Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and the Pacific
Issue 30, November 2012


The Conceptualisation of Gender Issues Among Gender Activists
and Scholars in Indonesian Universities

Alimatul Qibtiyah


    Introduction
     
  1. The 1990s were an important decade for Muslim women in Indonesia, because new forums, new organisations and new Islamic books with liberating ideas for women were launched.[1] One of the new forums was the Pusat Studi Wanita (PSW, Centre for Women's Studies) or Pusat Studi Gender (PSG, Centres for Gender Studies) established in tertiary insistutions. Some books concerned with gender equality, such as Women in Islam by Fateema Mernissi and Women in the Qur'an by Amina Wadud, were published in Indonesian translation in 1994 by Pustaka Bandung. In the same year, Ulumul Qur'an,[2] a prestigious Islamic journal in Indonesia, published a special edition on women's rights issues, feminism, Islamic feminism and anti-feminism. Women activists had an opportunity to read and discuss directly with some prominent Islamic feminists from other parts of the Islamic world, such as Asghar Ali Engineer, Rifat Hasan and Amina Wadud.[3] According to Diah Ariani Arimbi,[4] the 1990s witnessed a challenge to the dominant discourse of State Ibuism[5] from a feminist discourse including Islamic feminism, which 'challenges patriarchal culture, promotes equality and justice for women as an expression of her/his faith of Islam based on the Islamic texts (Qur'an and hadith), while maintaining a happy and democratic family (mawadah, warahmah and maslahah).'[6]
     
  2. During the late 1980s, the government of Indonesia had established Pusat Studi Wanita (PSW) at prominent universities across the country as a way of supporting the government policy for women’s empowerment and gender equity.[7] One of PSW’s functions was to develop methodologies and theoretical foundations for research with women.[8] According to Saparinah Sadli,[9] the main objective of these centres is to provide research data on women’s issues such as women’s rights and women’s needs relevant to specific provinces. Furthermore, Sadli asserts that PSW raises awareness of women’s involvement in decision making at all levels.
     
  3. PSW members are considered important actors in the area of gender equality in Indonesian academia; for example some of them act as cultural brokers, crucial opinion makers, and are at the forefront of introducing feminist writings from the West, the Middle East and Asia. They are considered agents of change by spreading information, research findings and new interpretations of women’s rights in Islam throughout Indonesian Muslim society, both in academia and at the grassroots level. Since 2002, PSW at IAIN (now UIN) (Insitut Agama Islam Negeri or State Islamic Institutes, and Universitas Islam Negeri of State Islamic Universities) Yogyakarta has been considered one of Indonesia’s most active Islamic research institutions on Islam and gender.[10]
     
  4. Initially, PSWs acted as New Order government tools focusing on maintaining presumed traditional gender roles, focused on housewifery.[11] From 2000, particularly after the launching of new forums, new organisations, and new Islamic books that redefined women’s roles, some PSWs in Islamic universities began to reformulate programs that promoted women’s concerns, such as challenging patriarchal culture and providing new egalitarian interpretations on gender in Islam. These centres conducted research on 'misogynist' Islamic texts, by implementing historical and hermeneutic approaches to get the relevant meaning of the texts and reformulate them with egalitarian interpretations.[12] They published these new egalitarian interpretations and used them as important references in their training for Islamic leaders and judges. In my research I discuss a variety understandings of contentious gender issues in Islam among Muslim gender studies elites in PSW/PSG.


    Research methodology
     
  5. Data were gathered in Yogyakarta during two rounds over a period of six months, using a mixture of quantitative and qualitative research methods. In the first round I conducted surveys comprised of multiple-choice questionnaires, and then followed up with in-depth interviews with chosen samples.
     
  6. Respondents were from six PSWs/PSGs in six universities in Yogyakarta. Three were from Islamic universities (Universitas Islam Negeri / State Islamic University (UIN), Universitas Islam Indonesia / University of Islam Indonesia (UII) and Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta / University of Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta (UMY)) and the remaining three were from public universities (Universitas Gadjah Mada / Gadjah Mada University (UGM), Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta / State University of Yogyakarta (UNY) and Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" / University of National Development "Veteran" (UPN)). The total number of respondents was 165; seventy men and ninety-five women. One hundred and five were from Islamic universities and sixty from public universities. All have been involved in PSWs/PSGs and they identify as Muslim. In-depth interviews were conducted with twenty-five respondents across all categories. In summary, the respondents were:

      a) Gender activists associated with universities
      b) Members of the PSWs in Yogyakarta (everybody in the PSW is a gender activist by definition, including former staff, current staff, researchers, and associate members/volunteers of PSWs)
      c) Muslims of both genders.

