to a tale; to tell a tale with such embellishments to s/o [MDL]

    tawás MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be longer in comparison with s/t else; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to be longer by a particular length; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to leave or cut one thing longer than another; ... (fig‑) Si mapatawás na mamuybóy iní Describing s/o who tells a story, adding elements which are made up as the story goes along [MDL]
A long story would be divided into parts to be presented, perhaps, on successive nights or saved for a subsequent special occasion, and where a story had roles that required more than one narrator, these parts would also divided and assigned to particular individuals (butáng).
    butáng MAG‑, ‑ON to divide s/t into parts; KA‑: kabtáng part, chapter [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to divide s/t into parts, indicating which part is to go to a particular person; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to indicate for which person a particular part is intended; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to intend a particular part for a particular person; Kagapát kabtáng fourteen shares or parts]
Certain common particles of speech could also hold particular narrative functions, in general, moving the narrative from one set of events to another. The demonstrative adjective 'this' (iyán) could set a subsequent scene in a narrative, the affirmative answer 'yes' (iyó) in combination with a demonstrative pronoun could introduce a succeeding event, and the widely used tará, a greeting as well an emphatic, could also be the transition from one part of the narrative to another.
    iyán that, those (nearer than itó) ... also serving a narrative function: Madúlok na iyán si Antang And so Antang drew close ...]

    iyó yes (verbal sentences); ... [+MDL: iyó idtó having a narrative function: Iyó idtó padumán akó saindá And so I went to their house; Iyó idtó hagáron ko saíya And at this point I asked her for s/t; ...]

    tará an expression with a number of contextual meanings, from greetings to emphasis and remonstrations. ... [+MDL: ... serving a narrative function: ... Tará manhihílig na iyán si kuyán And so that person came down]

5. CONVERSATIONS

In a society where songs were used to accompany everyday activities, verses were recited as an evening's entertainment and stories were told to carry the culture of the past to the present, it would not be unusual to find an extensive vocabulary relating to speech and the ability of individuals to communicate in ways which drew praise or disapproval. Such was the situation in the Bikol region of four hundred years ago. In addition to úlay, an unencumbered term referring to the simple act of conversation, a variety of terms was used not only to comment on a person's narrative ability, but also on one's everyday language and skills at communication.
    úlay MAKI‑ or MA+KA‑ or KA‑‑ON to converse with s/o; to speak to or talk to s/o; to discuss s/t with s/o; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to discuss s/t; to talk about s/t; PAG‑‑AN: an paguláyan issue, matter, subject, topic; PAG‑: pagurúlay or KA‑: kaurúlay or urúlay conversation, discussion; KA‑ the person one is talking to; uláy-úlay PAG‑ conversation [+MDL: word; MA‑, ‑AN to say s/t; to speak to s/o; MA‑, I‑ to say s/t; MAG‑ to speak to each other; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to discuss s/t; to talk to one another about s/t; PAG‑ discussion]
Those who were particularly careful about their speech would take the time to choose their words carefully (tuhó'). What was said would ideally be well thought out and clearly presented (sayhán), and further elucidated and expounded upon when needed (saysáy). When something was unclear, it would be explained, adding information or correcting what was misconstrued or not fully comprehended (sáyod). This rather complex entry, drawing on a variety of affix combinations, shows the role of both speaker and listener in arriving at a mutually acceptable interpretation. Individuals with a particular skill could illustrate their speech with relevant stories and allegories (lagyó').

In modern Bikol, the meaning of saysáy appears to have taken on more the sense common in modern Tagalog where reference is primarily to the telling of a story or the presentation of a narrative. In the Tagalog of the Noceda dictionary, however, the meaning, shared with Waray and Cebuano, is more general, encompassing not only the Bikol reference to explication, but also the proper arrangement of non-verbal items.[94]
    tuhó' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to choose one's words carefully, saying only certain things; to pick or choose only particular items; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to leave certain things unsaid; to choose certain things from among others [MDL]

    sayhán well thought-out, clear (what one says, an explanation): Sayhán an pagtarám niyá What she says is clear; KA‑‑AN a clear explanation: Da'íng kasayhánan iyán úlay mo What you've explained is not clear [MDL]

    saysáy MAG‑, I‑ to narrate or chronicle s/t; to tell a story; to tell of an experience; to give an account of s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to tell a story to s/o; KA‑‑AN account, chronicle, narrative; history; PANGKA‑‑AN: pangkasaysáyan historical [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to explain or elucidate s/t; to expound on s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to explain s/t to s/o; KA‑‑AN explanation; PARA‑ one who explains s/t]

    sáyod MAG‑, ‑ON to articulate, enunciate, pronounce, say or utter s/t; ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to clarify or explain s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to explain s/t to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in explanation, clarification; MAKA, MA‑ to come to understand s/t; to be set right about s/t; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to set s/o right; to be able to clarify or explain s/t to s/o; MAGPAKA‑, PAGPAKA‑‑ON to find out about s/t; to get information about s/t; to strive to understand s/t; MAGPAKA‑, PAGPAKA‑‑AN to get information from s/o or from somewhere; to find out about s/t from s/o or from somewhere; MAKI‑ ‑UM‑, IPAKI‑‑UM‑: makisumáyod, ipakisumáyod to ask for clarification about s/t that has been said; MAKI‑‑UM‑, PAKI‑‑UM‑‑AN: makisumáyod, pakisumayóran to ask for clarification from s/o; KA‑‑AN explanation, clarification; sayód-sáyod ‑AN clearly seen or understood; prominent, obvious]

    lagyó' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to speak in allegories or parables; to illustrate one's speech with stories; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use an allegory or parable; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to speak to someone in this way [MDL]
Conversations would normally arise following a fairly obvious set of circumstances: the sharing or conveying of information, the receipt of a snippet of news, or the participation in a simple act of social politeness involving a greeting or inquiry into ones personal circumstances. The opening to a conversation, however, may not always be so obvious, and when a topic is unexpectedly introduced, it may very well draw a comment. Something that a speaker suddenly remembers and talks about which catches a listener by surprise may elicit the expression Abó‑abó nang bíkal which inquires why something that happened so long ago is suddenly so relevant.

