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OVERVIEW This chapter opens with a discussion of the musical instruments which were used at the turn of the sixteenth century. Sections include bells and gongs, rhythm sticks, drums, the wind instruments and strings. Time is taken to describe the construction of such instruments where this information is available. Section 2 is a short discussion of dance, associated with both religion and leisure, and in Section 3 is an extended presentation of songs, verses and chants. Examined here are those songs and verses which had a connection with religion, births and deaths, leisure and work. Included is a discussion of poetic forms with examples from Tagalog and Bikol, and an extended description of those forms found in the eastern Visayas. Section 4 looks at the presentation of narratives and the skill of individuals in delivering relevant and interesting stories. This is carried through to Section 5 which examines the way individuals spoke to one another and how good or bad they were at communicating. Language is the focus of Section 6, examining the effect a variety of languages spoken in close proximity had on the ability of individuals to communicate, including the language choices which had to be made, and the mixing of elements of two languages which were expected to be kept apart. Section 7 discusses the alphabet and writing, its possible origin and spread through the islands. Included is a description of the alphabet itself, and the materials used in writing. Ending the chapter is a final section on painting and sculpture, how designs were executed, which colours dominated and how these were applied.
All of the musical instruments present at the turn of the sixteenth century would be recognisable today. The forms might vary, and while the materials might also differ, on the whole these, too, would be much the same as those found in the modern world.
The Spanish used the term campana to refer not only to bells, but to gongs, an instrument which played a part in any number of practices at the turn of the sixteenth century, from military and religious to social. Militarily, the striking of the gong along with the beating of drums (see Section 1(iii)) and the blowing of a horn (see Section 1(iv)) served as a warning of the imminent arrival of visitors whose status as friend or foe was unknown. Such was the greeting which accompanied the arrival of a contingent of Spanish soldiers led by Captain Juan de Salcedo at Mindoro in the summer of 1570.[1] Gongs were not only used as a warning, but also carried on board boats when sailing out to raid or do battle.[2] For Bikol this was signalled by the particular way the gong was struck (líhos). The striking of the gong, alternating with the sounding of a second instrument, was also used to set the cadence for rowing when embarking on such missions (see Sections 3(iv) and (v)).[3]
To alert people to the occurrence of religious meetings, the sound of gongs would ring out across the town, drawing them to the location where the event was to take place as there was no set site for such religious gatherings.[5] Gongs were also rung with the accompaniment of small drums and the tapping on porcelain vases both at the commencement of ritual ceremonies, as well as throughout the service, often loud and persistent enough to hamper communication.[6] The gong also played a central part in the performance of ritual sacrifice, setting, for example, the cadence whereby a particular victim, whether a pig, or chicken or fish, was stabbed repeatedly until the required religious significance was attained. The same cadence could also be achieved by the beating of a drum (see Section 1(iii)).[7] Calling people to the fields to work and to alert them to festive gatherings or occasions of communal drinking was also done with the sound of the gong (see Chapter 2, 'Food ,' Section 1). The more alcohol that was consumed, the louder and more frequent the gongs would ring, drawing even more people as the sound reverberated even further into the distance.[8] The loud ringing of the gongs and its ability to reach the furthest limits of the town and echo across the open fields and valleys made it the perfect instrument for calling. While Lisboa records no specific entries relating to such sounds, the other central Philippine languages do, each presenting a variety of terms which are meant to represent the deep, hollow call of the gong.[9] Pigafetta, in 1521, recorded in his journal of Magellan's circumnavigation of the world, a more gentle sounding of the gongs which was heard in Cebu. Here four young women blended the beating of a drum with the light tapping of the gongs. Two of these were suspended and struck with a stick wrapped in palm cloth, one was larger and presumably struck while resting on the ground, and two smaller gongs were held in the hand and hit together. This was the harmonious welcome which greeted Pigafetta to the home of the local leader's son.[10] One of the widespread terms for gong, agong, is also not listed by Lisboa, although it is a term found in the dictionaries of the other central Philippine languages with the exception of Kapampangan. The Visayan languages all identify it as a local gong. In Tagalog, however, it is defined as an instrument of Chinese origin, an origin supported by the account of Morga in 1609.[11] Pigafetta also attributes the manufacture of the brass gongs in Cebu to China.[12] The gongs which Lisboa identifies for Bikol are the mangmáng and mungmóngan, terms which very possibly represent the sound they produce when struck. The mangmáng, described as the size of a plate, is confirmed as being small by Encarnacion's entry for Cebuano.[13] For the mungmóngan there is no indication of size, only that it is made from brass or bronze, although it is probably larger than the mangmáng judging by the chosen vowels. Mungmóngan is also found in the dictionaries for Tagalog, Kapampangan and Cebuano. Noceda, for Tagalog, defines it as a Chinese gong, while Bergaño for Kapampangan defines it as a local gong associated with the Visayas. Encarnacion for Cebuano, while confirming that it is a gong used in the Visayas, also attributes its origin to China.[14]
mungmóngan gong (typ‑ local, made of brass or bronze) [MDL]
For Bikol Lisboa offers a fairly restricted extension of meaning in the entry básal where reference is to the conductor of dance music. In his entry for búsol, however, it is clear that the term also refers to a local official, something also found in Tagalog and Cebuano. Encarnacion, for Cebuano, goes on to explain that básal refers specifically to the current leader of the community in contrast to former leaders or to the leaders of other communities. Use of this term for such a meaning probably refers to the right of the leader to sound the gong as a call to particular assemblies.
básal MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to beat drums, strike gongs or sound other rhythmic instruments for dancing; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to use a mallet or other specific object for beating or striking; Súgo' nin Capitan Básal Signal of the conductor (of dance music); (fig‑) Da'í nakakahalát nin básal You can't wait for the drums (Said to s/o who is in too great a rush to do s/t, indicating that they will be dancing without the accompaniment of music) [MDL] búsol MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to replace s/t; to take s/o's place (as a retiring official, such as the Capitan Básal); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to put s/t or s/o in place of another [MDL] Bagtíng, referring to a ringing sound, is defined in the 1754 edition of the Vocabulario as the sound of a bell such as that found in Spain. The 1865 edition omits this reference, possibly because it was already clear. Bagtíng is also found in Tagalog, Waray and Hiligaynon with Mentrida for Hiligaymon also mentioning that reference is to the ringing of the type of bell found in Spain.[16] The sound referred to by rimóng-rimóng is also undoubtedly to the ringing of many bells in unison, not the striking of gongs, since their sound is described as bagtíng.
rimóng-rimóng the sound of many bells ringing at the same time: Rimóng-rimóng na an bagtingón sa Nága; nagfiesta gayód The sound of the bells is resonating from Naga; it must be fiesta [MDL]
guróng-guróng rattling sound; MAG‑ to rattle [MDL: small bells; MAG‑ to wear such bells; MA‑ to place bells on s/o; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to put on bells; Garó na nagrukyáw an guróng-guróng The ringing of the bells seems like people shouting; Garó na ing mga guróng-guróng iníng kinagingkíng These small bells make a clinking sound (Said when the bells turn out small and misshapen)] guringyáw small bells, used in place of guróng-guróng in song and verse [MDL]
tingtíng a tinkling sound; the clinking or ringing sound when metal hits metal; MAG‑ to make such a sound [+MDL: sound made when cutlery hits a plate or bowl; sound of a bell; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to strike s/t, making such a sound; to ring a bell, as to announce that start of mass; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to ring a bell to call s/o]
The rhythm sticks, kalótan, are described primarily as a plaything, but as subsequent entries in Lisboa make clear, they also served a wider function. Reference to these is also found in Noceda for Tagalog (kalutang) where they are described as an instrument of the people living in the mountains, presumably the Aytá' or Negritos.[19] The 1865 edition of the Lisboa adds to the earlier definition that these were also used by those of the mountains, referred to in Bikol as the Agtá'.
