Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific
Monograph 1: The Philippines at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century

Malcolm W. Mintz


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Chapter 4

CRIME AND PUNISHMENT


OVERVIEW
 
An attempt is made in this chapter to reconstruct the legal system in place during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, after the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines but before their influence could greatly alter Philippine society.[1] The chapter begins with a brief examination of social stratification in early Philippine society. Following this is a short discussion of the promulgation of laws and the jurisdiction over which these laws applied.
 
Civil disputes and criminal cases form the two main sections of the chapter. Among the civil disputes are those arising from insults, adultery, deception and defaults on loans, while the section on criminal cases includes piracy, theft, assaults and murder. The final sections examine punishment and incarceration, the administration of justice, including trials and mediation, oaths, witnesses, testimony and sentences, and the miscarriage of justice.
 

1. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION
 
In this section we will look briefly at social stratification in early Philippine society (see Chapter 13, 'Status and Social Conflict,' for more detail). This is necessary as those who took responsibility for promulgating and administering laws within society were what we might call the upper classes. The application of laws also differed depending upon whether victims and perpetrators belonged to one class or different classes. Penalties also involved payment of particular fines which, if beyond the means of the guilty, would result in enslavement.
 
The judges who presided over any dispute or served as mediators between the aggrieved parties were the high officials in the town.[2]. These were people who held absolue authority and who passed judgement without recourse to appeal.[3] Among the Tagalogs in Manila and the surrounding areas, the richest of the 10-12 chiefs living in a particular town or barángay was chosen to lead the group in legal deliberations.[4] Miguel de Loarca comments that this was not the case in Visayan areas to the south since none of the village chiefs was willing to acknowledge the superiority of another. This primary leader was referred to by Juan de Plasencia as a dátoˈ, and the result of his investigations and any sentence imposed was declared in the presence of those from his barángay.[5] The following entry is Bikol.
    úkat MA‑ to be called (everyone, as to attend a meeting or hearing): Si makuríng maúkat si táwo kaidtóng súgong hukóm A great many people were called by order of the magistrate [MDL]
In Bikol, as in a number of other Philippine languages, the specific term for judge is hukóm, a term borrowed from Malay, which in turn borrowed it from Arabic. A judge was not a unique position in society, but a term used to refer to a leader or leaders in the community who held this position when mediating or passing judgement on particular crimes or infringements. The official referred to in the entry, tungód, probably refers to anyone with a specific responsibility, although Lisboa does refer to justice as one of these responsibilities.
    hukóm judge; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN: hukomán or hukmán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paghukomán or paghukmán to judge s/o; to pass judgement on a person or on a sin; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to pass a particular sentence; to sentence s/o to a particular punishment] [MALAY hukum, from ARABIC]

    tungód MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to be used for s/t; to be meant for s/t; ...; KA‑‑AN: katungdán duty, obligation, role; standing, status; ... [+MDL: KA‑‑AN: katungdán employee or official (such as of the Ministry of Justice, Headmaster of a school); also: ownership, rights; ...]
We have a number of terms referring to leaders in a community. The most general of these is ginoˈó which refers to the rich and influential in Bikol society. If a single term were chosen for a community leader, this would be dátoˈ. Village heads were referred to as púnoˈ and kagdulóhan based on the root dulóhan 'village residents' and using the prefix kag‑ which shows a form of possession. Bikol has the word hádiˈ 'king', but it is difficult to see what type of reference this would have had in the community given the village-based nature of the society. Certainly kings could be referred to, but this referent was most likely not within Bikol society. See Perdo Chirino[6] for a description of the situation in the Visayas.
    ginoˈó a noble; a term used to refer to the rich and influential members of early Bikol society; MA‑ noble, regal, royal [+MDL: MA‑ referring to both those who are rich and those who have high status in a society; MA‑ or MAG‑ to have the status of a noble; to be one of the influential members in a society; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to name or regard s/o as a leader in a society; MAG‑ maggiró-ginoˈó to pretend to hold the status of a noble; MAKA‑, MA‑ to make s/o rich; KA‑‑AN a council of nobles; a group of the rich and influential in society; PAGKA‑ nobility]

    dátoˈ headman, chief [+MDL: one who is rich and a leader of the community; MAKA‑, MA‑ to declare s/o a headman or chief; to raise s/o's status to that of a headman; PAGKA‑ the powerful and influential members of society; KA‑‑AN governing council of chiefs]

    púnoˈ chief, head, headman, leader; an púnoˈ sa banwáˈan head of a village; PAKANG‑‑ON: pinakakangpúnoˈ to have the status and respect of a leader; (fig‑) Garó ka na binunoˈán nin púnoˈ It's as if you have been killed by a headman (Said when one is sad and melancholy) [MDL]

    dulóhan the inhabitants of a particular village; tribe; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to govern or rule over a particular municipality; KAG‑ ruler, the head of a village, town; KA‑ s/o from the same village [MDL]

    hádiˈ king, ruler; MAG‑ to reign as a king; MAG‑, ‑AN to rule; to reign or have dominion over an area; PAGKA‑ reign; KA‑‑AN realm, dominion, kingdom [+MDL: KA‑‑AN a council of kings]
Leaders of a community held that position as long they maintained their status and their wealth, with wealth being of particular importance. Changes which occurred as the use of land and possessions passed from parents to children could result in the impoverishment of the family and a subsequent loss of status and power. Property and the use of land tended to be distributed equally among one's legitimate children[7] resulting in smaller holdings and a smaller share of individually held wealth. Lisboa has at least one full dictionary entry expressing a general loss of power and respect, as well as a number of examples included in other dictionary entries indicating the decline that could be experienced by a family. The final entry below shows the reverse of this process of decline, where a family's fortunes are once again restored.
    pidóˈ abject, mean, low; MA‑ or MAG‑ to fall from a position of power or respect; to lose status; to become impoverished; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat s/o with no respect; to deprecate s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to treat s/o in a particular demeaning way reflecting their loss of status or wealth [MDL]

    após ... Naapós na bága an pagkaginoˈó niyá His estate is like burnt out coals (Meaning: It has dwindled to nothing)] [MDL]

    lutós ... Nalutós an pagharóng-hárong ni kuyán, harí-hári idtóng mangá kaganák The household of that person is burning less bright, not like that of his parents (Said when one's family is no longer seen as leaders of the community) [MDL]

    gugóm ... Sagkód ta na iní sa panggugóm We have reached the point where we just have a fistful (Said when one has become very poor) [MDL]

    mákot ... Nagmamákot namán an pagharóng-hárong na kuyán Their house (family) is again in ascendancy (after being down and out) [MDL]
The commoners in Bikol society were referred to as timáwaˈ, a term in general use in the Philippines. These were the freemen of the society, neither nobles nor slaves. William Henry Scott refers to these as originally the descendants of a dátoˈs commoner wives or slave concubines.[8] In Bikol timáwaˈ were those who were never slaves, or those who had freed themselves from slavery. A second term, bátak, refers to a freed slave, and it was this meaning that must have originally distinguished it from timáwaˈ. With the broadening of the meaning of timáwaˈ, however, the meanings have fallen together.
    timáwaˈ an ordinary resident or villager, neither a slave nor a noble; a freeman, a free slave; MA‑ to free a slave; to declare oneself free (a slave); to become an ordinary citizen (one who was once richer or of a higher rank) [MDL]

    bátak freeman, describing a person who is no longer a slave; MAG‑ to free o/s or declare o/s free; MA‑, ‑ON to set s/o free; MA‑, ‑AN to set s/o free from a group of slaves [MDL]
Slaves were called urípon, although within this group Bikol had another term, gintúboˈ, referring to slaves who were inherited from one's family or were the offspring of one's own slaves.[9]
    urípon slave; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to have slaves; to enslave s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to take s/o's child or relative as a slave; MAKA‑, MA‑ to take s/o as a slave due to indebtedness; PAGKA‑ slavery, bondage]

    gintúboˈ a slave born in one's own house or inherited from one's family; MA‑ or MAG‑ to possess such a slave; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to turn s/o into such a slave; (PAG‑)‑AN to be served by such a slave; PAGKA‑ slavery of this type [MDL]
Slavery did not have to be permanent. Just as the ginoˈó could lose wealth and fall from a position of status in the community, slaves could buy their freedom. In general they could do this by paying off their financial obligations. Such a debt, as we will see in subsequent sections, could be the only reason why a person was enslaved in the first place.
    hiluwás MAKA‑ to free o/s from servitude by paying off one's debts or otherwise satisfying ones obligations; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to pay off one's debts and obtain one's freedom; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to settle one's debts with s/o [MDL]

    híwas free; MAGPA‑ to look to obtain one's freedom; to seek one's freedom (a slave or one with other obligations); Mahíwas an buˈót ko taˈ nakabáyad na akóng si útang I feel free now that I have paid my debts

2. LAWS AND JURISDICTION
 
Most laws were simply the reflection of traditions or the codification of very old customs. New laws were made by a council of the village chiefs responding to a perceived or newly arising need in society. To announce new laws to inhabitants in the Tagalog areas, a crier would go from village to village striking a gong. Once such an announcement was made to the villagers, they would then become subject to the laws.[10] In Bikol, terms such as aklíhog and harubáy cover similar areas of meaning.
    aklíhog MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to promulgate a law; to proclaim s/t publically; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to proclaim s/t publically to a town, a community; MA‑, ‑ON to MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make such a proclamation for a particular reason [MDL]

    harubáy public pronouncement, proclamation; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to announce s/t publicly; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to announce s/t to the public; PARA‑ town crier [MDL]
Laws were proclaimed in towns and it was the townspeople who were made aware of them and were expected to obey. Terms for obeying laws were the same as those for obeying individuals, or for believing or trusting in others. Terms for the breaking of laws were similar, relating both to the flaunting of rules or the disobeying of individuals.
    kúyog MAG‑, ‑ON to obey s/o; to comply with s/t; ... kuyóg-kúyog MA‑‑IN‑: makinuyóg-kúyog obedient, mindful, heedful [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to obey s/o; ... MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON to entice, persuade or convince s/o; to insist s/o comply with s/t; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to persuade s/o to do s/t; to use a particular means of persuasion; kuyóg-kuyóg obedient]

    lápas ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to break a law or commandment; to flaunt a rule or regulation; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to disobey s/o; PAG‑ or PAGKA‑ the breaking of laws] likbás MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to fail to comply with s/o's wishes or commands; to transgress laws; to violate an order or command; to break or fail to comply with the terms of a contract; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to disobey s/o; to break a contract with s/o [MDL]
There were, however, large areas of the Bikol region which were outside the towns and outside the reach of the law. These were tracts of forested areas, often rising up along the slopes of mountains, not only far from the towns, but far from areas of cultivation. These were areas which were home to the Agtáˈ 'Negritos', and home as well to those who fled the towns, often because they stood accused of criminal acts. Law enforcement did not reach into the hills or mountains. One of these areas was the mountain range between the towns of Quipayo and Naga City called Tungdól. Since fleeing to the mountains was to move into the territory of the Negritos, a figurative meaning associated with the entry Mangyán also makes this explicit. Reference to the Mangyans as Negritos is incorrect for the term should rightly refer to the eight indigenous groups inhabiting the island of Mindoro. The entry, however, does clearly reflect locally held beliefs about these more distant groups. We also have a general term such as luˈók and a figurative meaning associated with the verb lásay.
    Tungdól mountain range located between Quipayó and Nága, home to those who have fled the towns [MDL]