The entry is complex and appears to be somewhat metaphorical, combining the intensifier, abó, with a type of rattan which climbs or spreads along the ground, bíkal, no doubt questioning what kind of long and tortuous series of events might have led to the raising of the topic.
    abó-abó nang bíkal expression used when s/o remembers s/t after a long period of time; Nananábi mo pa nang gayód iyán na, abó-abó nang bíkal? You mean you are talking about that as if it just happened, whereas it really happened ages ago? [MDL]

    bíkal rattan (typ‑ thin and very long, climbing on trees or spreading along the ground) [MDL]

    abó really, very; how (a general intensifier) ... [MDL]
Not all speakers are adept at presenting information in a direct or succinct manner, and the reasons behind this type of speech may vary. The most neutral of the terms included by Lisboa is hambáy. Two other terms appear to imply an underlying cause: nguwó-nguwó possibly indicating a degree of shyness, trepidation or insecurity, resulting in a confusion of words and ideas, and arawíga possibly being a repetition of speech to wear down the listener until what is being asked for is granted. And then there is sasamí and karamít, terms of simple repetition which can arise for any number of reasons, from forgetfulness to determined insistence.
    hambáy MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to speak in circumlocutions; to say s/t in a roundabout way; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to speak to s/o in this way; MAPA‑ describing s/o who speaks in this way [MDL]

    nguwó-nguwó (PAG‑)‑ON to speak in a confused and roundabout manner, never making a point or reaching a conclusion; to beat around the bush; to swallow one's words; MA‑ one who talks in a confused or roundabout manner; Harí pagnguwó'-nguwó'; padagósa an pagtarám mo Don't beat around the bush; come right to the point [MDL]

    arawíga hard to please; also describing s/o who talks in a roundabout manner and does not come to the point; Arawíga mo doy You are really hard to please; arawígang táwo a person who is hard to please or speaks in a roundabout manner; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in a roundabout manner; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o in this way [MDL]

    sasamí s/t repeatedly mentioned or said: Ta' daw ta' sasamí mong mangaránan iyán? Why do you always talk about that? [MDL]

    karamít s/t repeatedly mentioned or said: Karamít kong ipagtarám iyán I frequently mention that; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to repeatedly mention or talk about s/t [MDL]
The use of metaphor in describing someone who fails to come to the point when speaking is a striking part of Lisboa's entries. The literal meaning of following someone around like a tail on an animal, íkog, becomes the figurative 'to harangue', when someone is unwilling to put an end to an unyielding and unwanted stream of speech. The seafaring term, sundóy, which has the meaning of travelling with the wind or current, comes to describe someone who has no sense of give and take in a conversation when used figuratively, and the speech of someone who pays no attention to the context of the conversation, carrying on and making very little sense, compared to the image of taking ones urine for a walk (lakáw). And there is also the person who either does not address the subject of a conversation, or quickly strays from the relevant topic, compared to the cracking open of a coconut without first removing the husk (ta'mák). Conversations are most successful when the participants also know when they must come to an end (rútas).
    íkog tail; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to put a tail on s/t; ‑AN an animal with a tail; (fig‑) to harangue s/o: Inikógan mo pa namán iyán saímong úlay You're once again putting a tail on what you say (Said when a person goes on and on when speaking); Garó ka giráray íkog ni kuyán It is like you are that person's tail (Said when one person follows another around)]

    sundóy MA‑ or MAG‑ to sail or travel with the current or the prevailing wind; (fig‑) pinasundoyán nin úlay to talk to one's heart's content; to enjoy the sound of one's voice [MDL]

    lakáw MAG‑ to walk; ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to walk; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to walk somewhere; MA, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to walk somewhere to get s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to take something for a walk; (fig‑) Garó ipinaglakáw na íhi' iníng pagtarám mo Your speech is like taking your urine for a walk (Said when what s/o says makes no sense or is unrelated to the context of the conversation)]

    ta'mák MAG‑, ‑ON to crack open a coconut with a bolo or other instrument [MDL: tamák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to crack a coconut in two without removing the husk; (fig‑) MAG‑ to not address the subject when talking: Nagtata'mák ka lámang na magtarám You stray off the subject when talking]

    rútas MA‑ or MAG‑ to end or terminate; to come to an end (a talk, speech, address, sermon or lecture) [MDL]
Conversations generally follow a predictable pattern, an exchange between speaker and listener noting or commenting upon new or shared information. Digressions, however, are not uncommon, introducing the unexpected when one of the participants mentions something which suddenly comes to mind (kulibát). More jarring to the flow of the conversation is the introduction of something not only unanticipated, but contrary to the expectations of the listener (suhí').
    kulibát: kulibát ko an expression having the following meanings: it is true, isn't it; I presume or suppose; I infer that; by the way; before I forget ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to digress in a discussion or conversation; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to introduce a parenthetical element into a conversation; MAG‑, ‑ON to discuss s/t different from the main topic of conversation]

    suhí' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON / MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say the opposite of what is expected; to say s/t contrary; to say s/t ironic (unexpected); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o in this way to s/o [MDL]
Participation in a conversation may be far removed from the neutral aim of sharing or gaining new information. On a more pernicious level, it may have the aim of confusing an issue, manipulating words and moving the conversation to a result unexpected and unwanted by a listener (balí'-bági'). It may also be perverted to vilify someone, introducing a person that would not normally be a topic of discussion for the express purpose of reproaching their character or behaviour (kulawí'). And then there are the cases of outright lying, something noted later by others when referring a another person's prevarication (ális).

It is hard to look at a list of dictionary entries beginning with ku- without concluding that this is a particle which once served as a live prefix, or is the remnant of a distant compound, less likely considering the rarity of compounds in the modern language. Determining a meaning for a particle of the form ku- is not something I have been able to do, nor have I been able to trace reasonable meanings within Bikol for what would be most of the putative roots. I, have, however, presented what may be the root word of kulawí', lawí', to indicate the possibilities and the reason for the speculation.
    balí'-bági' MA‑: Mabalí'-báging táwo one who manipulates words to their own end; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to twist another's words (for a particular end); to confuse an issue (to one's own benefit); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to obtain or attempt to obtain s/t by using language to confuse or deliberately mislead s/o [MDL]


    kulawí' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to speak reproachfully or accusingly of s/o; to mention or introduce s/o into a conversation who has nothing to do with what is being discussed: Kulawi'ón ka daw idtóng úlay ni kuyán They say you'll be dragged into that person's conversation; (fig‑) to introduce an unrelated point into a discussion or conversation [MDL]

    lawí' ungainly, uncoordinated; awkward, odd, strange, weird (in looks or actions); MA‑ to be come awkward [MDL: láwi' one who bungles a job; one who is perplexed by the task at hand or does s/t with little skill or ability; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to do s/t with little skill or ability]


    ális not in correspondence with the truth or at variance with what has previously been said: Ális na gáyo siyáng mamumuybóy or Makurí an pagkaális niyáng mamumuybóy or Makurí kaális niyáng mamuybóy He never tells it like it is (but either embellishes it or holds certain parts back); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to say s/t at variance with what has happened, or different from what one has told others [MDL]
Conversations take place within the normal bounds of social convention, and when these bounds are exceeded, this will usually be noted. Pislíng refers not only to situations where ones speech may be garbled and unclear, but also to those in which the terms chosen are inappropriate due to what is being discussed, or to the people participating in the discussion. Profanity (rapsák, ráway) may have its place in particular forms of discourse, but obviously not in others.
    pislíng referring to speech which is inappropriate in terms of reference or situation, or in terms of choice of vocabulary; also referring to speech that is garbled and unclear; MA‑ or MAG‑ to speak inappropriately; to swallow one's words when speaking; Pislíng na gáyo an pagtarám mo Your speech is most inappropriate [MDL]

    rapsák referring to vulgar language dealing particularly with the sexual organs; MAG‑ to speak in this way [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use curse words or swear words; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to swear at s/o; to curse s/o]

    ráway curse words or dirty words; oaths, profanity; MAG‑, ‑AN to curse s/o; to use swear words with s/o; to swear at s/o; MAG‑, I‑ to utter oaths or profanity; PAG‑ cursing, profanity [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use curse words or swear words; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to swear at s/o; to curse s/o; MA‑: maráway na táwo one who uses swear words]