Agtá' Negrito, Aeta, Philippine aborigine [+MDL: Agtá MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow black; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to blacken s/o; payóng Agtá' flower (typ‑ large, called this because of its similarity to the hair of the Negritos, see payó); pipinítan nin Agtá' instep; súsong Agtá', bee (typ‑)]
kabíro invited, used only in song or verse [MDL]
Drums, along with gongs, set the rhythm for rowing and dancing (see Section 4), and played a part in the performance of religious ceremonies. Juan de Plasencia describes the continual beating of large and small drums throughout the four-day celebration of the traditional Tagalog ceremony, pandot,[23] and reference is also made in the journals kept by the early Recollect missionaries to the rhythm of drums which kept time to the singing of men and women, alternating from one to the other, as they waited for participants to arrive at a religious gathering.[24] A variety of drums was used in the Philippines at the turn of the sixteenth century, with many of them continuing in use into the modern era, if not by the dominant lowland groups which came under the strongest Spanish influence, then by those which were more removed from their dominance, such as the ethnic groups in Mindanao and the mountains of Luzon. The gimbál is a large drum represented across all of the central Philippine languages.[25] Specific information about the drum, aside from its size, is not found in the early dictionaries for these languages. Modern reference places the drum among the ethnic groups of Mindanao where it is described as having a drum head on both top and bottom and a body hewn from either a section of wide bamboo or a hollowed log.[26] There can be no way of knowing if this description is applicable to the gimbál of the Bikol region four hundred years ago or to the instruments referred by the same name in the other central Philippines languages.
tamadóng drum (typ‑); also a hole dug in the ground and covered with the thin, sack-like skin of the betel nut (talulhó), made by children and hit like a drum; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to beat such a drum, making a sound; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t for striking a drum [MDL] talulhó skin or husk of the betel nut when it germinates enclosed in a sack [MDL]
kuróg-kudóg the sound of a drum; the shuffling feet of many people; the splashing of a school of fish flipping and jumping in water; MA‑ or MAG‑ to make this sound; Kuróg-kudóg na What a loud sound [MDL]
The horn, hamudyóng, most likely that of the domestic water buffalo, anwáng, or a specially cut section of bamboo, was blown as a sign of warning. Lisboa refers to it as used in the past during times of war and it must have been sounded to warn of impending attack by adversaries in neighbouring villages or by those from further afield. Both Noceda for Tagalog and Encarnacion for Cebuano have references to the horn, although the terms differ from each other and both the form and meaning differ from Bikol. In each of these regions, the horn was used to alert people to a meeting or gathering and to call them together.[32]
súngay horn, antler; MAG‑ to grow a horn [+MDL: the horn of any animal; ‑AN: sungáyan a large deer with long antlers] anwáng water buffalo; syn- damúlag [MDL]
síbag MA‑ to sound a horn (hamudyóng) or trumpet together with the striking of gongs (mungmóngan) as a sign of joy at the good luck of those who have returned from pirating; MA‑, I‑ to sound one instrument with the other; MA‑, ‑AN to join the sounding of one instrument with the other; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sound both instruments together; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to sound one instrument first; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to follow the sounding of the first instrument by the second [MDL] The two types of flute which were in use in the region were the mouth flute, buró-budyóng, and the nose flute, tikúko, the latter term eventually coming to refer to flutes in general. The buró-budyong was made from a section of bamboo, although Lisboa does not specify the species of bamboo chosen. Mentrida for Hiligaynon, however, identifies the type of bamboo used for mouth flutes in Panay as bagákay, as does Alcina for the eastern Visayas.[35] Being thin with widely spaced nodes, bagákay may have been the ideal material for use as a flute. Whether this was the species used in Bikol, however, is impossible to know. The cognate form, bulo-buryong, is found in Tagalog, although Noceda's identification of this as an instrument associated with the mountain peoples, or Aytá, indicates that it is most likely the nose flute with is being referenced.[36]
bagákay bamboo (typ‑ thin with a rough exterior, containing widely spaced nodes, used as a siphon or staff, or in making rope) [+MDL] tikúko nose flute; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play the nose flute; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play the nose flute for s/o; the term is now also used for flutes played by mouth; PARA‑ one who plays the nose flute [MDL] Each of these flutes would also be provided with a series of holes along its length (sárop) which when covered would have the effect of altering the sound produced by essentially changing the length of the tube. When the holes are open or uncovered, the tube is effectively shortened and the pitch is higher. With the holes covered, the tube is effectively lengthened and the pitch is lowered (lubád).[39] The early dictionaries make no mention of the length of these flutes nor the number of holes, no doubt because these would vary. Alcina talks of flutes of moderate length with three or more holes along their length.[40] Romualdez in 1931 does mention the variation in length, indicating that flutes could reach up to 1 metre, although those he describes across the Philippines from northern Luzon to Mindanao were 40 to 45 centimetres long with the holes ranging from three to six.[41] Tarukatík in Bikol referred to the movement of the fingers placed over the open holes in the playing of the flute.
lubád MA‑ or MAG‑ to change (in pitch, color, appearance); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to change or alter the pitch or tone (when singing playing an instrument); to change the color or appearance of s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to change to a different pitch, color; PAG‑ change, alteration ... [MDL] tarukatík MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play an instrument that requires the moving of the fingers to cover open holes (such as on a flute) [MDL]
A sliver of wood is cut from a section of bamboo. This is cut to a finger's width or smaller, and a length spanning the spread of a hand. This is carefully thinned to a depth of two to three millimetres (expressed as the edge of 4 real coin) by removing the softer interior and retaining the harder part near the outer skin. The tip of a knife is then used to divide the bamboo sliver into three parts, down to a point about a finger's length up from the bottom. The two side pieces are then cut about the width of two fingers shorter than the central piece. A small piece of wax is then pressed into the slits at the lower end, extending over the edge of the two outer pieces. When the mouth harp is played it is placed into the mouth with the teeth gripping the outer strips where the wax has been placed. The longer segment is then struck with the finger to produce a sound, the mouth serving as a resonator. When the mouth harp is played, the longer, central segment, referred to as the tongue, produces only one pitch. When the shape of the mouth is altered, the components of the pitch, or harmonics, are also altered, producing what is essentially a different sound.[44] Whistling (taghóy) was also considered a musical sound, made by pushing the air forcefully through the lips. Each of the central Philippine languges had a term for such a sound, although only Waray has the same term as Bikol.[45]
There are three stringed instruments which are referred to in the early dictionaries of the central Philippine languages. The litgít, a two or three stringed instrument which is compared by Lisboa to the Arabic rebab, is also cited by Mentrida for Hiligaynon where it is still played on the island of Panay. Romualdez in his lecture of 1931 indicates that this was still an instrument of the Negritos in the province of Capiz on that island.[46] There is a description of what is probably a more primitive version of the litgít made in one of the northerly towns in the province of Iloilo, near the boundary with Capiz. Here a section of bamboo is cut to a length of about one metre. This will serve as a resonator. The centre part of the bamboo is scraped to a depth of about 10 milimetres to create a space for the strings to vibrate. A deeper cavity is created at the top or head of the bamboo section where the two pegs to which the strings are attached are inserted, one from the left and the other from the right. These can be turned to change the tension on the strings in the tuning of the instrument. Two strings, made from abaca fibre, are tied to the tuning pegs at the top of the instrument and fastened at the bottom in a groove which is made for that purpose. Tension is maintained by positioning a thin strip of wood or bamboo in which a shallow arc has been cut over the strings near the bottom of the instrument. A bow, with strings also made from abaca fibre, is drawn over the instrument to produce a sound.[47] This is a modern description of what is a home-made instrument. There can be no way of knowing how closely this might resemble the instrument which existed in the Bikol region and was referred to by Lisboa. The bow in Bikol is busóg-búsog, reduplication here indicating a diminutive from of the bow which is used to shoot arrows.
búsog bow (for shooting arrows) [+MDL busóg-búsog bow (as of a violin); arc of a mousetrap]
kudlóng musical instrument (typ‑ string, made from reeds, played by women); MA‑ or MAG‑ to play the kudlóng [MDL] síday MA‑, I‑ to play one stringed instrument with another, such as the kudyapí' with the kudlóng; MA‑, ‑AN to accompany one stringed instrument with another; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to play two stringed instruments together; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to play both instruments for s/o or in a particular place; to accompany the first instrument by the second; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to play the second instrument to accompany the first [MDL] Following the description by Alcina, the kudyapí' is a little bit longer and narrower than a sitar. Romualdez has the length of the more modern kudyapí' at one and a half metres.[53] It has a short neck and a body which is left open at the bottom, all carved from one piece of good quality hardwood to a thickness of about three fingers. The inner part of the body is then scrapped out leaving the upper part thin and smooth and the sides at a width of one finger to give the instrument greater strength. A hollowed-out coconut shell cut-open at the top is then fastened to the underside of the body where it has been left open. This serves as the sounding chamber for the two, and less commonly, three copper or silver strings which are strung from top to bottom across the instrument. The strings are plucked with a small feather quill.[54] The number of strings clearly varied. Both Chirino and Diego de Bobadilla refer to four strings, and Colin to two or more.[55] Along the neck of the instrument were placed three or four metal frets. These in Bikol were referred to as bidyá' and between them were placed pieces of wax.