    Mangyán Negrito group, more primitive than the others; (fig‑) MAG‑ to flee to the forest or mountains [MDL]

    luˈók MA‑ or MAG‑ to flee; to hide; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to flee to the mountains; to hide at a particular location [MDL]

    lásay ... (fig‑) Liminásay namán si kuyán kainíng súgoˈ nin hukóm That person has run off, afraid of the sentence to be imposed by the judge [MDL]
Life in the mountains could not have been easy. Lacking social contact with friends and family, forced into association with Negrito groups who could frequently be hostile, deprived of a regular livelihood and compelled to continue with criminal behavior in order to survive, it was not unusual for those in such a situation to return home.
    buthóˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to come to town (those who have fled to the mountains); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to come to town for s/t or for a particular reason; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to bring s/t to town [MDL]

    gáwa MA‑ to leave; to go out (of the house, a village); to leave the mountains where one has been hiding and come to town; to appear or become visible at a particular location; ... [MDL]

    tungá ... [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to come out into the open; to appear (as s/o hiding or s/t which was beneath the water which suddenly breaks the surface); ... an baˈgóng tungá referring to those who have recently come out of hiding; Dumán kamí pakatungá sa banwáˈan Let's go back to town (referring to those who have been in hiding, probably in the mountains)]
Those who did live out of town, however, could be reached. Much as the gong announced laws to the village people, an invitation could be extended to those outside of town by the playing of musical instruments (see Chapter 15, 'Arts and Language,' Section 1).
    dápit ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to call on s/o for the purpose of inviting them to the house for a meal, a drink or discussion; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to announce an invitation by passing through an area playing a musical instrument, such as the kudyapíˈ or subíng, or striking the sticks called kalótan; to invite those who live out of town (resident there due to unacceptable social or criminal behavior); ‑ON: an darapíton one invited many times or by many people; ...]

3. CIVIL DISPUTES AND CRIMINAL CASES
 
Legal infractions were many and varied. They ranged from insults, considered quite serious, especially when directed against a village chief, to stealing, burglary, assault and murder. The legal system could also be called upon to settle civil disputes, such as matters involving trade, land, loans and disputed possession.
 
3.1 CIVIL DISPUTES
(i) Insults
 
Speaking disrespectfully or using insults or abusive language to a village chief in the Tagalog areas brought a penalty of death against the perpetrator. The same would be true if insulting a chief's wife or daughter. This penalty could be waived upon payment of a fine in gold, with failure to pay leading to enslavement.[11]
 
Insult was also taken if anyone talked or was noisy during the burial of a chief. Dust falling from the house of a timáwaˈ on the chief or his wife when passing through the street was also taken as a grave insult, as was passing any area where the chief's wife was bathing.[12]
 
An insult directed against someone having the same social rank, such as one timáwaˈ insulting another, would lead to the imposition of a penalty which was decided by a judge or arbiter. The greater the insult, the higher the fine. If the perpetrator could not pay a fine in excess of five taels of gold, he became a slave to the injured party. If he was able to borrow money from a relative, friend or chief, he then served the lender as a slave until the debt was paid back.[13] A chief insulting a timáwaˈ received a light sentence, or none.
 
From the following Bikol entry we can see that not only did an insult have to be directed at a particular individual to cause offense, offense could also be taken by a relative of the one being insulted. In the same entry we can also see that a fine could be paid by a friend or relative.
    hinálod MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to take offence at what s/o has said; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to become annoyed at s/o who has said s/t causing offence; MAPANG‑: mapanhinálod na táwo one who takes offence at what is said; also: to involve o/s on behalf of a friend or relative when an offence is committed against them; to repay a debt for s/o who is unable to do so himself: Taˈ daw taˈ nanhihinálod ka; iká an linalanghadán ko? - Taˈ daw taˈ daˈí ko man hinálod na, linalanghadán mo an sakóng ákiˈ? Why are you taking offence; were you the one I insulted? - Why shouldn't I take offence when you have insulted my child?; Daˈí kutá na akóng ibinabáyad kundíˈ pinanhinálod ni amá idtóng útang ko I wouldn't have been able to pay, but my father repaid my debt [MDL]
An insult directed at one village chief by another in Pampanga was considered a particularly serious offense which could lead to open warfare between the villages. It was important that this be settled quickly and equitably. A chief of higher rank would be chosen to mediate. If an agreement could not be reached, each of the chiefs involved in the dispute would host a feast, the one presenting the most lavish affair would be judged the most honorable, and if this was accepted by both parties, the dispute would be settled. If the injured party still did not accept this result, warfare could indeed be the result.[14]
 
What were these insults that were taken so seriously and could have such serious consequences? There are a number of terms which describe general categories of insults. Insults were used to dishonor or defame someone, something which was particularly offensive if done in front of others. People could be insulted when their wealth or status was compared unfavorably to others, or offense could be taken by particular actions of a house guest. There are also a number of terms which refer to the utterance of swear words or curses. Examples of these appear below.
    langhád ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to insult, dishonor or defame s/o (with biting words, curses); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to say s/t as an insult, an affront; PAG‑ an insult, affront]

    puráˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to deride s/o; to insult s/o, embarrassing them in front of others [MDL]

    táki MA‑, ‑ON or MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to insult or deprecate s/o by belittling their wealth or possessions; to belittle s/o due to their lack of wealth or possessions; MA‑, I‑ or MANG‑, IPANG‑ to disparage s/o's wealth or possessions [MDL]

    támay MA‑, ‑ON or MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to belittle, insult or deprecate s/o, comparing one's own status or wealth to their lack of it; MA‑, I‑ or MANG‑, IPANG‑ to disparage or belittle s/o's status or wealth [MDL]

    lápas MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take s/t done or said by a guest living in one's house as an insult or affront (the host); (PAG‑)‑AN to feel insulted by the actions of a house guest (the host) [MDL]

    ráway ... [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use curse words or swear words; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to swear at s/o; to curse s/o; MA‑: maráway na táwo one who uses swear words]

    sápa MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to curse or swear at s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to utter a particular oath [MDL]
There were insults which applied to both men and women. Both, for example, could be called liars or fools.
    habót sky; (fig‑) ‑ON a liar, hypocritical: Habotón ka You are a liar; MAPATAGU‑, PATAGU‑‑AN: mapataguhabót, pataguhabotón to insult or dishonor s/o by saying this word to them [MDL]

    tingdíl a woman's genitals; a woman's private parts; (fig‑) Katingdílon na babáyi What a liar this woman is; also used for men when calling them liars [MDL]

    butandíng whale shark [+MDL]: Butandíng nang iyán You're a whale shark (Said in anger as an insult, equivalent to: Go to hell you big fool)]
Death could be wished on both men and women, including death arising from specific events, such as being taken by a crocodile. Certain unfortunate occurrences, such as blindness and injury, could also be wished upon them.
    túlos MA‑ to suddenly die; MA‑‑AN to have s/o or s/t suddenly die on you; PAGKA‑ a sudden death; Natúlos ka May you suddenly die (Said as a curse) [MDL]

    lundón MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to get stuck in the throat (food); MA‑ to choke on s/t caught in the throat (a person); ... Uyá an lulundón mo Here, choke on this (Said to s/o when angry) [MDL]

    raˈró MA‑ or MAG‑ to be taken suddenly ill (due to a serious wound); also used as a curse: Naraˈró kang iyán I hope you die from that [MDL]

    tigbák ... [+MDL: ... MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to kill or fatally wound s/o in battle; MA‑ to be fatally wounded; Natitigbák ka May you die (Said as a curse) ...]

    gánga MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to bite s/t hard with the teeth to see if it can be cracked or chewed (such as a betel nut mixture); to attempt to crack s/t with the teeth; ... (fig‑) Ginangáhan buˈáya May you be chewed up by a crocodile (Said as a curse) [MDL]

    matá eye; ‑ON or MA‑ to get hit in the eye; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN to add eyes to an image or statue; ... Namatá ka May your eyes be smashed (Said as a curse)]

    babayó MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pound rice in a mortar; (fig‑) Pinagbabayó ka May you be pounded like rice (Said as a curse) [MDL]
In general, however, curses against men dealt with physical injury, while curses against women were sexual in nature, involving poking, splitting or the implied opening up of the sexual organs. The first examples are curses against men.
    ánit animal skin, hide, pelt; leather ... [+MDL: ... MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to remove the skin from an animal; ... Pinaganítan ka May you be skinned (Said as an insult to men)]

    báˈak crevice, fissure, rift; ... [+MDL: MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to break up or divide a number of things; ... MA‑, ‑ON to split s/t; ... (fig‑) Pinagbáˈak ka May you be split in two (used as a curse)]

    duháng a large earthenware urn or spike used for trapping deer and wild boar; ... MA‑ to fall into such an urn or impale themselves on such a spike and be injured (game); (fig‑) Naduhangáng iyán May you be hurt in such a trap (Said as an insult to men) [MDL]

    taruktók referring to the occurrence of many things stuck in the ground (such as spikes, posts or stakes along a road); ... MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to drive in a large number of such spikes, posts; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to drive such stakes or posts into the ground; (fig‑) used as a curse or insult: Pinagtaruktokán ka May you be impaled on many spikes; ... [MDL]

    dukdók ... [+MDL: ... MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to pound or crush s/t in a mortar; ... (fig‑) used as a curse for men: Pinagdudukdók ka May you be pounded in a mortar]

    rupók MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to smash s/t to pieces or fragments; ... MAKA‑, MA‑ to be smashed to pieces; (fig‑) Narupók an payó mo May your head be smashed to pieces (Said as a curse) [MDL]

    púgot ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut off the head, an arm, a leg; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to cut off s/o's head, arm or leg; Pinagpugótan ka May you be beheaded (Used as a curse among men)]

    saksák ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut s/t into small pieces; to dice taro, yam, fruit; also used as an insult for men: Pinagsaksák ka May you be cut up into little pieces ...]