6. LANGUAGE

In a region such as Bikol, with at least three languages and a proliferation of dialects, some related to major languages to the south in the Visayas, and others forming a chain from village to village where the differences between neighbouring towns may be minor, but between those towns more distant along the chain more substantial, numerous references to language should not be surprising.[95]

Tatarámon covers the aspects of language from word and phrase to dialect and speech. and the root on which it is based, tarám, aspects of pronunciation and various modes of communication. There are other entries, however, which clearly show the existence of different languages and the effect this had on the speech of the inhabitants.
    tarám MAG‑ to talk; to give a speech; MAG‑, ‑ON to say or pronounce s/t; ... MAG‑, I‑ to say or express s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to talk or speak to s/o; to say s/t to s/o; ... MAGPA‑, IPA‑ to elicit speech; to get s/o to say s/t; PAGKA‑ speech, way of talking; ‑ON: tatarámon word, term, expression, phrase; dialect, language; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to give s/o a talking to; to scold s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t as a reprimand or when scolding s/o; MAKAPANG‑, IKAPANG‑ to say s/t without basis or foundation; to say s/t without much thought or consideration; MAKAPANG‑, MAPANG to speak to s/o in this way; MA‑ a chatterbox; very talkative; Abóng tarám ni kuyán What a chatterbox that person is; Tarám mo doy You talk on and on]
Translation (palós) is a formal skill, with Lisboa clearly relating this to writing, although how this was effected is unclear (see Section 7). Most accounts indicate that writing was limited to the taking of notes and the passing of messages, so this is where a formal skill of translating would have had to apply.
    palós MA‑, ‑I or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to translate s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to translate s/t into another language [MDL]
More informally are entries which clearly showed the existence of a variety of languages and the effect this had on the speakers, from the unexpected moving from one language to another, possibly unfamiliar to and not fully understood by those listening (balíw), to the mixing of elements of one language with another. This might be done unconsciously, or deliberately, indicating a lack of knowledge of the proper terminology in the language one was speaking (gawí, sawíd). Alternately, when coming across an item a speaker just did not know the name of, they could substitute the term úhay.
    balíw ‑ON to be converted or changed into s/t else; ... MA‑, MA‑‑AN to change (a person, from speaking a familiar language to speaking one that is foreign; the odor originally emanating from a cooking pot to another odor); MAKA‑ to cause or bring about such a change [MDL]

    gawí MA‑ to talk in one's sleep; MA‑, MA‑‑AN or MA‑, IKA‑ to say s/t in one's sleep; to come out with words in one's first language when speaking another: Nagagawí pa akó kan pagtarám sa Manila I still come out with words from the language of Manila (when speaking another language) [MDL]

    sawíd MA‑ to speak one language, mixing it with elements of another; MA‑, MA‑‑AN: sawirán to draw on elements of one language when speaking another; MA‑, IKA‑ to mix elements of one language with another; Saró-sawíd pa an pagtarám niyá kan pagtarám sa Manila Her language still has influences of the language of Manila [MDL]

    úhay a term used by strangers when referring to things they do not know the name of; MA- or MAG- to use such a term when referring to things [MDL]
Where it was important to learn the proper terms in a language and improve ones skills at speaking, this could be done by engaging in conversation with native speakers whenever the occasion arose, as shown by the figurative meaning for ságap.
    ságap MAG‑, ‑AN to gather information or facts by listening; to induce s/t [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to devise ploys, strategies or tactics for catching s/t one is chasing; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to catch s/t in this way; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to catch s/t by luck or chance; (fig‑) ... Kasasagápan tang maku'á an tibá'ad nang úlay kon maguurúlay kitá giráray We might be able to learn some words if we always converse with people]
An awareness of languages and their differences, as well as an engagement with speakers whose language preferences would have differed, would have given the residents of the Bikol region an acute sensitivity to words and their meanings (tagá). Words in possibly the same language, but more likely in different languages, would have been compared and their similarities noted. This is made quite clear by the figurative meanings given to the terms híping, pagís and tagínis which, collectively, have quite different referents.
    tagá' KA‑ word, words [+MDL: words, reasons; duwá katagá' two words, two reasons; Buyboyán takáng saró' katagá' I'll give you one reason; Makurí an kasaysáyan kaiyán manaró-saró' katagá' Each of these words has its own story]

    híping MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to pass close to s/t (but not hit it); to just miss s/o (as when lunging out at s/o with a knife and just missing them); (fig‑) MAGKA‑ to be almost the same or close in meaning: Nagkahíping lámang iníng tatarámon These words are almost identical [MDL]

    pagís MA‑ to peel off (skin from a person or animal, or bark from a tree when hit); MA‑‑AN to have a bit of skin removed (a person, animal), or bark (a tree); MAKA‑ to hit s/t, removing a bit of skin or bark; (fig‑) Nagkakapagís lámang iníng duwáng pagtarám These two words mean almost the same thing [MDL]

    tagínis MA‑ or MAG‑ to slip, slide or fall off (one thing which is positioned on top of another); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to slip or fall off s/t; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to push or knock s/t off; MAGKA‑ to be displaced (two things, slightly separated from one another; a broken bone with the ends extending beyond the point of fracture); (fig‑) Nagkakatagínis lámang iníng duwáng tatarámon These words have almost the same meaning [MDL]
A sign language (palbá) was used when communicating with people who could not hear. How formalised this was, and how standardised the signs, is not indicated. Reference was not only to the gestures used in place of oral interaction, but also to symbols used in an abbreviated form of writing. It would not be much of an extension to apply the use of gestures and images to the communication among people who spoke different languages, although there is no specific mention of this in the dictionary. Palbá is a form most likely built on the root lúba' with pa- serving as a causative prefix. Lúba' is centered on the meanings of thoughts and imagination, clearly related to images.
    palbá sign language, the signs or gestures used as when speaking to the deaf; also: to speak or write using code; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to speak with signs, gestures or images; to write using shorthand or symbols; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to gesture or speak in this way to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to form signs or make gestures with the hand [MDL]

    lúba' MAG‑, ‑ON to think about or imagine s/t; MAG‑, I‑ to think or imagine that s/t has happened; to deem; sa lúba' ko I thought, I imagined [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to think or imagine s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to have thoughts about s/t; Nalúba' ko si kuyán iyán I thought it was that person]

7. THE ALPHABET AND WRITING

The early alphabet, used throughout much of the lowland Philippines with minor variation, had its origin in Indic scripts. Like those scripts, its consonants come with an inherent vowel, and like those scripts as well, its vowels may be either independently written or shown through the placement of diacritical marks on the consonants. It is unclear which of the Indic scripts was the basis for the early Philippine alphabet, although visually Gujarati appears closest in form. While this script appears first in print in a manuscript of 1592, its use in trading accounts clearly predated this publication.[96]

An interesting argument is made for Gujarati as the origin of the scripts used in Sumatra, Sulawesi and the Philippines in an article by Christopher Miller written for the Berkeley Linguistic Society.[97] His argument is based on the internal structure of letters and not a direct comparison of individual letters themselves. References are also given which show the Gujaratis involved in trade in the Malay peninsula as well as Sulawesi and the Moluccas prior to the arrival of the Portuguese in 1511, establishing a point of contact between them, the inhabitants of these areas, and those who came there to trade. This included merchants from the Philippines resident in Malacca.[98]

There are a number of descriptions of the early Philippine alphabet. Lisboa, as part of the first entry at the start of each set of letters in his Vocabulario, describes the three vowels and fifteen consonants of the language. Following this description, a space is left where the form of the letter in the early script is meant to appear. Unfortunately, this space is left blank in both the 1754 and 1865 editions of the dictionary.