While the kudyapí' is described as a type of sitar, the instrument played by women, the kudlóng, is described as a small guitar. The women make this from the stems of a wild grass which Alcina refers to as tigbao. This is the Saccharum spontaneum (in Bikol, talahíb), a plant with a variety of uses whose stems are firm enough for use as walling and temporary fencing.[59] Ten to 12 of these stems, cut to a length of 15 centimetres and set out to a width of 10 centimetres (described in terms of the width of the palm of the hand), are tied together in an arrangement resembling the fingers of a hand. A cord-like fibre is drawn from the middle of each of the stems and strung across the instrument from one side to the other. It is then held close to the chest and played like a guitar.[60]
To properly function, instruments which are played together must be kept in tune (bágay), avoiding the dissonance of those which may have been incorrectly adjusted (lawgáw) and allowing for a pleasing, harmonious performance (sabót)
lawgáw out of tune, off-key; MAG‑ to go out of tune or off-key [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to go out of tune (instruments such as the kudyapí'); MA‑ to be out of tune ...] sabót MAG‑ to sing in harmony; to play instruments in harmony; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to harmonize; to follow the rhythm of s/t; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to harmonize with s/o or with another instrument; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to bring one voice or instrument into harmony with another ... [MDL]
Dance was part of both social and religious life. Chirino recorded in 1604 that dance to the rhythm of gongs (see Section i(i)) accompanied the ritual sacrifice of animals, and was also present in ceremonies held for the sick, ending abruptly if the person were to die, for no dancing was permitted at periods of death and mourning.[61] The sound and rhythm of dance may have been the intent of the Bikol term katumbá recorded by Lisboa
sayáw MAG‑ to dance; MAG‑, ‑ON to dance to a particular tune; MAKI‑ or MA+KA‑ to dance with s/o; KA‑ dancing partner
sadsád MA‑ or MAG‑ to perform dance steps; MA‑, ‑AN: sadsarán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagsadsarán to dance on s/t or at a particular place [MDL] talambíd MA‑ or MAG‑ to turn or spin around (as when dancing); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to turn or spin s/t around; MA‑, ‑AN: talambirán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagtalambirán to spin around in a particular place [MDL] pitík MAG‑, I‑ to flick s/t away; to shoot s/t with a finger (as a marble to make it roll or jump); to snap the fingers; MAKA‑, MA‑ to get hit by s/t that has been flicked; to get hit by s/t that has snapped (such as a rubber band); PANG‑: pamitík a switch (whip) [MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to snap the fingers (as when dancing); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to snap the fingers against s/t] In the 1860 edition of the Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala, but not the earlier edition of 1754, Noceda refers to a dance of the Negritos and the indigenous people of what is now the province of Zambales, the amba. The amba, clearly the root of the affixed form ambáhan found widely in the other languages of the central Philippines (also see Section 3(v)), is described in 1906 as both a song and a dance, sung and performed frequently throughout the day, The rhythm, set by the striking of the gong and the clapping of the hands, remains unchanged. Only the lyrics change to reflect immediate interests and concerns.[67] Sánchez de la Rosa makes reference to a number of dances in Samar. Detailed information about each, however, is lacking. The bias is presented simply as a Visayan dance and the balitaw as the most common of the Visayan dances. The inkoy-inkoy is the dance associated with the northern part of Samar.[68] There are modern references to the balitaw as a courtship dance accompanied by song, comprising improvised steps and verses and capable of going on for hours, ending with the acceptance or rejection of the man's suit.[69]
The recitation of verses and the singing of songs, closely related and often indistinguishable, were present in any number of social occasions and religious ceremonies. As writing was limited to the taking of notes and the sending of messages (see Section 7), verses and songs were the vehicle for transmitting knowledge and customs from generation to generation. Here were the stories of the past which were kept alive and relevant as children learned the traditions of those who came before them.[70] These songs and verses formed an integral part of everyday life, heard when working in the fields, when rowing, when feasting and relaxing, when attending births and deaths and observing religious rituals.
Songs were not only an integral part of religious rituals, but were the means by which such traditions were preserved and religious beliefs perpetuated.[71] Such songs and verses were usually chanted (suragí) by the religious leader, which in Bikol was the balyán. These were chants which were suited to the particular occasion, such as to aid in the cure of someone who was ill (tigáy).
balyán priestess to whom local people turned in time of need to offer up prayers and perform rituals [MDL] tigáy MA‑ or MAG‑ to sing or chant (the balyán to cure one who is ill); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to recite chants over one who is ill; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sing particular chants [MDL]
Only Diego de Bobadilla has reference to the singing at the birth of a child, and this takes place during a week-long festival when a child is born into the family of one of the ruling classes (see Chapter 13, 'Status and Social Conflict,' Section 1). During this week it is the women who sing songs of joy in celebration at the birth.[74] Numerous references, however, are made to the singing which takes place at funerals. The grief which was shown and the lamentations which were heard upon the burial of the dead were an expected part of the internment process. The louder the wailing and the greater the number of mourners, the more significant was the dedication to the deceased. Sorrowful songs sung by both the relatives of the deceased and by the mourners who were hired to increase the numbers at the funeral related the achievements of the deceased and the bereaved relatives, At each mention there was an increase in cries and wailing. Such singing could go on for days, the more important the status of the deceased, the longer the period of mourning.[75] Alcina, writing of the eastern Visayas, and in particular Samar, refers to these verses sung in mourning as parahaya. The root, haya, carries the same meaning in both Cebuano and Hiligaynon, but in the later Waray dictionary by Sánchez de la Rosa, the meaning is recorded as simply 'to cry'. Other terms which Alcina notes as used to refer to such verses were anugon and kanugon meaning 'pitiful' or 'wasted', the later term carrying the same meaning in Bikol.[76]
Songs could be sung and verses recited at any time of the day, associated with a wide variety of activities, both leisure and work. They could be sung quietly, as when drinking, dániw, and during other times of ease or relaxation, or as a lullaby when putting a child to sleep, ambáhan (see Sections 2 and 3(v)).
ambáhan song (typ‑ sung as a lullaby, during times of leisure or when rowing); MA‑ or MAG‑ to sing an ambáhan; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to sing an ambáhan to s/o [MDL]
All of the early Spanish reports by the residents and visitors to the Philippines make reference to singing when working and, in particular, when rowing, not only to set the rhythm of the work, but to also ease the toil of the undertaking.[77] The two song types which Lisboa records for rowing and when hauling something heavy are híla' and huló. There is a clear similarity in each of these tasks as both would require a unified effort set to a coordinated pace (also see Section 3(v)).
huló song (typ‑ sung when setting out to sea or when hauling s/t heavy); MA‑ or MAG‑ to sing in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to sing a particular song when working in this way; also humúlo [MDL]
If Alcina's description of the verses used in the eastern Visayas can be applied to other areas of the central Philippines, then what existed was a complex set of poetic forms which were mastered by a class of poets, kept alive by oral transmission, and eventually lost as the link from poet to disciple was disrupted. A form of such poetic interaction, described more fully below, may still exist in a less complex form in the Bikol tiksíkan and, outside the Philippines, in the Malay pantun.
Alcina describes the ambáhan as the easiest of the poetic forms as it is most commonly presented using everyday language and the use of metaphors is minimal. It comprises two lines of blank (non-rhyming) verse of seven syllables each, each line presenting a complete and coherent thought. Adding to the difficulty of composition is that these two verses must present the same meaning when recited in reverse. The ambáhan can be recited or sung to various melodies with the presenters changing the pitch or tone and varying the language to fit the occasion, most commonly a fiesta and other social gathering.[79] For Tagalog, amba refers to a song and dance of the Negritos (see Section 2). The brief reference in the dictionaries of the Visayan languages is either to a couplet in Waray, or, more specifically, a couplet of two verses in Cebuano and Hiligaynon.[80] Alcina also goes on to describe the other popular poetic forms of the eastern Visayas in a detail not found elsewhere. The paragraphs which follow are primarily a translation of Alcina's work, with some interpretive phrases added for clarification. He begins by explaining the bikal, a poetic form similar to the ambáhan which is performed between two people, a man and a woman, two men or two women. The poetic responses go on for between one and two hours and the repartee is quick and suited to the rhythm of the verse. The participants poke fun at one another, bringing to light faults, whether they be physical, which is most common, or behavioral. These exchanges are never degrading or demeaning and result in a great deal of laughter and applause among those who are listening. Audience participation is common, with some offering suggestions to the first of the participants, and others taking the side of the second. At the end of the performance, the performers and audience return to their homes remembering only the fun that they had and holding no resentment at what had been said.[81] The term bikal is listed in the Visayan dictionaries in a far more abbreviated form and with a more direct and inflammatory meaning. In each it caries the meaning 'to challenge', 'provoke', 'incite' or 'compete'.[82] Using the same verse form as the ambahan and the bikal is the balak which differs in the use of far more metaphorical reference. It is always between a man and a woman and most commonly deals with the subject of love. The balak has two distinct forms. One of these is verbal, with the two participants commenting one to the other, sharply and quickly, on intimate romantic matters. The second is musical, with the man playing the kudyapí' and the woman the kurlóng (see Section 1(v)).