    sáraˈ ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to strain a liquid; ... also used as a curse: Pinagsáraˈ kang iyán May you be put through a strainer]
The following are some of the curses directed against women.
    baliˈát MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to lift one of two posts or boards lying side-by-side by inserting a pole in the space between the two, and levering one using the other as support; ... (fig‑) Pinagbaliˈát ka an expression considered demeaning and insulting when said to women [MDL]

    baliskád ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑ PAG‑‑ON to turn s/t over or turn s/t around; (fig‑) Pinagbaliskád ka Said as an insult to women]

    bingát MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pull s/t open or apart with one's hands (as a split piece of bamboo, a trap); (fig‑) Pinagbingát ka Said as an insult to women [MDL]

    biská MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to open s/t in the middle with the hands; to split s/t open into two parts with the hands; (fig‑) Pinagbiská ka An insult said to women [MDL]

    dughól MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to thrust upward; to skewer or pierce s/t (as s/t on the roof, such as a rat); to thrust through the interior of a length of bamboo, breaking the nodes so that it may be used to channel water (see bungbóng); ... (fig‑) Pinagdughól ka Said as an insult directed at women [MDL]

    pálo ... [+MDL: MA,‑ I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to drive in a post or stake; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to drive a post or stake into the ground; also used as a curse or insult directed toward women: Pinagpalóhan ka May you have a stake driven into you]

    haˈót describing s/t so narrow as to prevent entry; constricted, tight; MA‑ or MAG‑ to grow narrow or constricted; (PAG‑)‑AN to be narrow or constricted (as a doorway); to be stuck in a tight space; ... (fig‑) Pinaghaˈotán ka Said as a curse to women who cannot have children [MDL]

3.1 CIVIL DISPUTES
(ii) Adultery
 
Marriage, divorce and remarriage were common in Bikol society. When a marriage failed, an agreement was generally reached between the families of the husband and wife as to the custody of the children, commonly divided by gender, and to a redistribution of all or some of the dowry paid by the manˈs family at the time of the marriage. Return of all of the dowry, possibly with some additional remuneration, would result if the wife was seen to be at fault, and retention of all of the dowry by the wife was the outcome if the husband was seen to be the offending party. If both marriage partners shared blame for the marriage breakdown, a portion of the dowry would be returned and a portion retained. One of the main causes for marriage breakdown was adultery. Two entries from Lisboa are presented below.
    taˈó-taˈó MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to accuse or suspect s/o of having an affair with one's husband or wife; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to accuse a husband or wife of having an affair with s/o; MA‑: mataˈó-taˈó or MAPAG‑: mapagtaˈó'taˈó suspicious (a husband, believing his wife is having an affair) [MDL]

    takpíl MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to accuse two people of having an affair; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to accuse a man of having an affair; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to accuse a man of having an affair with a particular woman [MDL]
If the families could not agree on a settlement, then the case would go to arbitration (see Section 5(i)). While a sentence of death might be the outcome, particularly if the affair involved the concubine of a chief, the result was most commonly a fine. If the adulterer fled without paying the fine, a period of enmity would exist between the families of the adulterer and the wife or husband until the fine was paid.[15]
 

3.1 CIVIL DISPUTES
(iii) Trade and Deception
 
Deception could take many forms. It could occur in trade, (see Chapter 16, 'Towns, Trade and Travel,' Section 3) or be more general, describing one's disposition when dealing with others. There are a number of examples of deception in trade. I have chosen only two. In the first example we have an attempt to deceive in the sale of gold, not only used for its monetary value, but also for its artistic value, being worked into various forms of jewelry. In the second example we have deception regarding the mixture of liquids which includes wine, referring usually to the alcoholic beverage tubáˈ, widely drunk and highly valued in ritual and social interaction. If a particular deception could not be resolved by the parties involved, the dispute, as with other civil and criminal actions, would go to arbitration involving a council of the village chiefs. A decision by such a council could not be appealed or petitioned.[16]
    dalóy high quality gold which covers poor quality gold beneath it, forming a gold bar meant to deceive; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to cover poor quality gold with that of higher quality; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to place high quality gold over that of low quality; (fig‑) Dalóy pa lámang an saímong buˈót You appear to be a good person, but in your heart you are different [MDL]

    lahók referring to that which is mixed with a pure substance, such as wax, honey or wine, to increase its bulk (done in an attempt to deceive, making s/t appear more than it really is); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to add s/t for this purpose; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mix s/t with a foreign substance for this purpose [MDL]
There are a number of terms expressing deceit and duplicity in early Bikol society. Terms indicating cheating, fraud and bribery reveal actions in a society that could be dealt with socially or legally, depending on the course taken by those involved.
    dáyaˈ deceit, guile; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to defraud or cheat s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a particular trick or guise in cheating]

    hiphíp MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to bribe s/o; to coerce s/o; MA‑, I‑ to offer a particular bribe [MDL]

    kágod describing s/o who indulges excessively in a particular vice; ... MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to steal s/t; MA‑, ‑AN: kagorán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagkagorán to be particularly unscrupulous in one's dealings with others; to cheat or rob s/o [MDL]

    kalít fraud, deceit; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to defraud or deceive s/o; to drive s/o out of a game by raising the stakes so that they cannot win back what they have lost; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to raise the stakes in a game by a particular amount; to deceive s/o with a particular trick or strategy [MDL]

    amít MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to abscond with s/t; to obtain s/t by trickery or deceit; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to steal from s/o in this way [MDL]

3.1 CIVIL DISPUTES
(iv) Defaulting on Loans
 
Bikol society, as was the case throughout much of the Philippines, survived on a series of debt relationships. Someone always needed money, and there was always someone else who was willing to lend it. There are numerous entries in Lisboa which make this clear. To give some idea of how ingrained debt relationships were in the Bikol region, the following is a section of the index dealing with debt from the Bikol Dictionary.[17]
    DEBT útang, sambót, *bala; penalty or payment of extra interest imposed on an overdue account, ... or loan, pátong; small payment made against a ... to reduce penalties which would be imposed if no payment were made at all, *patimamangháˈ; the unpaid portion of a ..., *huribán; to cancel or forgive a ..., *tuklín; to change the basis of a ... allowing part payment in kind, *gákan; to collect ...s, singíl; to fall due (a ...), *sungdóˈ; to forfeit a ..., losing what one has put up as surety, *sámit; to be free of ... or other obligations, *híwas; to free o/s from servitude by paying one's ...s or otherwise satisfying one's obligations, *hiluwás; to insist on the repayment of a ..., *híriˈ; to make the final payment on a ..., *hilubós, *tápos; to pay all of one's ...s, *tubtób; to pay off a ... in small installments (refusing to pay all at once, the creditor's preferred option), *gutáy-gutáy; to pay off one's ... in installments, *saláwad; to pay one's ...s by working in the creditor's fields, *bálos, *luyó-luyó; to pay part of one's ...s, *ínot; to pay part of a ... with rice, *pároy; to pay part of a ... in kind, and not completely with money or gold, *gisíˈ; to pay s/t to a creditor to whom one is greatly in ... to keep him happy until one is able to pay in full, *malasmás; to reduce a ..., *gákan; to repay a ... for one who is unable to do so, *hinálod; to request settlement of ...s from the children or heirs of an estate after the death of the parents, *mulingáw; to settle a ... by taking s/t belonging to the debtor, *guˈón; to speak rudely or gruffly to one who asks for payment of a ..., *ngasál-ngasál; to work together with s/o who owes a full day's labor so that the ... can be paid by two people, each working for half a day, *baríˈ
Those writing of their observations of the sixteenth century Philippines made it quite clear that debts could be the beginning of a tragic decline for the borrower. Antonio de Morga[18] writes that loans were seen as a means of making money, and it was frequently the case that loans were made available at exorbitant rates of interest, with penalties doubling and tripling the original debt until the borrower had no more capital, lost his property and had to give his children up as slaves to the lender (also see Chapter 18, 'Kinship and Marriage,' Section 3). Chirino talks of a similar situation among the Visayans.[19]
 
Loarca gives some specific examples. One borrowing rice would be expected to return an equivalent amount the following year. If unable to do so, twice the borrowed amount would have to be paid back the second year, and four times that amount in the third year, with similar increases for subsequent years the rice was not repaid.
 
In the case of unpaid loans contracted across village boundaries, the creditor village had the right to seize anyone from the debtor village and demand payment. In this case, the amount asked to settle the debt was double the amount lent.[20]
 
Loan relationships appear to have been legal and binding with recourse to the courts as they were known at the time, that is, appeal to a judge and subsequent mediation (see Section 5(i)) if the debt obligation could not be met. Debts which remained unpaid or could not be paid would inevitably end with slavery for the debtor.
 
The imposition of fines for theft, murder or other legal infringements could also lead to long term debt relationships. A fine, generally in gold, had to be paid immediately. If this could not be done, the convicted party would have to serve as a slave to the one who had won the case. He would also forfeit one-half the produce from all his cultivated lands, although, as a slave, all the food and clothing for his family would be provided by the successful litigant. When the original fine was finally paid, the lender could then lay a claim for additional payment based on his having supported the defaulter's family during this time. Failure to pay this additional amount could end with the enslavement of the defaulter's children in a relationship where freedom might never be achieved.[21]
 

3.2 CRIMINAL CASES
(i) Piracy and Plunder
 
Whether piracy is considered a crime or not depends on whether one is a victim or perpetrator. Certainly among the perpetrators, most of whom would have at some point in their lives also been victims, the chance to obtain wealth from outside the village and from people toward whom one had no responsibility, could be too tempting to pass up.[22] For those perpetually victimised by robbery or raids, the following entry might be particularly apt.
    sugsóg MA‑ describing s/t or s/o that continually causes harm or destruction in a particular area (as a wild boar entering rice fields, pirates raiding a town or robbers returning over and over again to a particular area): Masugsóg ka nang labí, álang-álang kang da'í masalagbát You continually cause terrible trouble; it's not right that you have not yet been given a taste of your own medicine (Meaning: You have not yet also been robbed or victimized); ... [MDL]
The Bikol region, essentially a long, narrow peninsula forming the southeastern extremity of Luzon, had numerous coastal villages which were exposed not only to periodic raids from the south[23], but to raids which originated in the region itself. While there were islands and areas with particularly bad reputations, raids could also simply be opportunistic. Whatever the reason, it is clear that such raids were not uncommon.
    salákay ... MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to embark for the purpose of getting s/t or bringing s/t back; to disembark for the purpose of raiding a particular area; Bubuhíˈon tang daˈí masalákay iyán banwáˈan na iyán We can't pass up the chance to raid that town [MDL]