The three consonants, a, i (representing both i and e) and u (representing both u and o), are written separately only when they do not appear following a consonant. This means they are generally written only at the start of a word or at the start of a syllable. Following a consonant they are either inherent in the consonant symbol, as is the case with a, or they are shown with a diacritical mark, as is the case with i and u, placed immediately before or after the consonant symbol. The following is Lisboa's description of b. The description of the other consonants follows the same format.
    Ba. This is the way b is pronounced in their alphabet. It is written with the symbol ..... which includes both b and a. To say be or bi, a dot or comma is placed on the left side of the symbol, ....., and to say bo or bu a comma or dot is placed on the right side, ..... This is because they read and write from bottom to top.
The term for the diacritical mark which Lisboa describes is kahulo'án. While his description accompanying the consonants refers to a dot or a comma following or preceding the consonant symbol, the illustration shown in this entry is a v. What appears to have been important is the position of a symbol, either on the left or right of the consonant, and not its exact form, allowing for the writing of a dot, a comma or a small symbol approximating a v.
    huló' KA‑‑AN: kahulo'án a 'v' shaped mark placed at the side of letters in the original alphabet system [MDL]
The positioning of the diacritic to the left or right of the consonant is not the location generally described for other languages using this script. In Tagalog, for example, the diacritic is placed at the top of the consonant to represent the i, and at the bottom of the consonant to represent the u. These diacritics in modern Tagalog are referred to as kudlít. The entry in the eighteenth century Noceda dictionary is kurlít translating as 'a small scratch'. A further entry in the dictionary is kulit, defined as a 'small line' or 'comma'. This same term is defined for Kapampangan and Hiligaynon as a marking used in their writing systems.[99] For Bikol, the cognate form, kúrit, is simply a straight line.
    kúrit a line (as a 'straight line'); streak; MAG‑, ‑ON to delineate or demarcate s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to draw a line on s/t; MAG‑, I‑ to use a straight edge for drawing a line; magkúrit sa irárom to underline s/t [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to draw a line on s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to draw a line with s/t]
The alphabet shown below is from a modern website which is also the source of the font which enables its printing.[100] It represents the alphabet used in the Tagalog Doctrina Christiana, printed in 1593, the first dated document recorded using this script.[101] It is the same script which is shown as both Tagalog and Bikol in a document kept at the Franciscan archive in Madrid and also available at the Biblioteca del Museo Naval.[102]



There are other descriptions of the early Philippine script. Pedro Chirino describes an alphabet comprising three vowels and twelve consonants. The consonants which are missing from his description when compared to the full representation above are ng, r and w. The lack of r can be explained by the predictable pronunciation of the symbol d as either d or r in Tagalog depending on its position in the word. One symbol, in this case d, represents both sounds. In the case of ng, its lack was most likely due to not being recognised as an independent sound, and with w it was most likely conflated with the vowel u.

Chirino also discusses what was clearly a weakness in the adopted writing system, although he does not treat it as such. This was the inability to write a consonant independent of an accompanying vowel. A consonant which appeared finally in a word or in a syllable was completely omitted. If we use the term for the Tagalog diacritical marks presented above, kurlit, this would be written as kuli. A speaker would have to add the missing consonants based on a knowledge of the word and its context, something which Chrino describes as an admirable skill, accomplished with great facility.

Tagalog texts were written from top to bottom starting from the left and moving to the right, differing from the description by Lisboa for Bikol where writing was from the bottom to the top. Writing was on reeds or palm leaves using an iron point as a pen, although with the coming of the Spanish, these materials were to change, from palm leaves to paper and an iron point to a sharpened quill.[103]

Alcina, writing in 1663, also has a comprehensive description of the early script used in the eastern Visayas which he attributes to fairly recent borrowing from the Tagalogs, something also confirmed by Chirino.[104] Loarca also writes that the Visayans did not have a writing system in his Relacion of 1582.[105]

Alcina attributes the acquisition of the Tagalog script to their close contact with the Sultanate of Brunei, although this is probably incorrect. The script widely used in Brunei from at least the fifteenth century was Jawi, an adaptation of the Arabic script for Malay which is substantially different from the writing system found in the Philippines.[106] When it came to literacy, it was the women who were more literate than the men, according to Alcina, and it was they who could read and write with greater facility.

Alcina describes the same type of difficultly in reading the script as did Chirino, Consonants which were final in a word or syllable would not be written and, therefore, only with a knowledge of the word and the context could these consonants be correctly supplied, a skill which he attributes more to women than to men. The Visayans added a double stroke, //, at the end of each word to indicate where one word ended and another began. Although this was not universally done, where it was added, it made reading somewhat easier. The script was written from the top of the page to the bottom, and then continuing on from the bottom back to the top, starting on the right-hand side and finishing on the left.[107]

Chirino, describing the situation in the Tagalog region, indicated that writing was used solely in the exchange of letters and that these letters were well thought out and extravagantly composed. Literacy was widespread and equally observed among men and women.[108]

The terms for reading, bása, and writing, súrat, recur in all of the central Philippine languages, bása being a borrowing of the Malay baca, with its origin in the Sanskrit vācā referring to 'speech' or 'word'. Súrat appears in this identical form in Waray, and the cognate from, sulat in Tagalog, Kapampangan, Cebuano and Hiligaynon, and refers both to the act of writing and the material produced.[109]
    bása MAG‑, ‑ON to read s/t; ... MAG‑, ‑AN to read from any written material; MA‑: mababása legible (lit: can be read); ‑ON: barasáhon or babasáhon reading matter; PARA‑ a reader (one who reads); basá-bása MAG‑, ‑ON to skim or thumb through s/t [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to read s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to read from s/t; to read to s/o; ‑AN: basahán alphabet, comprising 3 vowels and 15 consonants ...] [MALAY baca from SANSKRIT vācā speech, a word]