[83] Balak is found as an entry in the Visayan dictionaries with varying detail, with Sánchez de la Rosa for Waray simply indicating it is a poetic form, and Mentrida for Hiligaynon a poetic form on the theme of love. Only Encarnacion for Cebuano gives some of the detail which is described by Alcina, referring to allegories and metaphors on the theme of love.[84] The siday, said to be the most difficult of the poetic forms, is used in the praise of others, whether recounting the deeds of one's ancestors, the bravery of a man, or the beauty of a woman or the attractiveness of her clothing. The verse is composed almost totally of metaphorical forms which are not completely understood by most of the people for their meanings are specific to the verse itself. It is one of the most popular verse forms among the Visayans, and they can spend long evenings listening to it without yawning or falling asleep. They pay or give gifts to poets with a skill at such verses so that they will come to their houses to sing. The form itself involves a great deal of repetition, with phrases repeated over and over with the addition of only one or two new words at each repetition. Nevertheless it is a form which the people do not tire of and which they repeatedly ask to be recounted or sung.[85] Of the Visayan dictionaries, only Sánchez de la Rosa for Waray, the same language area Alcina is describing, has a reference to this form of verse, also including some of the detail found in the Alcina.[86] The áwit as described by Alcina has a much more specific reference than that found in the other central Philippine languages, including the later reference for Waray. He describes these as songs which are sung by oarsmen when rowing (see Section 3(iv)). These songs set the rhythm of the oars, sometimes faster and at other times slower. In each boat the most skilled of the singers is chosen as the leader and among them are those who are so adept that they can sing for hours and even days without stopping or exhausting the songs they have to sing. Some of these are the songs they have learned from their parents and grandparents before them and which they then pass on to their children. These contain language and metaphorical references which are difficult to understand. In addition to setting the rhythm of the oars, these songs also provide a pleasant diversion for passengers on long voyages. The songs comprise two unrhymed verses in each couplet. One of the lines is a short refrain of two words or three names which are repeated by all. There is just one requirement that must be adhered to: the rhythm imparted to the rowing and the smooth onward movement of the boat is more important than the meaning conveyed by the verse. As a result of this, a word at the end of the line can be broken up so as not to extend the verse. One of the syllables is retained in the first line, and the other syllable or syllables is continued on the subsequent line.[87] In Bikol áwit is a broader term, referring, in addition to a particular, unspecified, poetic form, to the general act of singing, as it does in Tagalog. In the Waray of the Sánchez de la Rosa dictionary it refers to songs of joy, as is also the case in Kapampangan, although Bergaño also refers to the difficulty of comprehending the types of metaphor used. In Cebuano, the nautical theme is retained as described by Alcina.[88]
susúman MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to recite couplets, romances or verses about s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to recite such couplets to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to recite or present particular romances, verses; ‑ON: susumánon couplets, romances [MDL] gúya' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing couplets; to sing a ballad; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to sing couplets or ballads to s/o [MDL] dagáw MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to respond in verse to one who is singing [MDL] sabít MAG‑ to present the lines of a rhyming verse; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to recite the first and second lines of a verse; MA‑, ‑AN to recite the first part of a verse; MA‑, I‑ to recite the second part of a verse; MAGKA‑ to rhyme (the lines of a verse); KA‑ a rhyming verse; sarabít rhyming (many syllables, words) [MDL] San Agustín refers to the comintan, in modern spelling, kumintang, as a regional song, and certainly in the present-day Philippines it is recognised as a folk song tradition. The more common reference in the past for comintan was to a region, the current province of Batangas, and not a song. This reference is found in the Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas itself,[90] and in other early accounts of the Philippines.[91] The verse form common in the region became known by the name of the region itself as it became more widespread. Both of the editions of the Noceda Tagalog dictionary, the first published in 1754, but including material collected far earlier by a variety of people, also make no reference to comintan as a song, but to a Tagalog-speaking region. Included are 11 references to terms which were used only in that particular area.[92] The Noceda dictionary is particularly rich in references to songs which were sung at the time. Additionally, lines of verse appear sporadically throughout the dictionary associated with headword entries which need not be related to song. The specific terms given for song are presented below, along with the two verses which accompanied these entries. The spelling reflects the original system used in the dictionary.
balicóngcong dolayánin híla hilí soliranin híli na hilírao holóna holohorlo oyáyi indolánin manigpasin ombayí ombayihán omíguing tagumpáy talindáo
Mayag aco sa masiguing ang malubay na ang aquin malayo ang madarating I countenance excessive pride for tolerance is what I value it takes a long time to achieve songs sung when rowing a lullaby Hili ca na, hilii na Hili ca na, bata ca. Matolog ca na bira Ang ina mo'y wala pa Nupul pa nang sampaga Isasabog sa alta. Time to rest, to rest Time to rest, you are just a child Sleep my loved one Your mother has not yet not come, Still gathering jasmine To scatter around the altar. a song sung when drinking lullabies a solemn song sung to a mournful tune a song sung when rowing (listed only in the index under auit) solemn songs a type of singing producing a quivering sound in the throat a song of victory an ancient song, still sung at the present time
karanógan voice, used only in song or verse in place of tíngog [MDL] latíng soprano, alto; a high voice; MA‑ or MAG‑ to rise (the pitch of the voice); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing s/t in a high voice [MDL] lagóng bass (sound of the voice); low in pitch; MAG‑ to be bass (the voice); to be low in pitch; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to lower the pitch of s/t [+MDL: lágong MA‑ or MAG‑ to speak or sing in a low pitched voice; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing s/t in this way] tatagangtáng resonant, sonorous; MA‑ or MAG‑ to resound (the voice) [MDL] púgong hoarse; off, discordant (a voice, a cracked bell or broken drum) [MDL] úloy-úgoy MA‑ or MAG‑ to warble; to yodel; to sing, allowing the voice to break; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sing s/t in this way [MDL]
apáyod asdáng báhan bakóng bána bantíris bangán basánaw bayó búla' bunsáli' buntalí'an buntu'ó'an dalóman danghílay dumarángan durugpán gáring gundáy guringyáw hipyáng hunúngan indíg irábong irágo kabíro kadyáw kamyá karanógan kawád labán lakindáy lakób latúlat lílo lúgay lungsód lútaw luyáng mama mananálo maníman mantáng muráka' palkátan pandó' pínong pinúngan ragangdángan salabay salingká' saló sayhán sígin súdang táking taruntón tigambá tubyóg úna úraw urógan
hand fan [MDL] in front; used in place of atúbang [MDL] MA‑ beautiful [MDL] root (typ‑ used for blackening the teeth); used in place of amlóng [MDL] wife, husband; used in place of agóm [MDL] stone; used in place of gapó' [MDL] referring to the regions or lands in the direction of Manila; MANG‑ to travel to that particular area; ‑AN + ‑NON: banganánon someone from that region; the term is used most commonly in stories [MDL] rouge, makeup, cosmetics [MDL] crocodile; used in place of bu'áya [MDL] escape; used in place of bunglís [MDL] house; used in place of hárong [MDL] lance; used in place of tumbák [MDL] hill, mountain; used in place of búkid [MDL] to carry s/t; used in place of dará [MDL] man, boy; used in place of laláki [MDL] to observe, look on; used in place of dálan [MDL] guest; used in place of pananáwon; see táwo [MDL] man, boy; used in place of laláki [MDL] to come from; used in place of gíkan [MDL] small bells; used in place of guróng-guróng [MDL] to lie down; used in place of higdá' [MDL] house; used in place of hárong [MDL] to fight; used for lában [MDL] to accompany (one boat by another); used for ábay [MDL] a serpent, very large and brilliantly colored [MDL] invited [MDL] referring to the removal of s/t from a chest or pouch; used in place of bukád [MDL] beautiful, graceful (women); PAGKA‑ grace, beauty [MDL] voice; used in place of tíngog [MDL] or ‑ON: kinawád or kinakawád chain (typ‑ made of wire, worn by women around the waist); the form kawád is used in verse [MDL] feather; used in place of lawí [MDL] MA‑ or MAG‑ to walk; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to walk via or by a particular place; used in place of lakáw [MDL] MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to extend above s/t; to be taller than other things around it [MDL] to wait; used in place of halát [MDL] to deceive or trick s/o; to cheat on s/o (as in marriage); used for lulóng [MDL] a long time; used in place of halóy [MDL] town; used place of banwá'an [MDL] to look at s/t with awe; used in place of pitóng [MDL] house; used in place of hárong [MDL] to head toward a river, as to a pier or wharf located there; (Note: mama is listed only as part of the entry for dálit and is not a separate entry in Lisboa) [MDL] cock, rooster; used only in couplets or verse; the winning cock in a cockfight; see tálo [MDL] to wake up; used for magmatá; see matá [MDL] to get nothing; used for ma'nó [MDL] child; used in place of áki' [MDL] road [MDL] ‑AN: pandóan slave; used in place of urípon [MDL] ‑AN: pinóngan shield (typ‑ large) [MDL] bowl (type large) [MDL] the east; used in place of subángan (see súbang) [MDL] cutlass; used in place of bá'id (Note: salabay is listed only as part of the entry for bá'id and is not a separate entry in Lisboa) [MDL] to climb; used in place of sakát [MDL] to replace s/o; to take the place of s/o; used in place of salí', salíhid or silí [MDL] trinkets, jewelry [MDL] complete, perfect; used in place of aráhit [MDL] day [MDL] smock; used in place of takóp [MDL] to wait; used in place of halát [MDL] to climb a hill, mountain; used in place of túkad [MDL] PA‑ to refuse to do s/t, putting the onus on another; used in place of paíton-íton, see íton-íton [MDL] first; used for ínot [MDL] to burn; used in place of suló' [MDL] sky, heavens; used in place of lángit [MDL]
Writing was reserved for note taking and messages (see Section 7). Narratives were oral and the community would have been adept at both telling stories and recognising stories that were well-told. Where the modern meaning of úsip has come more to mean 'to converse', the dominant meaning for Lisboa was 'to narrate'. What was told would depend on the experiences of the narrator and the interests of the listeners. This could be the retelling of ones past deeds or exploits (súman-súman), stories which would be adjusted to focus on the main points or highlights when time was short or interest lagging (ungló'). A skilled narrator would know what to omit and what to emphasise (baró-bantók).