    Multiple-choice questionnaires were given to all core staff and ordinary members. In-depth interviews were given to a sample of core staff and ordinary members. For the in-depth interview, I tried to get a representative sample based on sex, university affiliation and interpretive approach (literalist, moderate, progressive).
     
  7. Jajat Burhanudin and Oman Fathurahman classify gender and feminist issues by means of three categories: conservative, moderate and liberal.[13] This classification is based on the way Muslims interpret religious texts and on their attitude to western feminism. In Burhanudin and Fathurahman’s scheme,[14] conservatives interpret religious texts literally, while liberal-minded scholars pay more attention to context and apply a hermeneutic approach. Between the two lie the moderates whose interpretations are inconsistent, sometimes tending towards the literal and at other times to the contextual.
     
  8. Although Burhanudin and Fathurahman’s categorisation concerns gender and feminist issues, these are viewed only in relation to religious texts and attitudes to western feminism, ignoring other gender issues in Islam. Mark Woodward,[15] alternatively, argues that Indonesian Islamic thought can be classified into five variants: 1) indigenised Islam (in Geertz’s term, known as abangan), whose adherents formally identify themselves as Muslim, but who in practice usually syncretise Islam with a local cultural system; 2) the traditional Sunni Islam of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)[16] which emphasises classical legal, theological and mystical texts: adherents often have been educated in pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) in rural areas and accept a local culture as long as Islamic values are not contested; 3) the Islamic modernism of Muhammadiyah,[17] which concentrates on modern education and social agendas, and reject mysticism: adherents are mostly from urban centres; 4) Islamist groups, who promote a highly politicised and anti-western interpretation of Islam, with a discourse centred on jihad and shari'ah law: adherents are most common on university campuses and in large urban areas; and 5) neo-modernists, who trying to discover an Islamic foundation for many types of modernity including tolerance, democracy, gender equity and pluralism; they are concerned more with Muslim values and ethics than with law.
     
  9. I have drawn on both systems of classification to divide the world of Muslim thought on gender and feminism in Indonesia into three redefined categories of literalist, moderate and progressive/contextualist. The literalist category covers what Burhanudin and Fahturahman call conservative ideas as well as including Woodward’s fourth, Islamist variant. My 'moderate’ category combines Woodward’s indigenous Islam with NU and Muhammadiyah variants. I use the Burhanudin and Fahturahman term 'moderate,’ because it spans the position between the other two. My last category, the progressive/contextualist, is similar to the 'liberal’ orientation proposed by Burhanudin and Fahturahman, and to Woodward’s, 'neo-modernist’. However, it is important to note that there is not always coincidence of organisational affiliation and the orientation of a person’s thoughts. For example, I found that not all people from the NU or Muhammadiyah organisations have a moderate orientation in regard to gender.
     
  10. From a review of the literature on gender in Islam, I have summarised, in Table 1 below, some of the core attitudes and expectations regarding the roles and rights of men and women, according to my three categories, namely literalist, moderate and progressive attitudes.


    Table 1. Summary of gender attitudes in Islam

    No Issues Literalist Moderate Progressive/Contextualist
    1 Equal status of men and women Men have a higher status than women. Men and women are complimentary Men and women are equal
    2 Kodrat (natural or inborn quality) Women’s kodrat is best expressed by being at home and doing domestic work and raising a child, whereas men’s kodrat is properly expressed in public and earning money. Islamic teaching prioritises women’s domestic roles and requires them to have a major role in bringing up children. Childbirth and breastfeeding are kodrat (natural or inborn), but raising a child and doing housework are socially constructed roles and are tasks that can be done by men or women.
    3 Equal roles of men and women in domestic and public sphere It is not appropriate for a husband to do domestic tasks such as washing, ironing, cooking, doing dishes and child care. A woman can work but it is not necessary to develop her career because her main responsibility should be in the domestic sphere. Both men and women should be encouraged to have a place in the public and domestic spheres.
    4 Women leadership Women cannot be leaders of men. Women can be leaders of men as long as they have the capability, but not in sholat(prayer). Women can be leaders of adult men if they have the capability, including in sholat (prayer).
    5 Equal rights to inherit Men should have a double portion whereas women should have a single portion in inheritance. Because men have a double portion in inheritance whereas women have a single portion, other types of charity should be found for women. Either woman should inherit an equal portion to a man or whoever needs more should inherit regardless of their gender.
    6 Equal capability to be witnesses between men and women It is proper that one male witness is equal to two females in Islamic law. Just one female witness is acceptable if she is capable or an expert on the issues. Men and women are equally capable of being witnesses.
    7 Creation of woman Woman was created from man’s rib That woman was created from man’s ribs is only an analogy Men and women were created from the same essence
    8 Polygamy To have more than one wife is natural because men are naturally polygamous and women are naturally monogamous. Polygamy is acceptable only where the condition of the universal concept of justice prevails such as protecting orphans and widows. Polygamy is unacceptable because it is out of date with the present time and causes lots of problems.
    9 Equal sexual rights between husband and wife. The wife must not reject the husband’s sexual advances. Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression, but the husband’s sexual need should be prioritised before that of the wife. Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression.
    10 Equal power to make decision in the family among family members Only a husband or father has the right to make decisions. It would be better if husbands/fathers make decisions in the public sphere and wives/mothers make decisions in the domestic sphere. Every family member, father, mother, and children have the right to make decisions based on their competencies.