    súrat a letter, mail; writing, ...; MAG‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, I‑ to write s/t; to jot s/t down; MAG‑, ‑AN to write on s/t; KAG‑ writer, author; ... [+MDL: book, note; anything with writing; Sulongá nindó idtóng súrat Take this letter with you on the journey upriver; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to write s/t; to write with s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to write on s/t; PARA‑ those who can write (Implying: Those who have had some schooling)]
Gúhit in Bikol also specifically refers to the act of writing. In the other central Philippine languages where it occurs it has a wider meaning, referring in Tagalog to painting and general craft centered on the drawing of lines, in Waray to writing, printing and other markings done with a quill, and similarly in Cebuano where the markings can also be achieved with the point of a knife.[110] A blank space, presumably between words, was taháng, a term with a far more general meaning.
    gúhit MAG‑, I‑ to record s/t; to enter s/t in a record book; ... [MDL: letters, writing; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to write s/t; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to write a document; to produce a piece of writing]

    taháng vacant, empty; blank; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to leave s/t vacant, empty, blank; to leave a space or small opening (as when writing or when building an enclosure); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove s/t so that a small opening can be made [MDL]
The substance presumably used for writing, bíro, was derived from the smoke of burning pitch or resin. Lisboa refers to this type of ink as used for painting or tattooing, not specifically writing. In Cebuano and Hiligaynon the term referred to writing as well as tattooing and in Waray its reference was only to painting, although, given the definition in the other Visayan languages, there is a good chance that painting of the body was also included.[111]
    bíro soot from the smoke of resin or pitch, used for making a type of ink; (fig‑) Garó bíro iníng dugó' This blood is dark as soot; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make ink of this type; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint s/o or s/t with such soot or ink [MDL]
None of the entries described how the smoke residue was collected or how it was turned into ink. A British publication of 1832 presents some idea of how this might have been accomplished, although the materials used two hundred years earlier in a far different region of the world would clearly have differed.

The resin was placed in an iron vessel which was then set in an enclosure where it was ignited. In nineteenth century Britain this enclosure was called a sac--noir, a wooden frame covered with cloth over which were pasted sheets of paper to keep the smoke from escaping. When the resin was entirely consumed, the sides of the cloth were tapped until the black particles of soot were completely dislodged and piled onto a flat surface. The soot was then swept up and placed into a suitable container for storage.

When it came time to make the ink, a small vessel was filled with a requisite amount of clear varnish. To this would be added the soot to thicken the varnish to the desired consistency.[112] The text does not explain the composition of this varnish, although its base may possibly have been a type of drying oil such as linseed, or a resin previously liquefied in a solvent such as turpentine.[113]

There is an entry for varnish in Bikol, hipó', but whether it was used in the making of ink is impossible to know. The base for this varnish is not explained in the Lisboa entry, however, considering the prevalence of the píli tree (Carnarium luzonicum) in the region, and the resin produced by its trunk which could be distilled into a type of spirit or turpentine, this might very well have been the base used. The ink would not dry instantly, and so to aid in this process, sand would be sprinkled over the writing. This term, bumbón, referred most commonly to the spreading of grain in the feeding of chickens.
    hipó' varnish; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to varnish s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to varnish a particular part; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular varnish; PARA‑ varnisher; one who applies varnish [MDL]

    píli tree (typ‑ large, producing an edible nut somewhat like an almond; the trunk produces a resin used for making varnish and caulking; Canarium luzonicum) [+MDL: pulót píli or mulót píli the resin or sap of the píli tree which is distilled to make a type of spirit or turpentine]

    bumbón MAG‑, ‑AN to feed chickens by scattering rice or other grains; MAG‑, I‑ to scatter rice or grains for the purpose of feeding chickens [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to scatter s/t about (as rice when feeding chickens, or sand on what one is writing); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to feed chickens in this way; to cover one's writing with a sprinkling of sand ...]

8. PAINTING AND SCULPTURE

Designs or paintings were executed on cloth, paper or wood, as well as on the body. Batók referred not only to art carried out on the more commonly expected surfaces, but also on the skin by way of tattooing as exemplified in the figurative meaning for the entry binanóg (see Chapter 8, 'Jewellery and Body Ornamentation,' Section 1). Batók appears as an entry in Waray carrying the meaning of painting with colours as well as to tattooing. In Cebuano, it carries the sole meaning of tattooing, while in Hiligaynon it is defined as a contrast in colour, in addition to more general references to opposition.[114]
    batók design or painting on cloth, paper or wood; MA‑, ‑AN: batokán or batkán or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN: pagbatokán or pagbatkán to paint s/t; to execute a design on s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to paint with s/t (a particular brush or paints); to realize a particular design or image; PARA‑ painter [MDL]

    binanóg the tattoo found on the chest of those who are tattooed; chest tattoo; (fig‑) Garó ka na napabatók nin binanóg It's as if you were tattooed with a binanóg (Said when someone is seated and leaning back or reclining at full length) [MDL]
Before a painting is begun, a preliminary sketch or design is set out which can later be followed by the painter or other craftsman chosen to execute the work. Lagdá' refers to this preliminary step and sugá to the subsequent painting following an initial design. Lagdá is found with this same meaning in all of the central Philippine languages with the exception of Hiligaynon, and sugá with the same meaning only in the three Visayan languages.[115]
    lagdá' the preliminary design or sketch of a painter over which he later paints; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make a preliminary sketch or design; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make a preliminary sketch of s/t [MDL]

    sugá MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to paint following a previously drawn design; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint s/t with a previously drawn design [MDL]
Painting was done in colour (darán) with the predominant colours being black (itóm), white (putí') and red (pulá'). While these were the principal colours, they were not the only ones referred to. There were entries for lighter or darker tones of red, duller or brighter intensities of white, deeper shades of black, yellows related to gold, blues the colour of flowers, dark greys like the feathers of particular chickens and greens the colour of specific birds.
    darán MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint s/t in color (such as an altar piece); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use particular colors; to add color to particular figures, designs; ‑AN: dinadaranán s/t painted in color; dinaranán plate (typ‑ painted in color); darán na painted [MDL]

    itóm black; MA‑ dark in color; MAG‑ or MANG‑ to turn darker [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to become darker; to turn black; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to darken s/t; to make s/t black; MA‑‑ON very black, dark]

    putí' white; MA‑ white; fair or light-skinned; MAG‑ to turn white; to become lighter; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to whiten or lighten s/t; KA‑‑AN whiteness [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to bleach s/t; to whiten or make s/t lighter; ... maputí' na gáyo very white]

    pulá red, reddish; tan; MA‑ red; MAG‑ to turn red; MAG‑, ‑ON to color s/t red; MAG‑, ‑AN to place a red mark on s/t; to red-pencil s/t; MANG‑ to turn reddish; to blush; MAKAPA‑, MAPA‑ to unexpectedly blush; KA‑‑AN redness; ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to turn red; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to dye s/t red; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add a red dye; MAHING‑ or MAGHING‑ to turn red dish; to blush]
Painting with black in combination with another colour, such as red, may have been a common occurrence, as Lisboa has a specific entry for this practice, burík-butík, the term coming into modern Bikol with the meaning 'spotted' or 'mottled'. The source of the black and red dyes is discussed in Chapter 8, 'Jewellery and Body Ornamentation,' Section 2.
    burík-butík spot, dot, fleck; ‑ON spotted, dotted, mottled; MAG‑, ‑AN to make s/t spotted; MAKA‑, MA‑ to get spotted [MDL: MA‑ or ‑AN describing s/t painted black with red or another color; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint s/t in this way]
Terms also related to the slowly intensifying of colours, perhaps as they were applied in additional coats, (dukót) and the gradual loss of intensity as they slowly faded with increasing exposure to light, yagumyóm.
    dukót color; MA‑ or MAG‑ to begin to show color; to take on color; MA‑ madukót or madkót brightly colored; dukót-dukót MA‑ to show signs of coloration: Madukót-dukót na an lalawgón ni kuyán That person's face is beginning to show some color (as when recovering from an illness) [MDL]