súman-súman MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to relate or retell s/o's deeds or exploits; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to retell such deeds or exploits to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to relate or pass on the story of s/o's exploits [MDL] ungló' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to narrate or relate only the main points of a story or an event; to summarize a story; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to tell s/o only the main parts of a story or event; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to relate only the highlights [MDL] baró-bantók MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to omit, leave out or skip over lines, phrases; MANG‑, PANG‑ ‑ON to mention particular passages, having omitted others [MDL]
tawás MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to be longer in comparison with s/t else; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to be longer by a particular length; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to leave or cut one thing longer than another; ... (fig‑) Si mapatawás na mamuybóy iní Describing s/o who tells a story, adding elements which are made up as the story goes along [MDL]
iyó yes (verbal sentences); ... [+MDL: iyó idtó having a narrative function: Iyó idtó padumán akó saindá And so I went to their house; Iyó idtó hagáron ko saíya And at this point I asked her for s/t; ...] tará an expression with a number of contextual meanings, from greetings to emphasis and remonstrations. ... [+MDL: ... serving a narrative function: ... Tará manhihílig na iyán si kuyán And so that person came down]
In a society where songs were used to accompany everyday activities, verses were recited as an evening's entertainment and stories were told to carry the culture of the past to the present, it would not be unusual to find an extensive vocabulary relating to speech and the ability of individuals to communicate in ways which drew praise or disapproval. Such was the situation in the Bikol region of four hundred years ago. In addition to úlay, an unencumbered term referring to the simple act of conversation, a variety of terms was used not only to comment on a person's narrative ability, but also on one's everyday language and skills at communication.
In modern Bikol, the meaning of saysáy appears to have taken on more the sense common in modern Tagalog where reference is primarily to the telling of a story or the presentation of a narrative. In the Tagalog of the Noceda dictionary, however, the meaning, shared with Waray and Cebuano, is more general, encompassing not only the Bikol reference to explication, but also the proper arrangement of non-verbal items.[94]
sayhán well thought-out, clear (what one says, an explanation): Sayhán an pagtarám niyá What she says is clear; KA‑‑AN a clear explanation: Da'íng kasayhánan iyán úlay mo What you've explained is not clear [MDL] saysáy MAG‑, I‑ to narrate or chronicle s/t; to tell a story; to tell of an experience; to give an account of s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to tell a story to s/o; KA‑‑AN account, chronicle, narrative; history; PANGKA‑‑AN: pangkasaysáyan historical [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to explain or elucidate s/t; to expound on s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to explain s/t to s/o; KA‑‑AN explanation; PARA‑ one who explains s/t] sáyod MAG‑, ‑ON to articulate, enunciate, pronounce, say or utter s/t; ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to clarify or explain s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to explain s/t to s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in explanation, clarification; MAKA, MA‑ to come to understand s/t; to be set right about s/t; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to set s/o right; to be able to clarify or explain s/t to s/o; MAGPAKA‑, PAGPAKA‑‑ON to find out about s/t; to get information about s/t; to strive to understand s/t; MAGPAKA‑, PAGPAKA‑‑AN to get information from s/o or from somewhere; to find out about s/t from s/o or from somewhere; MAKI‑ ‑UM‑, IPAKI‑‑UM‑: makisumáyod, ipakisumáyod to ask for clarification about s/t that has been said; MAKI‑‑UM‑, PAKI‑‑UM‑‑AN: makisumáyod, pakisumayóran to ask for clarification from s/o; KA‑‑AN explanation, clarification; sayód-sáyod ‑AN clearly seen or understood; prominent, obvious] lagyó' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to speak in allegories or parables; to illustrate one's speech with stories; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use an allegory or parable; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to speak to someone in this way [MDL] The entry is complex and appears to be somewhat metaphorical, combining the intensifier, abó, with a type of rattan which climbs or spreads along the ground, bíkal, no doubt questioning what kind of long and tortuous series of events might have led to the raising of the topic.
bíkal rattan (typ‑ thin and very long, climbing on trees or spreading along the ground) [MDL] abó really, very; how (a general intensifier) ... [MDL]
nguwó-nguwó (PAG‑)‑ON to speak in a confused and roundabout manner, never making a point or reaching a conclusion; to beat around the bush; to swallow one's words; MA‑ one who talks in a confused or roundabout manner; Harí pagnguwó'-nguwó'; padagósa an pagtarám mo Don't beat around the bush; come right to the point [MDL] arawíga hard to please; also describing s/o who talks in a roundabout manner and does not come to the point; Arawíga mo doy You are really hard to please; arawígang táwo a person who is hard to please or speaks in a roundabout manner; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t in a roundabout manner; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o in this way [MDL] sasamí s/t repeatedly mentioned or said: Ta' daw ta' sasamí mong mangaránan iyán? Why do you always talk about that? [MDL] karamít s/t repeatedly mentioned or said: Karamít kong ipagtarám iyán I frequently mention that; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to repeatedly mention or talk about s/t [MDL]
sundóy MA‑ or MAG‑ to sail or travel with the current or the prevailing wind; (fig‑) pinasundoyán nin úlay to talk to one's heart's content; to enjoy the sound of one's voice [MDL] lakáw MAG‑ to walk; ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to walk; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to walk somewhere; MA, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to walk somewhere to get s/t; MA-, I- or MAG-, IPAG- to take something for a walk; (fig‑) Garó ipinaglakáw na íhi' iníng pagtarám mo Your speech is like taking your urine for a walk (Said when what s/o says makes no sense or is unrelated to the context of the conversation)] ta'mák MAG‑, ‑ON to crack open a coconut with a bolo or other instrument [MDL: tamák MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to crack a coconut in two without removing the husk; (fig‑) MAG‑ to not address the subject when talking: Nagtata'mák ka lámang na magtarám You stray off the subject when talking] rútas MA‑ or MAG‑ to end or terminate; to come to an end (a talk, speech, address, sermon or lecture) [MDL]
suhí' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON / MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say the opposite of what is expected; to say s/t contrary; to say s/t ironic (unexpected); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to speak to s/o in this way to s/o [MDL] It is hard to look at a list of dictionary entries beginning with ku- without concluding that this is a particle which once served as a live prefix, or is the remnant of a distant compound, less likely considering the rarity of compounds in the modern language. Determining a meaning for a particle of the form ku- is not something I have been able to do, nor have I been able to trace reasonable meanings within Bikol for what would be most of the putative roots. I, have, however, presented what may be the root word of kulawí', lawí', to indicate the possibilities and the reason for the speculation.
kulawí' MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to speak reproachfully or accusingly of s/o; to mention or introduce s/o into a conversation who has nothing to do with what is being discussed: Kulawi'ón ka daw idtóng úlay ni kuyán They say you'll be dragged into that person's conversation; (fig‑) to introduce an unrelated point into a discussion or conversation [MDL] lawí' ungainly, uncoordinated; awkward, odd, strange, weird (in looks or actions); MA‑ to be come awkward [MDL: láwi' one who bungles a job; one who is perplexed by the task at hand or does s/t with little skill or ability; MA‑, MA‑‑AN to do s/t with little skill or ability] ális not in correspondence with the truth or at variance with what has previously been said: Ális na gáyo siyáng mamumuybóy or Makurí an pagkaális niyáng mamumuybóy or Makurí kaális niyáng mamuybóy He never tells it like it is (but either embellishes it or holds certain parts back); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to say s/t at variance with what has happened, or different from what one has told others [MDL]
rapsák referring to vulgar language dealing particularly with the sexual organs; MAG‑ to speak in this way [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use curse words or swear words; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to swear at s/o; to curse s/o] ráway curse words or dirty words; oaths, profanity; MAG‑, ‑AN to curse s/o; to use swear words with s/o; to swear at s/o; MAG‑, I‑ to utter oaths or profanity; PAG‑ cursing, profanity [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use curse words or swear words; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to swear at s/o; to curse s/o; MA‑: maráway na táwo one who uses swear words]
In a region such as Bikol, with at least three languages and a proliferation of dialects, some related to major languages to the south in the Visayas, and others forming a chain from village to village where the differences between neighbouring towns may be minor, but between those towns more distant along the chain more substantial, numerous references to language should not be surprising.[95] Tatarámon covers the aspects of language from word and phrase to dialect and speech. and the root on which it is based, tarám, aspects of pronunciation and various modes of communication. There are other entries, however, which clearly show the existence of different languages and the effect this had on the speech of the inhabitants.