    áyaw MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON or MAGPANG‑, PAGPANG‑‑ON to engage in piracy; to rob, pillage or plunder towns along the coast; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN or MAGPANG‑, PAGPANG‑‑AN to attack or raid coastal towns; MANG‑, IPANG‑ or MAGPANG‑, IPAGPANG‑ to carry particular arms in raiding coastal towns [MDL]
Raids could be carried out by just one boat, or by a number. The owner of a boat could assume financial responsibility for equipping a boat for the raid, or he could be joined by another who shared the cost of supplying the expedition in return for part of the spoils.
    mungsád a single boat that is taken out to steal or rob; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to steal s/t (those in a single boat); MA‑, ‑AN: mungsarán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagmungsarán to steal from s/o or some place when going out in just one boat [MDL]

    hampíl MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to embark on the boat of another for the purpose of piracy (see áyaw), providing one-half of the ship's stores in return for one-third of the bounty; MAG‑ to set off on a mission of piracy (two people having come to such an arrangement) [MDL]
It was not only towns which could be attacked in a pirate raid, but boats traveling alone could be scrutinised by other boats passing by to see if they were carrying anything valuable which could be stolen.
    úbay MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to follow a boat along a riverbank or seashore in order to board it or to see what cargo is being carried [MDL]
Boats used for piracy were camouflaged before going on a raiding expedition, and were welcomed back with great fanfare if their mission turned out to be successful.
    hagbóng referring to leaves or fronds used to camouflage the boats of pirates; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to camouflage pirate boats with such leaves; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use leaves or fronds for such a purpose [MDL]

    síbag MA‑ to sound a horn (hamudyóng) or trumpet together with the striking of gongs (mungmóngan) as a sign of joy at the good luck of those who have returned from pirating; MA‑, I‑ to sound one instrument with the other; MA‑, ‑AN to join the sounding of one instrument with the other; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sound both instruments together; MAG‑, PAG‑ ‑AN to sound one instrument first; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to follow the sounding of the first instrument by the second [MDL]
Not only material possessions would be taken on such raids, but villagers could also be taken and held captive until such time as they were ransomed or an exchange could be arranged for those previously taken hostage. If a village chief was captured among the Visayans, all his kin contributed various amounts to the ransom depending on the degree of kinship. If sufficient ransom could not be raised, the village chief remained captive.[24] The following entries are Bikol.
    daphág MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN ... to attack s/o (a person in order to get s/t or to take s/o prisoner) [MDL]

    sabó a person captured by highwaymen or pirates [MDL]

    tubós ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON to recover one's bond or what one has left for surety; to ransom s/o; MA‑, ‑AN to recover one's bond from s/o; to ransom s/o from s/o else; MA‑, I‑ to make a particular payment to recover one's bond or surety; to pay a particular ransom; MAG‑ to exchange captives, prisoners; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to exchange one captive for another; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to ransom one captive with the exchange of another]
Other acts of inter-village aggression involved the burning of one village or its crops by another. If this act was carried out by a chief, he would be required to pay to cover the damage in full. If the act was carried out by a timáwaˈ then he was killed and his goods seized to cover the damage, his wife and children being sold into slavery if the amount of his property was not enough.[25]
 

3.2 CRIMINAL CASES
(ii) Theft
 
Robbery may not have been rife, but it existed and was referred to any number of times by Lisboa in his Vocabulario. There are many references to both petty thieving and thefts that were more serious.
    dalikmátan a nimble thief; one who can steal s/t from right in front of your eyes without being noticed; kadalikmátan na táwo sa panhaˈbón a person adept at stealing [MDL]

    imít-imít MA‑ petty thief, kleptomaniac: Abóng imít-imít ni kuyán What a little thief that person is [MDL]

    salimbágat eagle (typ‑); (fig‑) si salimbágat na táwo sa panhaˈbón a cunning thief [MDL]

    sámok MA‑: masámok na táwo a petty thief; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take s/t on the sly; to take s/t when no one is looking, and if caught, say you were only joking; ... Abóng sámok mo doy What a little thief you are [MDL]

    simít ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take s/t with the fingers; ... MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to take a number of things with the hand; to gather together a number of things of little value with the hand; ... MAKAPANG‑, MAPANG‑‑ON to steal food; to steal things of little value; simít-simít MA‑ a thief: Si masimít-simít na táwo si kuyán What a thief that person is]

    ganíb ... [MDL: a hunting dog; MA‑ or MAG‑ to develop into a hunting dog; ... (fig‑) Si ganíb na táwo si kuyán sa panhaˈbón That person is a great thief ...]

    pákot terrible (a robber, a worker): Pákot sa panhaˈbón What a terrible robber (one who steals a lot or often); ... MA‑ or MAG‑ to become terrible [MDL]
The general word for stealing is haˈbón, but there are other words which relate to more specific forms of stealing, such as the taking of a boat, stealing chickens and pigs, making off with something on the sly, taking something just because it is exposed and available, or laying claim to something that is not yours.
    haˈbón MAG‑ to steal; ... MANG‑ to thieve; to go around stealing; PAG‑ stealing, theft, larceny; PARA‑ burglar, crook, robber, thief [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to steal s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to steal s/t from s/o]

    bugkót MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to steal a boat; to make off with a boat [MDL]

    líbon MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON ... to steal chickens, pigs; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN ... to steal s/o's pigs, chickens; PARA‑ robber of pigs, chickens [MDL]

    sisiríb MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to make off with s/t on the sly; to steal s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to steal s/t from s/o [MDL]

    rapáy MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to take or grab whatever is in reach, being unable to get what one is really after (as when one in unable to steal a valuable item and settles for s/t else); MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to go after one thing and end up with another [MDL]

    hinákoˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to claim s/t that rightfully belongs to another; ...; MA‑ or MAPAG‑: mapaghinákong táwo describing s/o who makes false claims ... [MDL]

    ráway MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take s/t without due process or good cause; ... Rináway mo lámang idtóng urípon ko You tried to take away my slave without just cause [MDL]
Specific entries also deal with taking something from a thief who had previously stolen it, inciting someone to steal, knowing that person needs very little encouragement to carry out such an act, or stealing something yourself knowing someone else will he blamed.
    tungós MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to steal s/t which has previously been stolen; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to steal s/t in this way from the original thief; MA‑ to be stolen a second time (an item) [MDL]

    saginunóng MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to incite, stir up or inflame the emotions of one who is already angry with s/o else by saying s/t bad about that person; to encourage s/o to persist in some wrongdoing that they have already begun by saying that they won't be caught; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to say s/t to incite s/o; to take s/t on the sly after being encouraged to do so [MDL]

    rarasíˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON / MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to steal or damage s/t knowing there is a good chance s/o else will get the blame; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to have the blame fall on another for s/t you have stolen or damaged [MDL]
There are also two interesting entries which have come into modern Bikol meaning rape but are defined in Lisboa as the taking of something which has previously been refused or the overpowering of someone in a robbery.
    lúgos MAG‑, ‑AN to rape s/o; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to get raped; PARA‑ rapist [MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to take s/t which has previously been requested but refused]

    lúpig MAG‑, ‑ON to rape or molest s/o; PAG‑ rape [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take s/t by force; to steal s/t; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to overpower s/o; to rob s/o; PAG‑ robbery]
Thieves, if caught and tried by a single judge or a tribunal, were dealt with depending on the seriousness or value of the theft. For petty thefts, those valued at less than four taels of gold, the thief had to return the gold and pay a fine.
    ulíˈ ... [MDL: MA‑, I‑ to return s/t to its proper owner (s/t lent, stolen); MA‑, ‑AN to return to the owner s/t lost or stolen; to return to one's spouse (after a period of separation); ...]

    dúhit penalty, fine; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give s/t in payment for a fine or penalty (such as gold or silver); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to clear an infraction or infringement by payment of a penalty or fine; MAKI‑, PAKI‑‑AN to impose a penalty or fine on s/o for some infraction; MAKI‑, PAKI‑‑ON to request a particular payment as a fine or penalty [MDL]

    sílot ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to make s/o bear a particular punishment for a sin or wrongdoing; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to impose a particular fine or punishment; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to undergo a particular punishment for a sin or crime]

    suksók MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to submit o/s to punishment after doing s/t wrong; to accept punishment for doing s/t wrong [MDL]
A fine which could not be paid could result in enslavement, although for minor fines it was possible that a less severe type of punishment would be imposed, such as whipping or confinement to the stocks (see Section 4). Serious thefts, defined as more than four but less than 16 taels of gold, were treated more severely. The thief was still given the opportunity to return the stolen goods and pay a fine, although the greater the amount, the less likely it was that a timáwaˈ could afford to pay and the greater likelihood of enslavement rather than whipping or confinement.
 
For a theft in excess of 16 taels of gold, the penalty was death, often commuted to enslavement, not only of the perpetrator, but of his children as well as those of his household since they were assumed to have knowledge of the theft even if not being directly involved.
    búsong (PAG‑)‑ON to suffer a stiff penalty (even death) for one's crimes, sins or excesses; Sáwaˈ ka diˈ bubusónga kainíng pagkatampalásan mo May you be severely punished for your wickedness or May you be punished by God for your sins [MDL]
A chief accused of theft would rarely end up as a slave since he could afford to pay the fine. In the case of a theft committed by a slave, either restitution was made by the master, or the slave was delivered by the owner to the aggrieved party to be soundly lashed.
 
There were also differences in sentences depending upon the number of times an offence was committed. For a first offence among the Tagalogs the penalty was usually just a fine. For a second, slavery, and for a third, death or enslavement of the thief, his children and household.[26]
 
Death penalties, while often imposed, were not frequently carried out. The same was true for exile and long periods of incarceration.[27] Communities would be chronically short of labour, one of the reasons for slave-raiding, and individuals would also need help in running their household or working their fields. The opportunity for someone to work as a slave was a far more viable option than execution, incarceration or exile which not only reduced available labour, but deprived individuals and the community of such services. Additionally, land tenure was communal in nature. One's wealth was not determined by how much land was owned, but by how many people could be mobilised to work such land.[28] The chance to add to the workforce would have been a powerful incentive against a sentence of death.
 