    yagumyóm MA‑ beige, off-white; MA‑ or MAG‑ to fade (losing a stronger or darker color); to turn beige, off-white; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to paint s/t this color [MDL]
Kikhí' was a brush made from hog's bristles, this particular material chosen not only because of its flexibility and strength, but also its capacity to hold paint due to the fine, hair-like strands found at the tip of each of the bristles.[116] Lisboa specifically mentions its use in applying red ochre to gold and for cleaning the teeth, these two applications possibly requiring a different type of bristle. He does not mention painting. What he does mention as used for painting are the fins of small fish, sirá'-sirá'. Kikhí' may be a borrowing of the Sanskrit kūčī, although it is not clear how the term would have made its way into the Philippines.[117]
    kikhí' brush (typ‑ fine, made from hog's bristles, used to add red ochre dye (sulpó') to gold); also used for cleaning the teeth; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to burnish gold or clean the teeth with such a brush; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove reddish discoloration from between the teeth with such a brush [MDL]

    sirá'-sirá' small or ornamental fish; MAG‑ to paint with the fins of such fish; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to paint s/t with such fins; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use such fins for painting; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint on s/t with such fins [MDL]
The entry paláman means 'to stamp' or 'to print'. The only other central Philippine language where this term appears is Tagalog which adds that the printing was done on paper. The reference here may be to a form of block-printing or, less likely, the actual printing of text. There is no way of being sure. Bikol may have borrowed the term from Tagalog which in turn borrowed it from Malay where laman meant 'page',[118] a form now displaced by the longer halaman. If borrowed as a unit into Bikol, the prefix PA- may have carried over a directional meaning from Tagalog.[119]
    paláman MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to print, imprint or stamp s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to print or stamp on s/t [MDL]
The realisation of a work of art came with certain cultural expectations. We can assume that among these were: that it follow certain rules of composition, that it be neat and well executed, and that it was appealing enough so that others would find it acceptable. When these rules were broken, then comments were made, complaining that the work was unbalanced and poorly executed (rabák) or that it was confused and uneven (ramóran).
    rabák describing painting or writing that is uneven or poorly done, wide in some places and narrow in others; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to paint or write s/t in this way; MA‑ to be painted or written in this way [MDL]

    ramóran sketch, drawing or writing which is confused, uneven and, in general, poorly done; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to write or draw s/t in this way; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to write or draw s/t in this way on s/t ... [MDL]
Ancestors were regarded with great respect. They were remembered and worshiped and honoured with various images carved in stone or wood. These ancestral spirits, the aníto, and the human form they took were referred to by a number of terms, all but one, tangó', based on the word for 'human' or 'person', táwo.
    aníto ancestral spirits once represented by carved wooden statues [+MDL: MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make a sacrifice or hold a festival for a particular aníto; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer s/t as a sacrifice; to present s/t as an offering; MAPAPAG‑ to ask that a sacrificial ceremony to the aníto be held]

    tangó' a figure of the aníto; wooden figures or statues made in honor of the dead; syn‑ tatáwo, táwo-táwo, tinatáwo [MDL]
A general term for all types of representation, ladáwan in Bikol with cognate terms in all the central Philippine languages,[120] also carried meanings covering all types of images; portraits, paintings, designs, and in the case of Hiligaynon, even descriptive language. It was a term, as can be seen in the Bikol entry, that was quickly taken from its traditional meaning and applied to the images of Catholic saints.
    ladáwan image at a church altar; icon; MAG‑, ‑AN to make an image or carve an idol of s/o or s/t; MAG‑, I‑ to describe or portray s/t; to visualize s/t [BIK MYT: idols or images of the aníto, usually made of stone or wood] [MDL: image; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make an image; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to represent a particular saint with an image; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to make an image of a particular saint]
Carvings were also made on flat surfaces. When on stone (húbad-húbad) these were commonly referred to as relief sculptures, and when on a flat panel of wood as relief carvings (rirók). If the figures were carved shallowly into the wood or stone, then the term bas-relief is used. The deepest part of a relief carving in Bikol was referred to as lúgi'.[121]

Rirók appears in the cognate from lilok in both Cebuano and Hiligaynon also related to carving, and lúgi' in the same two languages carrying the meaning of a notch or groove in wood in addition to wider sets of meanings.[122]
    húbad-húbad engraving or carving in stone; bas-relief [MDL]

    rirók painting, bas-relief (of flowers, similar designs); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint or carve s/t in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to paint or carve particular designs [MDL]

    lúgi' the deepest part of a design carved in wood; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to carve out a groove deeper than the surrounding parts of a design; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to carve such a groove in s/t [MDL]

9. CONCLUSION
 
While many of the musical instruments used at the turn of the sixteenth century still exist in areas that came under less intense Spanish domination, some of the unique functions these instruments played in society have now disappeared. The bells and gongs, often difficult to separate due to the Spanish use of campana to describe both, were ubiquitous, used for warnings, for dancing, and for setting the rhythm of ritual sacrifice in pre-Christian religious ceremonies. These, too, were important in the calling of assemblies as the sound would travel long distances, and the right to strike them came also to refer to those with the authority to do so.

Rhythm sticks, widely associated with the Negrito communities resident in the mountains, also played a part in lowland life, their rhythmic tapping signalling a social invitation, and their sound allowing an interpretation of what was said by the spirits on religious occasions.

Horns, sounded alone or with the accompaniment of gongs, often had a military meaning, warning of impending attack, or welcoming the return of boats from a successful raiding mission. Flutes had a gentler sound, both those played by air expelled through the nose, and those blown with the mouth, as did the Jew's harp played on quieter occasions. The interaction of the string instruments, the kudyapí', played by men, and the kudlóng, played by women, presented the most fascinating interaction, speaking musically to one another, asking questions and achieving answers without recourse to language.

Dance was present at most social gatherings, and Spanish observers at the time all commented on the rhythm and grace shown by the performers. The names of specific dances were given in a number of the early dictionaries, although particulars of how and why they were danced were not generally available. The continued existence of some of these dances up to the present offered some detail as to their performance, although how close these modern descriptions were to the dances of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is impossible to know.

Song and verse permeated all aspects of life, from religion, leisure and work, to the welcoming of children at birth and the farewelling of individuals at funerals. There were numerous poetic forms, treasured and enjoyed by the local inhabitants, even though the language and metaphorical reference was not always understood. There were solo recitations by skilled poets who were sought after and compensated for their skills, and presentations by two participants speaking of intimate and playful things, goaded and challenged by an audience enjoying the spectacle and their participation.