gawí MA‑ to talk in one's sleep; MA‑, MA‑‑AN or MA‑, IKA‑ to say s/t in one's sleep; to come out with words in one's first language when speaking another: Nagagawí pa akó kan pagtarám sa Manila I still come out with words from the language of Manila (when speaking another language) [MDL] sawíd MA‑ to speak one language, mixing it with elements of another; MA‑, MA‑‑AN: sawirán to draw on elements of one language when speaking another; MA‑, IKA‑ to mix elements of one language with another; Saró-sawíd pa an pagtarám niyá kan pagtarám sa Manila Her language still has influences of the language of Manila [MDL] úhay a term used by strangers when referring to things they do not know the name of; MA- or MAG- to use such a term when referring to things [MDL]
híping MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to pass close to s/t (but not hit it); to just miss s/o (as when lunging out at s/o with a knife and just missing them); (fig‑) MAGKA‑ to be almost the same or close in meaning: Nagkahíping lámang iníng tatarámon These words are almost identical [MDL] pagís MA‑ to peel off (skin from a person or animal, or bark from a tree when hit); MA‑‑AN to have a bit of skin removed (a person, animal), or bark (a tree); MAKA‑ to hit s/t, removing a bit of skin or bark; (fig‑) Nagkakapagís lámang iníng duwáng pagtarám These two words mean almost the same thing [MDL] tagínis MA‑ or MAG‑ to slip, slide or fall off (one thing which is positioned on top of another); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to slip or fall off s/t; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to push or knock s/t off; MAGKA‑ to be displaced (two things, slightly separated from one another; a broken bone with the ends extending beyond the point of fracture); (fig‑) Nagkakatagínis lámang iníng duwáng tatarámon These words have almost the same meaning [MDL]
lúba' MAG‑, ‑ON to think about or imagine s/t; MAG‑, I‑ to think or imagine that s/t has happened; to deem; sa lúba' ko I thought, I imagined [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to think or imagine s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to have thoughts about s/t; Nalúba' ko si kuyán iyán I thought it was that person]
The early alphabet, used throughout much of the lowland Philippines with minor variation, had its origin in Indic scripts. Like those scripts, its consonants come with an inherent vowel, and like those scripts as well, its vowels may be either independently written or shown through the placement of diacritical marks on the consonants. It is unclear which of the Indic scripts was the basis for the early Philippine alphabet, although visually Gujarati appears closest in form. While this script appears first in print in a manuscript of 1592, its use in trading accounts clearly predated this publication.[96] An interesting argument is made for Gujarati as the origin of the scripts used in Sumatra, Sulawesi and the Philippines in an article by Christopher Miller written for the Berkeley Linguistic Society.[97] His argument is based on the internal structure of letters and not a direct comparison of individual letters themselves. References are also given which show the Gujaratis involved in trade in the Malay peninsula as well as Sulawesi and the Moluccas prior to the arrival of the Portuguese in 1511, establishing a point of contact between them, the inhabitants of these areas, and those who came there to trade. This included merchants from the Philippines resident in Malacca.[98] There are a number of descriptions of the early Philippine alphabet. Lisboa, as part of the first entry at the start of each set of letters in his Vocabulario, describes the three vowels and fifteen consonants of the language. Following this description, a space is left where the form of the letter in the early script is meant to appear. Unfortunately, this space is left blank in both the 1754 and 1865 editions of the dictionary. The three consonants, a, i (representing both i and e) and u (representing both u and o), are written separately only when they do not appear following a consonant. This means they are generally written only at the start of a word or at the start of a syllable. Following a consonant they are either inherent in the consonant symbol, as is the case with a, or they are shown with a diacritical mark, as is the case with i and u, placed immediately before or after the consonant symbol. The following is Lisboa's description of b. The description of the other consonants follows the same format.
There are other descriptions of the early Philippine script. Pedro Chirino describes an alphabet comprising three vowels and twelve consonants. The consonants which are missing from his description when compared to the full representation above are ng, r and w. The lack of r can be explained by the predictable pronunciation of the symbol d as either d or r in Tagalog depending on its position in the word. One symbol, in this case d, represents both sounds. In the case of ng, its lack was most likely due to not being recognised as an independent sound, and with w it was most likely conflated with the vowel u. Chirino also discusses what was clearly a weakness in the adopted writing system, although he does not treat it as such. This was the inability to write a consonant independent of an accompanying vowel. A consonant which appeared finally in a word or in a syllable was completely omitted. If we use the term for the Tagalog diacritical marks presented above, kurlit, this would be written as kuli. A speaker would have to add the missing consonants based on a knowledge of the word and its context, something which Chrino describes as an admirable skill, accomplished with great facility. Tagalog texts were written from top to bottom starting from the left and moving to the right, differing from the description by Lisboa for Bikol where writing was from the bottom to the top. Writing was on reeds or palm leaves using an iron point as a pen, although with the coming of the Spanish, these materials were to change, from palm leaves to paper and an iron point to a sharpened quill.[103] Alcina, writing in 1663, also has a comprehensive description of the early script used in the eastern Visayas which he attributes to fairly recent borrowing from the Tagalogs, something also confirmed by Chirino.[104] Loarca also writes that the Visayans did not have a writing system in his Relacion of 1582.[105] Alcina attributes the acquisition of the Tagalog script to their close contact with the Sultanate of Brunei, although this is probably incorrect. The script widely used in Brunei from at least the fifteenth century was Jawi, an adaptation of the Arabic script for Malay which is substantially different from the writing system found in the Philippines.[106] When it came to literacy, it was the women who were more literate than the men, according to Alcina, and it was they who could read and write with greater facility. Alcina describes the same type of difficultly in reading the script as did Chirino, Consonants which were final in a word or syllable would not be written and, therefore, only with a knowledge of the word and the context could these consonants be correctly supplied, a skill which he attributes more to women than to men. The Visayans added a double stroke, //, at the end of each word to indicate where one word ended and another began. Although this was not universally done, where it was added, it made reading somewhat easier. The script was written from the top of the page to the bottom, and then continuing on from the bottom back to the top, starting on the right-hand side and finishing on the left.[107] Chirino, describing the situation in the Tagalog region, indicated that writing was used solely in the exchange of letters and that these letters were well thought out and extravagantly composed. Literacy was widespread and equally observed among men and women.[108] The terms for reading, bása, and writing, súrat, recur in all of the central Philippine languages, bása being a borrowing of the Malay baca, with its origin in the Sanskrit vacas referring to 'speech' or 'word'. Súrat appears in this identical form in Waray, and the cognate from, sulat in Tagalog, Kapampangan, Cebuano and Hiligaynon, and refers both to the act of writing and the material produced.[109]
súrat a letter, mail; writing, ...; MAG‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, I‑ to write s/t; to jot s/t down; MAG‑, ‑AN to write on s/t; KAG‑ writer, author; ... [+MDL: book, note; anything with writing; Sulongá nindó idtóng súrat Take this letter with you on the journey upriver; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to write s/t; to write with s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to write on s/t; PARA‑ those who can write (Implying: Those who have had some schooling)]
taháng vacant, empty; blank; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to leave s/t vacant, empty, blank; to leave a space or small opening (as when writing or when building an enclosure); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to remove s/t so that a small opening can be made [MDL]
The resin was placed in an iron vessel which was then set in an enclosure where it was ignited. In nineteenth century Britain this enclosure was called a sac-à-noir, a wooden frame covered with cloth over which were pasted sheets of paper to keep the smoke from escaping. When the resin was entirely consumed, the sides of the cloth were tapped until the black particles of soot were completely dislodged and piled onto a flat surface. The soot was then swept up and placed into a suitable container for storage. When it came time to make the ink, a small vessel was filled with a requisite amount of clear varnish. To this would be added the soot to thicken the varnish to the desired consistency.[112] The text does not explain the composition of this varnish, although its base may possibly have been a type of drying oil such as linseed, or a resin previously liquefied in a solvent such as turpentine.[113] There is an entry for varnish in Bikol, hipó', but whether it was used in the making of ink is impossible to know. The base for this varnish is not explained in the Lisboa entry, however, considering the prevalence of the píli tree (Carnarium luzonicum) in the region, and the resin produced by its trunk which could be distilled into a type of spirit or turpentine, this might very well have been the base used. The ink would not dry instantly, and so to aid in this process, sand would be sprinkled over the writing. This term, bumbón, referred most commonly to the spreading of grain in the feeding of chickens.
píli tree (typ‑ large, producing an edible nut somewhat like an almond; the trunk produces a resin used for making varnish and caulking; Canarium luzonicum) [+MDL: pulót píli or mulót píli the resin or sap of the píli tree which is distilled to make a type of spirit or turpentine] bumbón MAG‑, ‑AN to feed chickens by scattering rice or other grains; MAG‑, I‑ to scatter rice or grains for the purpose of feeding chickens [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to scatter s/t about (as rice when feeding chickens, or sand on what one is writing); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to feed chickens in this way; to cover one's writing with a sprinkling of sand ...]