How does one catch a thief? They could be caught in the act, or potential targets could be warned so as prevent the theft from happening.
    balantíˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to return to ambush s/o or to catch s/o in an act of robbery; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to return to a place for a second time in order to keep guard or watch what is happening [MDL]

    súlod MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to gather at or rush to a place where s/o is calling or where there is a commotion (such as to catch a thief) [MDL]

    tukyáw MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to yell or shout at a robber or other trouble-maker; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to yell a warning to others about the presence of a robber [MDL]

    ngaráˈ-ngáraˈ MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN or MAGPANG‑, PAGPANG‑‑AN to shout to warn s/o of approaching danger (such as when one sees a robber enter a neighbor's house at night); ... [MDL]
Each town had an official who served as an officer of the peace who could be called upon to take a suspected culprit prisoner.
    bilanggóˈ officer of the peace, constable, sheriff; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to imprison or incarcerate s/o; to take s/o prisoner; an binibilanggóˈ prisoner, convict; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to put s/o in prison; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t for the purpose of incarceration (such as stocks); ‑AN: bilanggóˈan prison [MDL]
The general word for capture is dakóp, although more specific entries show that it was common to handcuff or shackle a prisoner, calling for assistance where this was needed (see Section 4 for specific forms of incarceration).
    dakóp ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to seize or grasp s/t; to capture s/o; MA‑, ‑AN: dakpán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagdakpán to seize s/t from s/o; to capture s/o from a particular place or remove him from a particular family; MAKA‑, MA‑ to be able to capture s/o; to catch another man with your wife; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to catch one's wife with another man]

    balód MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to manacle, tie or handcuff the hands behind the back; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t for tying or manacling the hands [MDL]

    gápos MAG‑, ‑ON to manacle or shackle s/o; to tie s/o's hands or feet; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to tie s/o's hands or feet; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to tie s/o by the hands or feet]

    dágon MAG‑ to help one another in subduing or manacling s/o who presents a great deal of resistence (two people or many); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to come to the aid of s/o who is trying to subdue or manacle another; MINA‑: minadágon to come to s/o's aid in such circumstances [MDL]
Where a thief was unknown, it was always possible to resort to magic, charms or divination. A suspected thief who suddenly dies vindicates the person holding such suspicions and leaves little chance for suspects to defend themselves.
    hínaw a charm created by the balyán capable of identifying a thief; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to divine s/t by using such a charm; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to suspect s/o of thievery by such divination [MDL]

    pátoˈ a root or charm which causes s/o who steals from you to fall ill or die; ‑AN one possessing such a root or charm [MDL]

    galínaw MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to see s/t beneath the surface of the water; ... (fig‑) Nagagalínaw ko iníng saímong buˈót; lulóng ka gayód ngápit It is clear to me that you are not to be trusted; Nagagalínaw ko si kuyán; índa kundí iyóng himinaˈbón I can see through that person; it's more than likely that he's the thief [MDL]
Villages, generally small and possessing individuals known to one another, could always resort to gossip. After all, the next best thing to catching and proving someone a thief would be to have that person tried and convicted by gossip and innuendo. There are numerous entries in Lisboa dealing with the general process of gossip and vilification. Three of these are presented below as examples.
    bakwít innuendoes or rumors implying dishonesty or unacceptable behavior; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to spread such rumors or innuendoes about s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to utter such rumors, innuendoes [MDL]

    pális false or unfounded rumors; also a gossip known for spreading such false rumors; MAGKA‑, PAGKA‑‑AN to spread false rumors to s/o; Kapális mong magbabarétaˈ You spread unfounded rumors [MDL]

    hátod-hátod MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to spread rumors about people, causing discord; MA‑, ‑AN: hatód-hatóran or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: paghátod-hatóran to tell a rumor to s/o; to cause discord among people by spreading rumors or gossip; MA‑ rumor monger, a gossip [MDL]
The entries which follow have specific statements about someone suspected of being a thief, or about denying such speculation. There would be little else one could do to halt such conjecture.
    tuntón MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to seal the seams of a boat; ... (fig‑) Iká sanáng tinutuntonán nin úlay kan mga táwo taˈ subót iká an kaghaˈbón You're the one people are talking about because they believe you're the thief ... [MDL]

    tungíˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to become uneasy and touchy due to being overfull (an animal); ... (fig‑) Pinatungíˈ giráray nin pagkakán iníng urípon na iní, nanhahaˈbón pa nang gayód This slave is always fed more than he needs, and still it seems he goes around stealing [MDL]

    ayáˈ pa although, even though: Ayáˈ pang lulóng an ákiˈ ko, daˈí siyá manhaˈbón Even though my child might not be very smart, he is not a thief; Ayáˈ pang dukháˈ, daˈí akó manhaˈbón Even though I might be poor, I'm not a thief; ... [MDL]
A thief, apprehended or not, would normally be known in a community, especially one who has committed numerous acts of theft. The death of someone such as this would not be mourned, but welcomed, as the figurative meaning of the following entry shows.
    hídaw ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON or MAKA‑, MA‑ to miss s/t or s/o who has gone, or s/o who has died; ... (fig‑) Garó na hinihídaw na maninibáˈ si kuyán na nadaˈí It is as if that person is missed by crocodiles on the prowl (Said when a criminal or dangerous element in society dies)]

3.2 CRIMINAL CASES
(iii) Assaults and Murder
 
Larger towns in the Bikol region at the time of arrival of the Spanish would have had 300 to 400 families. A town such as Naga, later chosen as the administrative center of the region by the Spanish and renamed Nueva Cáceres, would probably have had an even larger population.[29] Larger towns would be located along the coast or a major river. Each town comprised smaller units called barángay which would spread out from the center abutting the surrounding rice fields or forest. There were smaller towns as well comprising only a few families and these could be quite isolated.
 
Transportation between major towns was by sea, following along the coast, or by river. River transportation to lowland towns was frequently the only form of transportation during the rainy season when a major river such as the Bikol could spread across swampy lowlands outward to 15 kilometers from its main channel.[30]
 
Towns were also connected by land via trails which varied in width depending upon how heavily they were traveled. Most land travel was by foot, although water buffalo pulling sleds would traverse trails for shorter distances.
 
We have already seen that travel by sea could be interfered with by pirates (see Section 3.2 (i)). It was also possible for boats to be interfered with when traveling alone along a river. Travel overland via trails presented particular dangers. These trails passed though isolated areas that could be heavily wooded. Considering the often testy relationships between towns, and the presence of criminal elements who had left the towns to take shelter in the mountains and forest, even daytime travel could be dangerous. There are a number of entries which deal with attacks and ambushes.
    dáˈan MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to wait in hiding for s/o; to ambush or waylay s/o; MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to ambush s/o with a particular weapon [MDL]

    hípaˈ ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑ PAG‑‑ON to wait in ambush for s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to wait with a particular weapon (to be used to cause injury or death); PARA‑ waylayer, ambusher, highwaymen]

    líbon MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to attack and kill s/o along a deserted stretch of road; ... MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to carry out an attack along a particular stretch of road; ... PARA‑ highwayman [MDL]

    salagbát MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to waylay s/o at a place they normally frequent in order to rob or hurt them; to seize or grab s/o where they can normally be found in order to rob or hurt them [MDL]
Families who lived in houses at the edge of towns or those backing onto forested areas were also susceptible to attack. It was the same with houses in small towns which were isolated from larger population centers. What we might now call home invasions were carried out by the same type of people who would wait in ambush to rob or kill those caught unexpectedly on the roads. The entry úmag refers to naked robbers. In general such robbers went about naked with oiled bodies to make them more difficult to catch if an attempt was made to apprehend them.[31] Lisboa, however, makes no mention of robbers oiling their bodies.
    maghát roving robbers or highwaymen who sneak into houses at night and kill the inhabitants; (PAG‑)‑ON to be killed by such robbers; (PAG‑)‑AN to be entered by such robbers (a house); to have members of one's family killed by such robbers [MDL]

    úmag describing those who go about naked, like robbers or highwaymen; (fig‑) Garó na giráray úmag iníng ákiˈ This child always seems to walk around naked, like a highwayman [MDL]

    salákat ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to enter s/o's house to pick a quarrel, steal or for other criminal purposes; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to pick a quarrel with s/o; to go to steal s/t from s/o's house; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to carry arms in such a robbery attempt]

    bighóˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to stab, wound or poke s/o with a lance or spear from beneath the house [MDL]

    íyaw-íyaw MAPA‑ or MAGPA‑ to shout in surprise (as when sensing there is a robber about at night, or when coming across s/t lost or misplaced); MAPA‑, IPA‑ or MAGPA‑, IPAGPA‑ to shout out s/t in surprise; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to shout a warning to s/o [MDL]
For the Tagalogs, Loarca describes a particularly harsh penalty for offenders entering the house of a village chief at night. The offender was first tortured in an attempt to find out if another chief had sent him. If he admitted that this was the case, he was enslaved and the person who sent him condemned to death. Release from enslavement could be obtained by payment of a fine.[32] The following entry is Bikol.
    lúbag ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to torture the guilty into confessing their crimes; MA‑ I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to inflict a particular torture on s/o]
There were also murders in the Bikol region. The general word for killing is gadán, although other more specific words could also be used, such as budhíˈ for the killing of someone from another town.
    gadán corpse, the deceased; gadán na dead; MAG‑, ‑ON to kill or slay s/o; to assassinate, execute or murder s/o; ... MA‑ to die, pass away, perish; to succumb; MA‑‑AN to be bereaved; to have a death in the family; KA‑‑AN death, demise; PAGKA‑ the death of, the killing of [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON to kill s/o; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to kill an animal; ...]

    táwo MAKA‑, MA‑ to end s/o's life; to kill s/o; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to kill s/o with s/t [MDL]

    budhíˈ MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to kill s/o from another town [MDL]

    buˈók ... MANG‑ to be an outlaw; to be wanted by the law; to become infamous due to indiscriminate killing; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN to kill indiscriminately [MDL]
One convicted of murder among the Tagalogs was condemned to death, although this sentence could be commuted if the killer agreed to become the slave of the dead man's father, children or nearest relative. If more than one person was involved in the killing, the others paid the dead man's relatives the price of a slave. If they could not afford to do this, they too became slaves. If a village chief was killed while in another town, all the residents of the town became slaves with those most culpable in the killing being put to death.[33] Grave crimes, such as murder, could be punished in other ways as well. The killer could have all his slaves taken, or in more extreme circumstances, he could be killed along with his sons, brothers, parents, relatives and slaves.[34]
 
If one chief was killed by another in Pampanga, the murdered chief's friends and relatives would go to war against the offending town. If the chief committing the murder was himself killed, hostilities would end and the matter would be considered settled. If this did not happen, as many of the chief's followers as possible would be killed.
 
To end hostilities, chiefs of the other villages would attempt to reconcile the two sides, usually asking that a large sum of money, between 70-100 taels of gold, depending on the prominence of the chief, be paid as a fine. Half of this would go to the murdered man's relatives, and half to the chiefs who brokered the reconciliation to be shared with the freemen (timáwaˈ) of the murdered man's village.
 