The early dictionaries of the central Philippine languages have terms which are defined as used solely in narratives and verse, older forms which are no longer part of everyday language. For Bikol, many of these appear to have an origin in the Visayan languages to the south, although whether these were borrowings or remnants of a shared, older poetic form is not possible to determine.

As writing was reserved for notes and messages. It was by means of oral narratives that information was passed from person to person, village to village and generation to generation. These were stories of gods and spirits, of battles and heros, of all the exploits that were of importance to the local community, and they were told during nights of leisure when they could be best enjoyed.

In a society where narrative ability was highly prized, it was not unusual for there to be terms related to ones abilities at conversation and storytelling. Those who chose their words carefully and elucidated items at the time they needed clarification, were highly praised, while those who added extraneous information, who lost their train of thought, and who relied on verbal obfuscation to hide what were clearly lies, or repetition to harangue someone into undesired agreement, were deservedly criticised.

Bikol was a region of immense linguistic complexity, with at least three languages and numerous dialects related along dialect chains or tied to the Visayan languages to the south. Given this situation, it was not surprising that the population was sensitive to language use, commenting when elements of one language were mixed with those of another, or when speakers moved from one language to another, either due to distraction or the inability to carry on a conversation in what must have been a less familiar language.

The early alphabet was based on an Indic script, very possibly that of Gujarat. The alphabet appears to have moved south from the area around Manila to the Visayas at a time when the Spanish were still extending their control over Luzon and the central islands in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Spanish records show literacy becoming available in the Visayas after that date and after it was widespread in the Tagalog regions. Writing was done originally on reeds and palm leaves using an iron point as a pen although this was to change from palm leaves to paper and an iron point to a sharpened quill after the arrival of the Spanish.

Painting was carried out on paper and wood as well as the body, for tattooing was also a prized form or art. Paint was applied following a carefully laid out design, added in coats which resulted in a gradually intensifying colour. Carving was both on wood and stone, either on flat panels of wood where designs were etched in relief, or as fully formed statues of spirit ancestors which were central to the religion. These all formed integral parts of the classical arts and oral traditions of the region.

ENDNOTES

[1] 'Relation of the voyage to Luzon,' ca. 1570, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, pp. 73-104, p. 78.

[2] Antonio de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' 1609, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 25-210, p. 128.

[3] Juan Feliz de la Encarnacion, Diccionario español - bisaya, Manila: Imprenta de los amigos del pais, á cargo de M. Sanchez, 1852, see gandang; Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario español - bisaya para las provincias de Sámar y Leyte, 3rd edition, aumentado por Antonio Valeriano, Manila: Santos y Bermal, 1914, see ganding.

[4] Francisco Colin, S.J., 'Native races and their customs,' Madrid, 1663, from his Labor evangelica, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 37-98, p. 67-68.

[5] Andres de San Nicolas, Luis de Jesus, and Juan de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines' (extracts from their respective works, covering the history of the missions to the year 1624), in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, pp. 111-318, p. 203.

[6] Diego de Artieda, 'Relation of the Western Islands called Filipinas', documents of 1573, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, pp. 190-208, p. 199.

[7] Diego de Bobadilla, S.J., 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' 1640, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, pp. 277-312, p. 286.

[8] Francisco Ignacio Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, 1668, part 1; transliteration from a microfilm of the Spanish text in the Biblioteca de Palacio, Madrid, by Victor Baltazar; Book 3, p. 68.

[9] Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1754, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, reimpreso 1860, see alingaongao; Diego Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, en romance, 1732, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see alingaongao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see laghos; Alonso de Mentrida, Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya de la Isla de Panay, Manila: La Imprenta de D. Manuel y de Felix Dayot, 1841, see laghung; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tanoy.

[10] Antonio Pigafetta, 'Primo viaggio intorno al mondo' (to be concluded), Italian text with English translation, manuscript ca. 1525, of events of 1519 - 1522, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 33, pp. 26 - 272, p. 149.

[11] Antonio de Morga, 'Sucesos de la Islas Filipinas' (concluded), 1609, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 25-210, p. 128; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see agong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see agong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see agong; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see agong.

[12] Pigafetta, 'Primo viaggio intorno al mondo,' p. 151.

[13] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see mangmang.

[14] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see mongmongan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see mungmungan (spelled mongmongan in the index); de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see mongmongan.

[15] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see basal; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see basal; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see basal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see basal.

[16] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bagtíng; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bagtíng; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bagting.

[17] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gorong gorong.

[18] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see agong, alingaongao, alingasao, aliyavo, aloningning, atibangao, bagting, basay, caguingquing, calog, catí, congcong, iyac, lanog, paiyac, quing, tambocao, tangtang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see agong, bagting, boto boto, danug, gabas, ganding, gorong gorong, hulagting, linganay, pacao pacao, tanoy; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see agong, bagtol, basal, bongol, boto boto, calocatic, gandang, gologánding, hagonghong, haloganay, holagting, linganay, laghos, lahós, lanog, langog langog, libag, loyao, mangmang, mongmongan, patic, pocpoc, poong, sagingsing, solagting, tabngol, tagingting, toctoc; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see agung, bagting, bagtol, basal, hagubhub, holagting, laghung, sagnay, ting ting; Bergaño, Pampanga, see actung, alibungbung, alingaongao, butubutu, dalas, galugao, mungmungan, saladsad, salagsay, siuala, talao, talay, talotao, tigtig, uuang.

[19] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calotang.

[20] Noberto Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instruments and Airs of Long Ago, Lecture delivered at the Conservatory of Music, University of the Philippines on November 2, 1931, p. 6.

[21] 'Kleinhovia hospita', Philippine Native Forest Trees (accessed 15 May 2019); 'Kleinhovia hospita', Pl@ant Use (accessed 15 May 2019); P. Fr. Manuel Blanco, Flora de Filipinas: Segun el sistema sexual de Linneo, Agustino Calzado, ed., 2nd edition (1st edition 1837), Manila: Imprenta de Miguel Sanchez, 1845, pp. 652-653.

[22] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dapit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dapit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dapit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see dapit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lapit; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 67.

[23] Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F., 'Customs of the Tagalogs (two relations),' Manila, October 21, Documents of 1589, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 173-178, p.176.

[24] de San Nicolas, de Jesus, and de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 203.

[25] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gimbal, guimbal; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see guimbal; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gimbal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see guimbal; Bergaño, Pampanga, see guimbal.

[26] Brandeis, Hans, Life and Death of Philippine Music, 2018, pp. 1-4, p. 2. (accessed 25 April 2019).

[27] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see patong.

[28] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see patong.

[29] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calatong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see calatong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see calatong.

[30] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lalod.

[31] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calabocob, calatong / calacalatongan, canlang, dalogdóg, guimbal / gimbal, pamonoan, pátong, saliu, sapar, timpí; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see calatong, guimbal, itorogtog, toctoc, tagonton, tagubanua, totob; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see calatong, gandang, gimbal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see gadang, guimbal, tonog; Bergaño, Pampanga, see alibungbung, gandang, guimbal, pacsing, pactong, sapad.