Designs or paintings were executed on cloth, paper or wood, as well as on the body. Batók referred not only to art carried out on the more commonly expected surfaces, but also on the skin by way of tattooing as exemplified in the figurative meaning for the entry binanóg (see Chapter 8, 'Jewellery and Body Ornamentation,' Section 1). Batók appears as an entry in Waray carrying the meaning of painting with colours as well as to tattooing. In Cebuano, it carries the sole meaning of tattooing, while in Hiligaynon it is defined as a contrast in colour, in addition to more general references to opposition.[114]
binanóg the tattoo found on the chest of those who are tattooed; chest tattoo; (fig‑) Garó ka na napabatók nin binanóg It's as if you were tattooed with a binanóg (Said when someone is seated and leaning back or reclining at full length) [MDL]
sugá MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to paint following a previously drawn design; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint s/t with a previously drawn design [MDL]
itóm black; MA‑ dark in color; MAG‑ or MANG‑ to turn darker [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to become darker; to turn black; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑ON to darken s/t; to make s/t black; MA‑‑ON very black, dark] putí' white; MA‑ white; fair or light-skinned; MAG‑ to turn white; to become lighter; MAGPA‑, PA‑‑ON to whiten or lighten s/t; KA‑‑AN whiteness [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to bleach s/t; to whiten or make s/t lighter; ... maputí' na gáyo very white] pulá red, reddish; tan; MA‑ red; MAG‑ to turn red; MAG‑, ‑ON to color s/t red; MAG‑, ‑AN to place a red mark on s/t; to red-pencil s/t; MANG‑ to turn reddish; to blush; MAKAPA‑, MAPA‑ to unexpectedly blush; KA‑‑AN redness; ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to turn red; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to dye s/t red; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add a red dye; MAHING‑ or MAGHING‑ to turn red dish; to blush]
yagumyóm MA‑ beige, off-white; MA‑ or MAG‑ to fade (losing a stronger or darker color); to turn beige, off-white; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to paint s/t this color [MDL]
sirá'-sirá' small or ornamental fish; MAG‑ to paint with the fins of such fish; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to paint s/t with such fins; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use such fins for painting; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint on s/t with such fins [MDL]
ramóran sketch, drawing or writing which is confused, uneven and, in general, poorly done; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to write or draw s/t in this way; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to write or draw s/t in this way on s/t ... [MDL]
tangó' a figure of the aníto; wooden figures or statues made in honor of the dead; syn‑ tatáwo, táwo-táwo, tinatáwo [MDL]
Rirók appears in the cognate from lilok in both Cebuano and Hiligaynon also related to carving, and lúgi' in the same two languages carrying the meaning of a notch or groove in wood in addition to wider sets of meanings.[122]
rirók painting, bas-relief (of flowers, similar designs); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to paint or carve s/t in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to paint or carve particular designs [MDL] lúgi' the deepest part of a design carved in wood; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to carve out a groove deeper than the surrounding parts of a design; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to carve such a groove in s/t [MDL]
While many of the musical instruments used at the turn of the sixteenth century still exist in areas that came under less intense Spanish domination, some of the unique functions these instruments played in society have now disappeared. The bells and gongs, often difficult to separate due to the Spanish use of campana to describe both, were ubiquitous, used for warnings, for dancing, and for setting the rhythm of ritual sacrifice in pre-Christian religious ceremonies. These, too, were important in the calling of assemblies as the sound would travel long distances, and the right to strike them came also to refer to those with the authority to do so. Rhythm sticks, widely associated with the Negrito communities resident in the mountains, also played a part in lowland life, their rhythmic tapping signalling a social invitation, and their sound allowing an interpretation of what was said by the spirits on religious occasions. Horns, sounded alone or with the accompaniment of gongs, often had a military meaning, warning of impending attack, or welcoming the return of boats from a successful raiding mission. Flutes had a gentler sound, both those played by air expelled through the nose, and those blown with the mouth, as did the Jew's harp played on quieter occasions. The interaction of the string instruments, the kudyapí', played by men, and the kudlóng, played by women, presented the most fascinating interaction, speaking musically to one another, asking questions and achieving answers without recourse to language. Dance was present at most social gatherings, and Spanish observers at the time all commented on the rhythm and grace shown by the performers. The names of specific dances were given in a number of the early dictionaries, although particulars of how and why they were danced were not generally available. The continued existence of some of these dances up to the present offered some detail as to their performance, although how close these modern descriptions were to the dances of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries is impossible to know. Song and verse permeated all aspects of life, from religion, leisure and work, to the welcoming of children at birth and the farewelling of individuals at funerals. There were numerous poetic forms, treasured and enjoyed by the local inhabitants, even though the language and metaphorical reference was not always understood. There were solo recitations by skilled poets who were sought after and compensated for their skills, and presentations by two participants speaking of intimate and playful things, goaded and challenged by an audience enjoying the spectacle and their participation. The early dictionaries of the central Philippine languages have terms which are defined as used solely in narratives and verse, older forms which are no longer part of everyday language. For Bikol, many of these appear to have an origin in the Visayan languages to the south, although whether these were borrowings or remnants of a shared, older poetic form, is not possible to determine. As writing was reserved for notes and messages. It was by means of oral narratives that information was passed from person to person, village to village and generation to generation. These were stories of gods and spirits, of battles and heros, of all the exploits that were of importance to the local community, and they were told during nights of leisure when they could be best enjoyed. In a society where narrative ability was highly prized, it was not unusual for there to be terms related to ones abilities at conversation and storytelling. Those who chose their words carefully and elucidated items at the time they needed clarification, were highly praised, while those who added extraneous information, who lost their train of thought, and who relied on verbal obfuscation to hide what were clearly lies, or repetition to harangue someone into undesired agreement, were deservedly criticised. Bikol was a region of immense linguistic complexity, with at least three languages and numerous dialects related along dialect chains or tied to the Visayan languages to the south. Given this situation, it was not surprising that the population was sensitive to language use, commenting when elements of one language were mixed with those of another, or when speakers moved from one language to another, either due to distraction or the inability to carry on a conversation in what must have been a less familiar language. The early alphabet was based on an Indic script, very possibly that of Gujarat. The alphabet appears to have moved south from the area around Manila to the Visayas at a time when the Spanish were still extending their control over Luzon and the central islands in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Spanish records show literacy becoming available in the Visayas after that date and after it was widespread in the Tagalog regions. Writing was done originally on reeds and palm leaves using an iron point as a pen although this was to change from palm leaves to paper and an iron point to a sharpened quill after the arrival of the Spanish. Painting was carried out on paper and wood as well as the body, for tattooing was also a prized form or art. Paint was applied following a carefully laid out design, added in coats which resulted in a gradually intensifying colour. Carving was both on wood and stone, either on flat panels of wood where designs were etched in relief, or as fully formed statues of spirit ancestors which were central to the religion. These all formed integral parts of the classical arts and oral traditions of the region. ENDNOTES [1] 'Relation of the voyage to Luzon,' ca. 1570, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, pp. 73-104, p. 78. [2] Antonio de Morga, 'Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (concluded),' 1609, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 25-210, p. 128. [3] Juan Feliz de la Encarnacion, Diccionario español - bisaya, Manila: Imprenta de los amigos del pais, á cargo de M. Sanchez, 1852, see gandang; Antonio Sánchez de la Rosa, Diccionario español - bisaya para las provincias de Sámar y Leyte, 3rd edition, aumentado por Antonio Valeriano, Manila: Santos y Bermal, 1914, see ganding. [4] Francisco Colin, S.J., 'Native races and their customs,' Madrid, 1663, from his Labor evangelica, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 37-98, p. 67-68. [5] Andres de San Nicolas, Luis de Jesus, and Juan de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines' (extracts from their respective works, covering the history of the missions to the year 1624), in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, pp. 111-318, p. 203. [6] Diego de Artieda, 'Relation of the Western Islands called Filipinas', documents of 1573, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, pp. 190-208, p. 199. [7] Diego de Bobadilla, S.J., 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' 1640, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, pp. 277-312, p. 286. [8] Francisco Ignacio Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, 1668, part 1; transliteration from a microfilm of the Spanish text in the Biblioteca de Palacio, Madrid, by Victor Baltazar; Book 3, p. 68. [9] Juan José Noceda and Pedro de Sanlucar, Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala, 1754, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, reimpreso 1860, see alingaongao; Diego Bergaño, Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga, en romance, 1732, Manila: Imprenta de Ramirez y Giraudier, Reimpreso 1860, see alingaongao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see laghos; Alonso de Mentrida, Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya de la Isla de Panay, Manila: La Imprenta de D. Manuel y de Felix Dayot, 1841, see laghung; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see tanoy. [10] Antonio Pigafetta, 'Primo viaggio intorno al mondo' (to be concluded), Italian text with English translation, manuscript ca. 1525, of events of 1519 - 1522, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 33, pp. 26 - 272, p. 149. [11] Antonio de Morga, 'Sucesos de la Islas Filipinas' (concluded), 1609, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 25-210, p. 128; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see agong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see agong; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see agong; Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see agong. [12] Pigafetta, 'Primo viaggio intorno al mondo,' p. 151. [13] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see mangmang. [14] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see mongmongan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see mungmungan (spelled mongmongan in the index); de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see mongmongan. [15] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see basal; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see basal; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see basal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see basal. [16] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see bagtíng; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bagtíng; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bagting. [17] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gorong gorong. [18] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see agong, alingaongao, alingasao, aliyavo, aloningning, atibangao, bagting, basay, caguingquing, calog, catí, congcong, iyac, lanog, paiyac, quing, tambocao, tangtang; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see agong, bagting, boto boto, danug, gabas, ganding, gorong gorong, hulagting, linganay, pacao pacao, tanoy; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see agong, bagtol, basal, bongol, boto boto, calocatic, gandang, gologánding, hagonghong, haloganay, holagting, linganay, laghos, lahós, lanog, langog langog, libag, loyao, mangmang, mongmongan, patic, pocpoc, poong, sagingsing, solagting, tabngol, tagingting, toctoc; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see agung, bagting, bagtol, basal, hagubhub, holagting, laghung, sagnay, ting ting; Bergaño, Pampanga, see actung, alibungbung, alingaongao, butubutu, dalas, galugao, mungmungan, saladsad, salagsay, siuala, talao, talay, talotao, tigtig, uuang. [19] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calotang. [20] Noberto Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instruments and Airs of Long Ago, Lecture delivered at the Conservatory of Music, University of the Philippines on November 2, 1931, p. 6. [21] 'Kleinhovia hospita', Philippine Native Forest Trees (accessed 15 May 2019); 'Kleinhovia hospita', Pl@ant Use (accessed 15 May 2019); P. Fr. Manuel