If this agreement was rejected by the murdered man's children, then war would continue, although in this case the chiefs brokering the failed agreement would take the side of the murderer and continue to fight on their side until an agreement was forced upon the murdered chief's family.[35]
 
Revenge was a significant factor motivating relatives when a death occurred through violence. Those seeking revenge wore a band around their neck which they did not remove until a previously determined number of people were killed. These would not only include the murderer and his relatives, but also any number of innocent people. Only when these lives were taken would mourning come to an end.[36] Two entries in Lisboa which deal with revenge are presented below.
    balós ... [+MDL: ... MAG‑ to take vengeance or retribution out on one another (two people or many); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take vengeance out on s/o (many people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to give s/o a number of things as retribution; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give a number of things as retribution]

    tukól an eye for an eye; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to respond in kind (good deeds for good and bad deeds for bad); Tinukól kong pagratákan si tinanóm nindá I destroyed their crops since they did the same to mine; Kadaˈí matukól ni kuyán kan maraháy na buˈót ko saíya That person hasn't responded in kind to the good will I have shown him [MDL]
If a chief or his child was killed by a freeman, the freeman would be killed along with his wife and children and all their property seized. If the opposite was the case and a freeman was killed by a chief, a fine of 10-20 taels of gold would be paid to the dead man's children. If one freeman killed another, and was unable to pay a set fine to the bereaved family, the children of the murdered man would kill him, or failing that, all of the chiefs of the village would join together to kill the murderer. This was done by hanging him from a tree or house post and stabbing him with a lance.[37]
 
While the above example is not specifically mentioned as occurring in Bikol, it is possible that an entry such as the following indicates that the perpetrators of certain crimes were made an example of to discourage others from criminal activity.
    tawóg MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to hang s/t up high for all to see (generally the hand, foot or torso of a criminal or others accused of evil or wrongdoing); MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to expose s/t at a place where all can see it; (fig‑) Nagtatawóg ka na dihán sa pantáw You are exposed to the view of everyone there on the porch [MDL]

4 PUNISHMENT AND INCARCERATION
 
Clearly, the death penalty was available and used as the ultimate punishment for crimes such as robbery and murder. This sentence could be carried out in a number of ways, such as by stabbing, hanging and possibly beheading, although hanging was probably the most common.
    bítay ... PAG‑ a hanging; ‑AN: bibitáyan gallows [+MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to hang; to be hanging; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to hang s/o or s/t; ...]

    dagyóˈ MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to stamp on s/t with the feet, driving it into the ground or into another material (as a spike into wood); to stamp down on s/o who is being hanged, making sure the hanging is successful [MDL]

    álang-álang ... Álang-álang na daˈí bitáyon an parabúnoˈ It is unreasonable not to hang a murderer; ... [MDL]

    tungól MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to cut off the head; MA‑, ‑AN: tunglán or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagtunglán to behead s/o; to cut off s/o's head [MDL]
The death penalty was frequently commuted to enslavement or the imposition of a fine, except in the case of witchcraft where the witch or sorcerer was killed.[38] There were other forms of punishment available that could be imposed in addition to or in place of a fine. One of the most common was the lash. There are numerous entries and countless references to people being whipped as punishment. Just three of these are presented below.
    bádas MAG‑, ‑ON to whip s/o; to flog or lash s/o; PANG‑: pamádas or pambádas a whip

    turóˈ-turóˈ MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat everyone the same; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give everyone the same treatment (even with regard to the number of lashes given in punishment) [MDL]

    timamlós MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take revenge on s/o who has been the cause of your punishment or pain (as when a prisoner is whipped, and when released, whips those who accused him); ... [MDL]
There are a few references to prison, although if there were such buildings or parts of buildings dedicated to such an end, these would have been in the larger towns. References in the entries relating to gaining one's freedom refer equally to freeing oneself from shackles or the stocks, as well as being freed from prison.
    bilanggó' ... MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to imprison or incarcerate s/o; to take s/o prisoner; ... MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to put s/o in prison; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t for the purpose of incarceration (such as stocks); ‑AN: bilanggóˈan prison [MDL]

    háyaw MAKA‑ to walk or roam free (one previously incarcerated); MAPA‑ to set s/o free (one who had previously been incarcerated or restrained in some way); ... [MDL]

    lagáyaw free to move about; free to go anywhere one wishes; MAKA‑ to be free to move about, travel or go anywhere (not being confined or locked up); ... [MDL]

    taltál MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to release or set s/o free from prison or from their shackles; ... [MDL]

    tánan MA‑ or MAG‑ to escape from confinement (prisoners, animals, birds); ... [MDL]
Incarceration was more likely carried out by chaining prisoners, or placing them for a period of time in a pillory or stocks. Prisoners could be handcuffed, their feet fettered, a collar placed around their neck, or they could be trussed up on a length of bamboo.
    talikaláˈ a chain of gold, iron or other metals; MAG‑ ... to be in chains (as a prisoner); MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to put a prisoner in chains; ... [MDL]

    palátaw a hobble, a restraint attached to the feet with a chain to keep fugitives from absconding; ...; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to hobble or shackle a fugitive in this way; ... [MDL]

    súnoˈ ... [+MDL: ... MA‑, ‑AN ... to use the same shackles, manacles or chains for two people's hands or feet; ...; MAG‑ to share the same manacles; ...]

    tálang rattan collar placed around the neck of a dog or cat, a prisoner or robber, or worn when mourning; MAG‑ to wear a rattan collar; ... [MDL]

    tukóg a length of bamboo, stretching from the neck to the hands, to which one is tied; to truss s/o up in this way; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to tie one's hands and neck in this way; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a length of bamboo for this purpose [MDL]
The pillory or stocks was a common form of punishment. It served not only to keep prisoners confined, but also exposed them to the gaze of the community they had wronged. It is easy to imagine that they could be jeered and ridiculed, as well as subjected to a certain amount of physical abuse, although there are no entries in Lisboa which specifically mention this. It was, however, also possible for those confined to be shielded from the public by a wooden wall or screen as the entry for aríring shows. In the entry for páˈot we see that confinement in the stocks could be the punishment for nonpayment of one's debts. Such a default need not only end up with the defaulter being enslaved.
    sipít pillory, stocks (typ‑) [MDL]

    pandóg pillory, stocks; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to place one in a pillory or stocks; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use a pillory or stocks for punishment]

    aríring a wooden wall or screen extending from beneath the knees and completely covering one who has been placed in the stocks; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to place such a wall or screen around s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to build such a wall or screen [MDL]

    páˈot MAG‑ to be kept in a pillory, stocks: Paˈanó akó makapagbáyad saímo kainíng nagpáˈot na akó digdí sa pandóg? How am I going to be able to pay you if I'm stuck here in a pillory? [MDL]

    purópot ... [MDL: ... (fig‑) Nagpurópot na sa pandóg si kuyán That person is firmly locked in the stocks]

    sulbód MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to insert s/t into an opening where it is an exact or tight fit (such as the foot into the stocks for punishment; [MDL]

    tuwáng ... [+MDL: MAG‑ ... to be on either side of a pillory or stocks (prisoners); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to place prisoners on either side of a pillory or stocks; ... KA‑... a companion prisoner in a pillory or stocks]

    tunóng a wedge used to lock or tighten a pillory or stocks (sipít, pandóg); MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to lock a prisoner into a pillory or stocks ... [MDL]
The last two entries in this section show the effects on those when confined to the stocks or chained for too long a time.
    piˈáw knock-kneed; MA‑ to walk or stand in this manner; to hobble (as one kept too long in the stocks when first trying to walk) [MDL]

    lulukón MA‑ to have one's feet go numb and have trouble walking; to have one's feet fall asleep (from being confined or placed in irons, or after being ill for a long time) [MDL]

5. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
(i) Trials
 
A freeman or timáwaˈ could hold particular suspicions about the actions of a particular member of the community.
    naˈó-naˈó MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to suspect s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to suspect s/o of s/t [MDL]

    tuˈóm-tuˈóm ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to suspect s/o; ... MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to have particular suspicions; ... MA‑ suspicious; ...]
If these suspicions were strong enough, the freeman could approach the village chief with a complaint. The complainant would accuse the one suspected by name and a charge would be brought against that person who would be summoned to appear before the judge.
    sahót ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to blame or accuse s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to blame or accuse s/o of s/t]

    múlong MANG‑, IPANG‑ or MAGPANG‑, IPAGPANG‑ to accuse s/o of wrongdoing before a judge or other high official of the town so that they can be punished; to bring a charge against s/o; MANG‑, PANG‑‑AN or MAGPANG‑, PAGPANG‑‑AN to bring an accusation before a particular judge [MDL]

    apód ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to call s/o by name; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to name s/o in a legal suit or dispute]
If the village chief was unable to settle the matter brought before him, the matter would move to arbitration. Each village had individuals known to be fair and impartial, and it is these individuals who would be called upon to try to mediate the dispute.[39] Some of the entries dealing with mediation in Lisboa are neutral, such as hátol. Other entries have implications of taking the side of one of the litigants. Pintakási is fairly weak in this respect, while suróg leaves no question that one of the parties will be favored, as does the figurative entry for gápil. With an entry such as sulíˈ we have a statement of initial neutrality leading to favouritism of one of the parties as mediation progresses.
    hátol advice, counsel, guidance; ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to bring people together to settle their differences (an arbitrator or mediator); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to come to some agreement on one's differences; MAPA‑, or MAGPA‑ to approach s/o to act as an arbitrator or mediator]

    pintakási mediator, defender; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to plead for s/o; to defend s/o; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to mediate on behalf of s/o; to intercede on behalf of s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to make a particular case; to put forth a particular plea; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to request that s/o intercede on your behalf; to request help from a mediator; ... ] [MDL]

    suróg ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON to aid s/o in a struggle; to take s/o's side in a legal case; to favor s/o in a fight; MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to favor one person over another; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to fight over s/t where one is favored or aided over another; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to choose one as a favorite to aid in a fight against another; MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to aid or defend s/o who has done no wrong; ...]