[32] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tamboli; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bodyong.

[33] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see torotot.

[34] de Artieda, 'Relation of the western Islands called Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 199.

[35] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tingab; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 64-65.

[36] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see boloboryong.

[37] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lantoy.

[38] Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, p. 17.

[39] 'Why do flutes have so many holes?' Quora (accessed 21 June 2019).

[40] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 65.

[41] Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, pp. 15-17.

[42] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sobing; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see subing; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see subing; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 67.

[43] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sobing; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 66-67.

[44] 'Jew's Harp' Encyclopaedia Britannica (accessed 21 June 2019)

[45] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see taghuy.

[46] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see litgit; Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, pp. 26-27.

[47] 'Litgit' (Panay, Bukidnon), MusiKoleksyon (accessed 25 June 2019).

[48] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 63.

[49] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see cudyapi in the index and cudyiapi or coryapi in the dictionary; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see codyapi, cotsapi; Bergaño, Pampanga, see cudiapi.

[51] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see corlong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see codlon; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see corlong.

[50] R. O. Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, Singapore: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, n.d, see kechapi.

[52] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see kacchapī, kacchapikā.

[53] Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, p. 26.

[54] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 62-63.

[55] Pedro Chirino, S.J., 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' 1604, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, pp. 169-322, p. 241; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 290; Colin, 'Native races and their customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 67.

[56] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 62-63.

[57] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 12; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 290.

[58] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 63.

[59] 'Wild Sugar Cane' Non-Timber Forestry Products (accessed 09 July 2019); 'Talahib' Stuartxchange (accessed 20 July 2019).

[60] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 63-64.

[61] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 302.

[62] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 309.

[63] Domingo Fernandez Navarrete, 'Manila and the Philippines about I650' (to be concluded), from his Tratados historicos, Madrid, 1676, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 37, pp. 285-306, p. 298.

[64] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sayao; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sayao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sayao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sayao.

[65] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see indac; Bergaño, Pampanga, see indac.

[66] Bergaño, Pampanga, see terac, libad.

[67] Frances Densmore, 'The Music of the Filipinos,' American Anthropologist, New Series, vol. 8, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1906), pp. 611-632, Published by Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable, pp 615-616 (accessed 11 June 2019).

[68] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bias, incoy incoy, balitao.

[69] 'Balitaw' The University of the Philippines Alumni and Friends Rondalla (accessed 28 Jue 2019).

[70] Miguel de Loarca, 'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,' Arevalo, June, 1582, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 34-187, p. 121; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 263; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, pp. 282-283.

[71] de San Nicolas, de Jesus, and de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines,' in in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 138.

[72] de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 190.

[73] Merito B. Espinas, 'A critical study of the Ibalong, the Bikol folk epic fragment,' in Unitas, vol. 41, no. 2, 1968, pp. 173-249.

[74] de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 293.

[75] de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 195; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 302; de San Nicolas, de Jesus, and de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines,' in in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 206.

[76] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 33-34, see anogon, canogon; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see haya; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see haya; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see haya.

[77] de Loarca, 'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 121; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 263; de Morga, 'Sucesos de la Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, p. 82; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, pp. 282-283; Diego Aduarte, 'Historia de la Provincia del Sancto Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores' (concluded), in Blair and Robertson, vol. 32, pp. 19-298, p. 52.

[78] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 28-30.

[79] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 30-31.

[80] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ambahan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ambahan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see ambahan.

[81] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 31, see bical.

[82] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bical; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bical; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bical.

[83] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 31-32, see balac.

[84] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see balac; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balac, biao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balac.

[85] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 31-32, see sidai.

[86] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see siday.

[87] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 34-35, see auit.

[88] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see auit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see auit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see auit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ayot.

[89] Gaspar de San Agustín, O.S.A., 'Letter on the Filipinos, 1720, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 183-295, p. 246.

[90] Gaspar de San Agustín, Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas, 1565-1615, Manila, San Agustín Museum, 1998, p. 1101.

[91] Juan de Medina, O.S.A., 'History of the Augustinian order in the Filipinas Islands' (to be concluded), 1630, printed at Manila, 1893, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 23, pp. 119-298, p. 263.

[92] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see batag, cabaiyoan, calopcop, daloy, damyos, dayaray, dolit, gingin, ginoo, hilihid, imbao.

[93] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'Anger and Verse: Two Vocabulary Subsets in Bikol,' Vical 2: Western Austronesian and Contact Languages, Papers from the 5th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Auckland: Linguistics Society of New Zealand, 1991, p. 231-244.

[94] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see saysay; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see say say; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see saysay.

[95] Curtis D. McFarland, The Dialects of the Bikol Area, Ph.D. dissertation, New Haven: Dept. of Linguistics, Yale University, 1974.

[96] 'Gujarātī,' Omniglot The online encyclopedia of writing systems and languages (accessed 19 August 2019).

[97] Christopher Miller, 'A Gujarati Origin for Scripts of Sumatra, Sulawesi and the Philippines,' Berkeley Linguistics Society, vol. 36, 2010, pp. 276-291, published by the Linguistic Society of America.

[98] William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1995, p. 282.

[99] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see corlit, colit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see culit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see colit.

[100] Baybayin Font Doctrina Regular

[101] Miller, 'A Gujarati Origin for Scripts of Sumatra, Sulawesi and the Philippines,' p. 277.

[102] Archivo Franciscano Ibero-Oriental, Duque de Sesto, 9, 28009, Madrid, MS. 528/27; Biblioteca del Museo Naval, C/Juan de Mena, 1, 28014, Madrid, MS. 2287, doc. 32:214-214v.

[103] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, pp. 242-243.

[104] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 241.

[105] de Loarca, 'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 121.

[106] 'Jawi Alphabet,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 21 August 2019).

[107] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 35-37.

[108] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 241.

[109] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see basa, sulat; Bergaño, Pampanga, see basa, sulat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see basa, solat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see basa, sulat.

[110] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gohit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gohit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gohit.

[111] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see biro; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see biro; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see biro.

[112] William Savage, The Preparation of Printing Ink both Black and Coloured, London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Longman, 1832, pp. 41-44.

[113] 'Varnish,' Wikipedia, English, n.d., (accessed 8 September 2019).

[114] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see batuc; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see batoc; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see batoc.

[115] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lagda; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see lagda, suga; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lagda, suga; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see suga; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lagda.

[116] 'Brush Art,' Encyclopedia Britannica (accessed 22 August 2019).

[117] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see kūčī.

[118] John Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, 2 vols., London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1852, see laman.

[119] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see palaman.

[120] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see larauan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ladauan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ladaoan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see larauan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see larauan.

[121] 'Relief Carving,' Wikipedia, English , n.d. (accessed 30 August 2019).

[122] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see liloc, logi; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see liloc, lugi.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Published with the support of Gender and Cultural Studies, School of Culture, History and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University.
URL: http://intersections.anu.edu.au/monograph1/mintz_construction.html
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