Blanco, Flora de Filipinas: Segun el sistema sexual de Linneo, Agustino Calzado, ed., 2nd edition (1st edition 1837), Manila: Imprenta de Miguel Sanchez, 1845, pp. 652-653. [22] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see dapit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see dapit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see dapit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see dapit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lapit; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 67. [23] Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F., 'Customs of the Tagalogs (two relations),' Manila, October 21, Documents of 1589, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 173-178, p.176. [24] de San Nicolas, de Jesus, and de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 203. [25] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gimbal, guimbal; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see guimbal; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gimbal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see guimbal; Bergaño, Pampanga, see guimbal. [26] Brandeis, Hans, Life and Death of Philippine Music, 2018, pp. 1-4, p. 2. (accessed 25 April 2019). [27] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see patong. [28] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see patong. [29] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calatong; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see calatong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see calatong. [30] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lalod. [31] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see calabocob, calatong / calacalatongan, canlang, dalogdóg, guimbal / gimbal, pamonoan, pátong, saliu, sapar, timpí; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see calatong, guimbal, itorogtog, toctoc, tagonton, tagubanua, totob; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see calatong, gandang, gimbal; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see gadang, guimbal, tonog; Bergaño, Pampanga, see alibungbung, gandang, guimbal, pacsing, pactong, sapad. [32] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see tamboli; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bodyong. [33] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see torotot. [34] de Artieda, 'Relation of the western Islands called Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 199. [35] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see tingab; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 64-65. [36] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see boloboryong. [37] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lantoy. [38] Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, p. 17. [39] 'Why do flutes have so many holes?' Quora (accessed 21 June 2019). [40] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 65. [41] Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, pp. 15-17. [42] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sobing; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see subing; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see subing; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 67. [43] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sobing; Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 66-67. [44] 'Jew's Harp' Encyclopaedia Britannica (accessed 21 June 2019) [45] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see taghuy. [46] de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see litgit; Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, pp. 26-27. [47] 'Litgit' (Panay, Bukidnon), MusiKoleksyon (accessed 25 June 2019). [48] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 63. [49] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see cudyapi in the index and cudyiapi or coryapi in the dictionary; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see codyapi, cotsapi; Bergaño, Pampanga, see cudiapi. [51] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see corlong; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see codlon; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see corlong. [50] R. O. Winstedt, Unabridged Malay-English Dictionary, Singapore: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, n.d, see kechapi. [52] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see kacchapī, kacchapikā. [53] Romualdez, Filipino Musical Instrument and Airs of Long Ago, p. 26. [54] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 62-63. [55] Pedro Chirino, S.J., 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' 1604, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, pp. 169-322, p. 241; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 290; Colin, 'Native races and their customs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 67. [56] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 62-63. [57] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 12; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 290. [58] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 63. [59] 'Wild Sugar Cane' Non-Timber Forestry Products (accessed 09 July 2019); 'Talahib' Stuartxchange (accessed 20 July 2019). [60] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 63-64. [61] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 302. [62] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 309. [63] Domingo Fernandez Navarrete, 'Manila and the Philippines about I650' (to be concluded), from his Tratados historicos, Madrid, 1676, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 37, pp. 285-306, p. 298. [64] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see sayao; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see sayao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see sayao; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see sayao. [65] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see indac; Bergaño, Pampanga, see indac. [66] Bergaño, Pampanga, see terac, libad. [67] Frances Densmore, 'The Music of the Filipinos,' American Anthropologist, New Series, vol. 8, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1906), pp. 611-632, Published by Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable, pp 615-616 (accessed 11 June 2019). [68] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bias, incoy incoy, balitao. [69] 'Balitaw' The University of the Philippines Alumni and Friends Rondalla (accessed 28 Jue 2019). [70] Miguel de Loarca, 'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,' Arevalo, June, 1582, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 34-187, p. 121; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 263; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, pp. 282-283. [71] de San Nicolas, de Jesus, and de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines,' in in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 138. [72] de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 190. [73] Merito B. Espinas, 'A critical study of the Ibalong, the Bikol folk epic fragment,' in Unitas, vol. 41, no. 2, 1968, pp. 173-249. [74] de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, p. 293. [75] de Plasencia, 'Customs of the Tagalogs,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 195; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 302; de San Nicolas, de Jesus, and de la Concepción, 'Early Recollect missions in the Philippines,' in in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 206. [76] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 33-34, see anogon, canogon; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see haya; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see haya; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see haya. [77] de Loarca, 'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 121; Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 263; de Morga, 'Sucesos de la Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, p. 82; de Bobadilla, 'Relation of the Filipinas Islands,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 29, pp. 282-283; Diego Aduarte, 'Historia de la Provincia del Sancto Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores' (concluded), in Blair and Robertson, vol. 32, pp. 19-298, p. 52. [78] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 28-30. [79] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 30-31. [80] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ambahan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ambahan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see ambahan. [81] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, p. 31, see bical. [82] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see bical; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see bical; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see bical. [83] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 31-32, see balac. [84] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see balac; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see balac, biao; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see balac. [85] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 31-32, see sidai. [86] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see siday. [87] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 34-35, see auit. [88] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see auit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see auit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see auit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ayot. [89] Gaspar de San Agustín, O.S.A., 'Letter on the Filipinos, 1720, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 183-295, p. 246. [90] Gaspar de San Agustín, Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas, 1565-1615, Manila, San Agustín Museum, 1998, p. 1101. [91] Juan de Medina, O.S.A., 'History of the Augustinian order in the Filipinas Islands' (to be concluded), 1630, printed at Manila, 1893, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 23, pp. 119-298, p. 263. [92] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see batag, cabaiyoan, calopcop, daloy, damyos, dayaray, dolit, gingin, ginoo, hilihid, imbao. [93] Malcolm W. Mintz, 'Anger and Verse: Two Vocabulary Subsets in Bikol,' Vical 2: Western Austronesian and Contact Languages, Papers from the 5th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Auckland: Linguistics Society of New Zealand, 1991, p. 231-244. [94] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see saysay; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see say say; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see saysay. [95] Curtis D. McFarland, The Dialects of the Bikol Area, Ph.D. dissertation, New Haven: Dept. of Linguistics, Yale University, 1974. [96] 'Gujarātī,' Omniglot The online encyclopedia of writing systems and languages (accessed 19 August 2019). [97] Christopher Miller, 'A Gujarati Origin for Scripts of Sumatra, Sulawesi and the Philippines,' Berkeley Linguistics Society, vol. 36, 2010, pp. 276-291, published by the Linguistic Society of America. [98] William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1995, p. 282. [99] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see corlit, colit; Bergaño, Pampanga, see culit; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see colit. [100] Baybayin Font Doctrina Regular [101] Miller, 'A Gujarati Origin for Scripts of Sumatra, Sulawesi and the Philippines,' p. 277. [102] Archivo Franciscano Ibero-Oriental, Duque de Sesto, 9, 28009, Madrid, MS. 528/27; Biblioteca del Museo Naval, C/Juan de Mena, 1, 28014, Madrid, MS. 2287, doc. 32:214-214v. [103] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, pp. 242-243. [104] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 241. [105] de Loarca, 'Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 121. [106] 'Jawi Alphabet,' Wikipedia, English, n.d. (accessed 21 August 2019). [107] Alcina, The Muñoz text of Alcina's History of the Bisayan Islands, Book 3, pp. 35-37. [108] Chirino, 'Relacion de las Islas Filipinas,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 12, p. 241. [109] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see basa, sulat; Bergaño, Pampanga, see basa, sulat; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see basa, solat; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see basa, sulat. [110] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see gohit; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see gohit; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see gohit. [111] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see biro; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see biro; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see biro. [112] William Savage, The Preparation of Printing Ink both Black and Coloured, London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Longman, 1832, pp. 41-44. [113] 'Varnish,' Wikipedia, English, n.d., (accessed 8 September 2019). [114] Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see batuc; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see batoc; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see batoc. [115] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see lagda; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see lagda, suga; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see lagda, suga; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see suga; Bergaño, Pampanga, see lagda. [116] 'Brush Art,' Encyclopedia Britannica (accessed 22 August 2019). [117] Monier-Williams Sanskrit Dictionary, see kūčī. [118] John Crawfurd, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, 2 vols., London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1852, see laman. [119] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see palaman. [120] Noceda and de Sanlucar, Tagala, see larauan; Sánchez de la Rosa, Sámar y Leyte, see ladauan; de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see ladaoan; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see larauan; Bergaño, Pampanga, see larauan. [121] 'Relief Carving,' Wikipedia, English , n.d. (accessed 30 August 2019). [122] de la Encarnacion, Bisaya, see liloc, logi; de Mentrida, Bisaya, Hiliguena, y Haraya, see liloc, lugi. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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