    gápil MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to lean against the raised side of a boat in order to level it out; ...; (fig‑) to join or take sides with s/o: Gápil an buˈót niyá ki kuyán She is on that person's side [MDL]

    sulíˈ MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to do what is right, fitting or proper for s/o (such as defending one who deserves to be defended, accusing one who is guilty or helping one who deserves your help); MAPA‑, IPA‑ to cast blame on one who is guilty; MAKA‑, MA‑‑AN to blame one who is innocent; MAKA‑, IKA‑ to mete out punishment to one who is innocent; ... [MDL]
If a compromise could not be reached through mediation, represented by entries such as úlay, the matter would be returned to the village chief. He would ask each of the individuals in the dispute to take an oath whereby they promised to abide by his judgement. This was taken prior to the calling of witnesses.
    úlay: urúlay agreement, compromise; ... MAGKA‑ to reach an agreement, compromise; ... [+MDL: MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to come to an agreement about s/t; KA‑‑AN an agreement; PARA‑ counselor (one who tries to get others to agree)]
There were various oaths which could be sworn, ranging from a simple oath of allegiance to those calling for some dire consequence or death if the oath were to be broken. Oaths could also be taken on one's mother.
    sambá MAG‑ to take a mutual oath; to swear allegiance to one another; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to take an oath on or about s/t; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to swear s/t [MDL]

    típan ... [MDL: a vow or pledge; MA‑, I‑ to make a vow or promise to do s/t; to pledge s/t; to take an oath MA‑, ‑AN to make a vow or promise to s/o; to form a covenant with s/o; ...]

    sumpáˈ oath; ... [+MDL: MA‑, I‑ to take a particular oath, such as that one will die (see gadán, matáy), that one will be split asunder (see siˈsíˈ); MA‑, ‑AN to swear to do s/t or take an oath about s/t; ...]

    gadán corpse, the deceased; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON to kill s/o; ...; MA‑: magadán may I die, on my life; an oath taken where one utters these words; MAMA‑, MAMA‑‑AN or MAGMA‑, PAGMA‑‑AN to take such an oath]

    matáy may I die; an oath taken whereby s/o swears to take their own life if not telling the truth; MA‑ or MAG‑ to take such an oath by repeating this word [MDL]

    siˈsíˈ ... [+MDL: sisíˈ MA‑ or MAG‑ to rip or split; MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to rip or split s/t; ... ‑UM‑: simisíˈ uttered as an oath, indicating that one should be split apart if not telling the truth; ‑IMIN‑: Siminisíˈ ka used as curse when annoyed, indicating that one should be split asunder]

    ináˈ mother; ... [+MDL: si ináˈ my mother; ... MASA‑ or MAGSA‑ to swear by your mother; MASA‑, SA‑‑AN or MAGSA‑, PAGSA‑‑AN to swear s/t is true by your mother; to take an oath on your mother; ...]

    sulít an oath: Susulít pa May I be returned to the womb of my mother; MA‑ or MAG‑ to take such an oath; to be sworn in [MDL]
Plasencia also describes similar oaths among the Tagalogs.[40] The oaths he cites are: 'May the rays of the sun split me in two'; 'May I be carried away by crocodiles'; 'May I be ripped apart by a wild animal'; 'May my wife no longer accept my advances' and 'May my life be diminished like a burning candle'.
 
For the situation in Pampanga, Plasencia describes the calling of witnesses as follows. Each of the litigants would be asked to call on witnesses who could testify on their behalf. If each was able to call the same number of witnesses, then the judge would ask them to split any amount claimed in the suit. The assumption was that a witness agreeing take one side or the other would give testimony supporting the chosen side.
 
If the number of witnesses was unequal, the one with the greater number of witnesses would be seen as having won the suit. In this case the defendant would either be released from the claim, or would be asked to pay the full amount. Witnesses were paid, and since they were paid only if their testimony was given on the winning side, this must have led to some degree of favoritism and dishonesty. Any initial payment given to a witness on the losing side had to be returned. Payment to witnesses was also based on their rank or social status. In the case where a claimant won a large amount of money, witnesses would also share in this settlement[41] (also see Section 3.2 (iii)).
 
While there is no record of the same or similar situation occurring in Bikol, Lisboa has a number of entries dealing with witnesses. Entries referred to the simple giving of testimony, such as the terms saksí, taksí and tandáˈ. Other entries referred to the disagreement of witnesses who gave contradictory evidence (saluhót, tumandáˈ, maˈmáˈ) or those who deliberately told a lie, thereby perjuring themselves (tugód-tugód, tuˈóm-tuˈóm, tuˈóm). As mentioned previously, oaths were taken by the litigants swearing to abide by the judge's decision. There are no entries in Lisboa indicating that witnesses were also sworn to tell the truth, although this was probably the case. Guido de Lavezaris[42] states that those called to give testimony could be made slaves if the testimony they gave could not later be proved correct.
    saksí a witness; MAG‑, ‑ON to witness s/t; MAG‑, ‑AN to be a witness for s/o [MDL: MA‑ or MAG‑ to testify; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to testify on behalf of s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give a particular testimony; to swear on the truth of a particular testimony; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to call s/o as a witness]

    taksí MA‑ or MAG‑ to testify; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to testify on behalf of s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give a particular testimony; to swear that a particular testimony is true; MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to call s/o as a witness [MDL]

    tandáˈ ... MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to have s/o take responsibility for s/o; to have s/o testify to s/t or bear witness to s/t; MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN to have s/o testify; MAPA‑, IPA‑ to take an oath; to swear to s/t [MDL]

    saluhót MA‑, ‑AN to give testimony different from that given by another; MA‑, ‑ON to disagree with what has previously been said; to speak against s/t; MA‑, I‑ to present contradictory evidence; MAG‑ to hold contradictory positions or opinions (two people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to present two differing points of view, conflicting evidence or opinions; MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to present such contradictory evidence to s/o; MAG‑, IPAG‑ to present support for ones testimony or point of view; MAGKA‑, PAGKA‑‑AN to hold differing points of view (unaware of the opposing opinion); magkasaraluhót to all be of differing opinions (many different people) [MDL]

    tumandáˈ MAKI‑, PAKI‑‑ON to testify or give evidence contrary to that given by another; to counter another's statement or claim; MAKI‑, PAKI‑‑AN to give particular evidence; to testify to s/t, making a counter claim [MDL]

    maˈmáˈ ... MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON to place one thing on another; ... (fig‑) Harí múˈna pamaˈmáˈ ta an pagtarám ni kuyán Let's not rush into affirming what that person has said; ... [MDL]

    tugód-túgod MAG‑, ‑AN to slander, libel or slur s/o; MAG‑, I‑ to say s/t libelous [+MDL: false testimony, perjury; MA‑ libeler, slanderer; MA‑ or MAG‑ to perjure o/s; MA‑, ‑AN: tugód-tugóran or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN: pagtugód-tugóran to give false testimony against s/o; to say s/t untrue about s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give false testimony; to knowingly say s/t which is untrue]

    tuˈóm-tuˈóm ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN ... to bear false witness against s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ ... to give false testimony; MA‑ ... one who bears false testimony]

    tuˈóm ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to imagine s/t; to do s/t from memory; to make s/t up; to say s/t which is groundless; to give false testimony; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to bear false witness against s/o; ... PAG‑ memorization; false testimony]
Witnesses could presumably be questioned by the judge. Hapót is the general entry for questioning. The stronger entry is tuksó which is the asking of probing questions, coming into modern Bikol as 'to interrogate' or 'cross-examine'.
    hapót question; inquiry, query; ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to ask s/o a question; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to ask a question; hapót-hápot MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to repeatedly ask s/o s/t]

    tuksó MAG‑, ‑ON to cross-examine s/o; to interrogate s/o; MAG‑, I‑ to ask particular questions in an interrogation; PAG‑ cross-examination; interrogation; PARA‑ interrogator, cross-examiner; ... [MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to sound s/o out (to see what they know, think or feel); to question s/o in an attempt to find s/t out about them; to find s/t out about s/o by asking probing questions; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to ask s/o s/t; to put probing questions to s/o; ... MA‑ matuksóng táwo one who asks probing questions]
Once witnesses were called and all testimony heard, the judge would deliberate the matter and pass judgement. If a defeated party refused to abide by the judgement, the judge would move against them to force compliance (also see Section 2). It is possible that an entry in Lisboa such as dángan was an attempt to discover the outcome of a case and what a possible sentence might be so that the losing party could take proper measures to protect him or herself.
    dángan MAPA‑, PA‑‑ON or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑ON / MAPA‑, PA‑‑AN or MAGPA‑, PAGPA‑‑AN to spend a short time in a particular place; (fig‑) to speak first to s/o to find out information before speaking to the main person one has to deal with: Padángan múˈna kitá ki kuyán taˈ ngáning makasáyod kitá kon anó an túgon nin hukóm Let's speak to someone first so we know what sentence the judge has passed [MDL]
Once a case was settled, those who had placed a wager on its outcome could also come to a settlement.
    táron MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to wager or bet on s/o involved in a case or dispute; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to place a particular wager or bet on the outcome of a dispute or case [MDL]
There were costs involved in prosecuting a case. At least one village chief was involved sitting as judge, although frequently there could be multiple village chiefs who were called upon. There were mediators, and there were witnesses. None of these people expected to contribute their services for free. We have seen how witnesses were paid. A judge was paid in a similar way. Any fine which was imposed on the convicted party would be divided equally between the successful litigant and the judge.[43] Where there were other chiefs and mediators involved, we can assume that the half which would have gone to a single judge would be further divided among the other participants in the mediation or trial. If a case were lost, there would be no fine and no payment. It is possible that an entry in Lisboa such as the following which refers to court costs might be paid in such circumstances.
    sálap court costs or duties; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to offer s/t in payment for such costs; MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to pay such costs; to pay such costs to s/o [MDL]

5. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
(ii) Trial by Ordeal
 
Plasencia describes for Pampanga what might be called trial by ordeal.[44] When there is a theft, suspects are first given a chance to return any stolen merchandise and walk away without punishment. The suspects are asked to produce a package of cloth, leaves or other material which is tied so that its contents cannot be seen. The package is then untied, and if the stolen item is found within, the case proceeds no further. If, however, the item is not found, the suspects are asked to undergo particular tests.
 
In one test, suspects are asked to go to the deepest part of river holding a staff. They are then asked to hold their breath and go under the water. The first one to surface is taken to be the thief since the lack of breath is seen as a sign of a guilty conscience. Plasencia writes that there were numerous cases where innocent people drowned, afraid to surface and be accused of a crime they did not commit.
 
A further test involves the placing of a stone in a container of boiling water. The suspects are asked to place a hand in the boiling water to remove the stone. The one refusing to do so is considered guilty and is asked to return the stolen item, or pay for its replacement.
 
In one further trial, each suspect is given a candle of the same size and weight. These candles are lit. The person holding the candle which is first to go out is considered the guilty party.
 

5. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
(iii) Miscarriage of Justice
 
The outcome of a trial did not necessarily have to be just. There could also be confusion where more than one person was implicated in a crime. A criminal could easily have an accomplice, and in this case it was in the interest of both to conceal a wrongdoing.
    hunungán MA‑, ‑ON to make s/o an accessory to your crime; to ask s/o to conceal a crime or wrongdoing; MAG‑ to conspire to keep a crime secret (two people); MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to hush s/t up; to conceal a crime [MDL]
In many cases an accused would try to deflect blame from themselves, unjustly blaming another for the crime.
    narumbába MANG‑, PANG‑‑ON to blame s/o else (the person who is at fault); MANG‑, IPANG‑ to blame s/o else for a particular wrongdoing [MDL]

    ráway MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON ... to frame s/o; to try to implicate s/o in wrong-doing without just cause; ... [MDL]
It was also possible to be implicated in another person's affairs quite inadvertently.
    rapót MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to implicate s/o; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to involve or draw s/o into another person's affairs; ... Irinarapót akó ki kuyán na hampakón I was implicated with that person and was whipped; ... [MDL]

    daráhig ... [+MDL: MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to involve or implicate another in your crime, or in your business affairs, without their knowledge; MA‑ to be punished due to being implicated in s/o else's crime; ...]

    hangyób MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to singe or sear s/t by passing it through a flame; ... (fig‑) Nahangyób kitá kainíng panhaˈbón ni kuyán We have been inadvertently implicated in that person's crime [MDL]
The following entries may apply to those unjustly convicted of a crime and fined or punished. The last entry is interesting, indicating that someone unjustly accused of a crime has then resorted to committing the offense he was accused of.
    álang-álang unfair, unjust, unreasonable, iniquitous: Álang-álang na hampakón an daˈíng kasaˈlán It is unjust to whip s/o who has done nothing wrong ... [MDL]

    líwag MA‑ iniquitous, unjust; malicious, vicious; ... MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to treat s/o wrongly or unjustly; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to carry out a particular iniquity or malicious action; ... KA‑‑AN iniquity, maliciousness, viciousness [MDL]

    murángos MANGHING‑, PANGHING‑‑AN to take out anger on one who is blameless; to blame s/o unjustly [MDL]

    rabáy MA‑, ‑AN or MAG‑, PAG‑‑AN to blame or punish everyone for the misdeeds of a few; MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to blame and punish the innocent along with the guilty; MA‑‑AN to be blamed or punished in this way (the guilty and innocent); IKA‑ to be blamed or punished (the innocent); ... [MDL]

    lúgod-lúgod MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON / MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to give s/o a name which suits their looks, status or actions; ... also: to do s/t one has been falsely blamed for or accused of: Malúgod-lúgod na akóng manhaˈbón taˈ pinagtugód-tugorán akóng nanhahaˈbón I've become a thief because I have been falsely accused of stealing [MDL]
One who was either justly or unjustly punished for a crime could take revenge on those responsible when released from confinement, as the following entry shows.
    timamlós MA‑, ‑ON or MAG‑, PAG‑‑ON to take revenge on s/o who has been the cause of your punishment or pain (as when a prisoner is whipped, and when released, whips those who accused him); MA‑, I‑ or MAG‑, IPAG‑ to use s/t to carry out your revenge (such as a lash or whip) [MDL]

6. CONCLUSION
 
The Spanish, arriving in the Philippines in the mid-sixteenth century, found indigenous systems of law in place that functioned adequately in the towns and villages they very quickly came to occupy and control. These laws were based on traditional beliefs and customs and were enforced by a recognised ruling elite who retained their status and control by maintaining a comparatively high level of wealth. New laws, when they were needed, were encoded by these elite groups and then announced to their respective communities. Those citizens who chose not to abide by a set of community laws, or who had broken them and feared the consequences, could leave, their option being residence outside of established villages, usually in the mountains. There they had little contact with their families, were forced into association with the Negritos who could be antagonistic, and often had little option but to continue or resort to criminal activity to derive some sort of income.
 
Those involved in disputes did not necessarily need recourse to the legal system to settle their differences. The law, however, was there and available if attempts at personal negotiation failed. Accusations could be made to a village chief acting as a judge and a case could be brought against an individual. If a judge could not settle the matter, it went to mediation and subsequently to what we may call a trial. Oaths were taken by the litigants that they would abide the judges decision, witnesses called, testimony heard, a decision reached and a sentence subsequently brought down.
 
Cases coming before a village judge ranged from the civil to the criminal. Matters such as insults, adultery, deception and defaults on loans were some of the civil cases heard. Thefts, assaults, ambushes, and murder were some of the criminal cases.
 
Punishment varied depending on the severity of the crime and the person against whom it was perpetrated. Death was a common sentence, although it may not have been commonly carried out. It was frequently commuted to a fine which the guilty party had to pay within a set period of time. Failure to pay would result in enslavement. The guilty could also be incarcerated. This usually meant being chained or placed in a pillory or stocks, although discrete rooms or buildings could have served as prisons in the larger towns.
 
The Spanish did not greatly alter this indigenous system of justice, although the system was to change as the society around it changed. The royal audiencia was established in the Philippines in 1583. This served as an overriding legal body, somewhat like a supreme court, but having administrative as well as legal functions. It took the decision to follow the traditional customs in place in the Philippines with regard to matters of slavery, inheritance, marriage, and other civil matters. This was codified in 1599 by Juan de Plasencia when the customary law of the Tagalogs was defined as the common law throughout the Philippines. Spanish law applied in all criminal cases and civil disputes not covered by customary law.[45]
 
The Spanish retained this system of justice throughout their occupation of the Philippines, allowing the native population a substantial degree of autonomy in running their affairs. Even by the mid-19th century, each township in a province still had what was called a gobernadorcillo 'a petty governor' who was an elected magistrate for the town. He had a number of alguaciles 'assistants' in charge of the administration of justice. Each town was also divided into a number of barángay led by a cabeza de barángay 'a village headman' or 'chief' replacing the earlier dátoˈ and in charge of the 40 to 50 families resident there. To maintain law and order the gobernadorcillo also appointed officials called bilanggó' for each barángay.[46] The gobernadorcillo, as a magistrate, tried civil cases involving small sums of money with appeals going to the alguaciles. For criminal cases and civil suits involving large sums of money, the gobernadorcillo acted as a court of first instance with appeals going to the audiencia.[47]
 
When the Spanish outlawed slavery in 1591, this meant that the Spanish in the Philippines could not legally hold slaves. There were, however, inconsistencies in this policy. Negritos and Moslems, for example, who did not recognise Spanish authority, could be kept as slaves.[48] This policy at first had little effect on slavery as practised by the native population. By the end of the seventeenth century, however, the Spanish legislated against the practice of inherited slavery. Children who were born to slaves (gintúboˈ) were now free. With regard to debt slavery, the Spanish were less successful in eliminating this practice. It can be argued that the existence of sharecropping in the present-day Philippines is really a system that evolved from this earlier practice.[49]
 
Change also occurred with regard to the system of debts and loans. Usury was not in accordance with a Christian ideal and frowned upon by the missionaries as against the teachings of the church.[50] While the greatest excesses of this system were mitigated, the practice continued and was still very much a part of individual and business activity to the end of the Spanish period in the Philippines.
 
A native system of justice not only survived under the Spanish, but was actually encouraged by them. It was, however, a system that was to change. From being the only system of justice, it became subsumed under a larger system of which it was only a part, just as the towns where the system functioned changed from being unique administrative units to become political units subsumed under a larger system in which they were parts of provinces and, in turn, part of a nation.
 

ENDNOTES
 
[1] This chapter was first published as 'Crime and Punishment in Pre-Hispanic Philippine Society', Intersections: Gender, History and Culture in the Asian Context, Issue 13, August 2006.

[2] Miguel de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, 1582, in Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, 55 vols., Cleveland: AH Clark, 1903-1909, CD-ROM version, Bank of the Philippine Islands, vol. 5, p. 141.

[3] Andres de San Nicholas, Historia general de las religiosos descalzos del orden de San Agustin, 1664, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, pp. 140-141.

[4] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 175.

[5] Juan de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, 1589, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 179.

[6] Perdo Chirino, S. J., Relación de las Islas Filipinas, 1604, Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1969, Chapter 9.

[7] Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, 1609, Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society - Cambridge University Press, 1971, p. 275.

[8] William Henry Scott, Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1994, p. 131.

[9] See de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, pp. 175-177; and Guido de Lavezaris, 1572, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, pp. 286-288 for a description of slavery among the Tagalogs; and de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 143 for a description of slavery among the Visayans.

[10] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 175, 177.

[11] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 181-183.

[12] Francisco Colin, Native Races and their Customs, 1663, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, pp. 93-94.

[13] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, pp. 181-183; also Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 277.

[14] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 326-327; also in Juan de San Antonio, Chronicas de las Apostolica Provincia de S. Gregorio de Religiosos Descalzos, Sampaloc: Convento de Nuestra Señora de Loreto, 1738, p. 162.

[15] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 187

[16] See Andres de San Nicholas, Historia general de las religiosos descalzos del orden de San Agustin, 1664, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 21, p. 141 for a general statement on the workings of such a council in Zambales.

[17] Malcolm W. Mintz, Bikol Dictionary, Perth, Western Australia: Indonesian / Malay Texts, vol. 1, 2004, p. 154.

[18] de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, p. 276.

[19] Chirino, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, Chapter 46.

[20] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 161.

[21] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 180.

[22] Lavezaris, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 287.

[23] Francisco Mallari, S.J., 'Muslim raids in Bicol: 1580-1792,' in Philippine Studies, vol. 34, 1986, pp. 257-286.

[24] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 151.

[25] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, p. 325.

[26] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 179; and de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 325, 326.

[27] Scott, Barangay, p. 139.

[28] John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700, 1959, Filipiniana Reprint Series, Manila: Cacho Hermanos, 1985. p. 117.

[29] 'Conquest of the Island of Luzón, Manila, April 20, 1572,' in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 171.

[30] Scott, Barangay, p. 181.

[31] Scott, Barangay, p. 139.

[32] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 185.

[33] de Loarca, Relación de las Islas Filipinas, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 5, p. 185.

[34] Lavezaris, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 287.

[35] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 323-325.

[36] Colin, Native Races and their Customs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 40, p. 82.

[37] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, pp. 323-325.

[38] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 179.

[39] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 179.

[40] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in San Antonio, Chronicas, p. 157.

[41] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, p. 322-323.

[42] Lavezaris, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 3, p. 287.

[43] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 16, p. 325.

[44] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in San Antonio, Chronicas, pp. 162-164.

[45] Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. 11, p. 31; and Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines, p. 129.

[46] Sinibaldo de Mas, Informe sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas, 1842, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 17, pp. 322-328.

[47] Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines, p. 129; for a full discussion of crime in the nineteenth century see Greg Bankoff, Crime, Society and the State in the Nineteenth Century Philippines, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1996, Chapter 4.

[48] Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines, p. 94.

[49] Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines, pp. 114-116.

[50] de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 7, p. 180.
 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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