     
  11. I subsequently used this summary as a source for developing a multiple-choice questionnaire for Indonesian Muslim gender activists and scholars at universities. My analysis of responses considers the ways in which literalist, moderate and progressive attitudes relate to the sex of the respondents and their university affiliations. I found that there is substantial disagreement amongst Indonesian Muslim gender activists and scholars at universities on gender questions, although many took progressive approaches on most issues. I will first review responses to the issues that elicited highly variable responses and then present the findings on issues where there was more agreement. In each of these sections, and for every issue, I will present the range of responses to the multiple choice questions and then contextualise this with findings from the in-depth interviews.
     
  12. In this paper I will not be engaging with all the gender issues outlined in Table 1. Rather, I will focus on those issues in Islam that elicit highly variable responses among Muslim gender scholars and activists, namely inheritance, witness validity, women’s status and polygamy. The two gender issues on which there was the least variability in responses concerned gender roles and sexual rights.


    Research findings
    Issues eliciting highly variable responses
    Equal Rights on Inheritance
     
  13. Responses to the question of inheritance were highly variable. The majority position was progressive followed by moderate then literalist. Significantly, this question had the highest response in line with literalist interpretations. Table 2 shows that 57 per cent of respondents believed that inheritance should be divided equally between men and women or that it should be apportioned on the basis of need. My survey shows that 29.1 per cent of respondents believed that other types of charity should be found for women because men have a double portion in inheritance whereas women have a single portion. The literalist view that men should have a double portion and women a single portion with no recourse to charitable compensation was shared by 13.9 per cent of respondents.


    Table 2. Attitudes to inheritance (N=165)

    Equal Rights on Inheritance Literalist Men should have a double portion whereas women should have a single portion in inheritance. 13.9%
    Moderate Because men have a double portion in inheritance other types of charity should be found for women. 29.1%
    Progressive Either women should inherit an equal portion to men or whoever needs more should inherit regardless of their gender. 57%

     
  14. Table 3 illustrates responses to inheritance based on sex. In general there is no significant deviation; however female respondents were more likely to take a literalist view (16.84%) than male respondents (10%) and male respondents were more likely to express a progressive view (58.57%) than female respondents (55.79%). Similarly male respondents were more likely to take a moderate position than female respondents. It means that more male respondents agreed with equal distribution of inheritance between male and female heirs than female respondents. Conversely, more female respondents maintained that men should have a double portion whereas women should have a single portion in inheritance.


    Table 3. Attitudes to inheritance by sex (N=165, M=70, F=95)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents' understandings on gender issues in Islam Male Female
    Equal Rights on Inheritance Literalist Men should have a double portion whereas women should have a single portion in inheritance. 10% 16.84%
    Moderate Because men have a double portion in inheritance whereas women have a single portion, other types of charity should be found for women. 31.43% 27.37%
    Progressive Either women should inherit an equal portion to men or whoever needs more should inherit regardless of their gender. 58.57% 55.79%

     
  15. Table 4 shows the different percentage of respondents’ understandings on inheritance based on respondents’ university affiliation. In general there was no significantly different view on inheritance between respondents who were affiliated with Islamic universities and those at public universities. However, respondents from Islamic universities were slightly less likely to take either literalist or progressive positions than those from public universities. Moderate positions were more likely to be taken by those affiliated with an Islamic university (31.43%) than a public university (25%). Table 4 shows that 60 per cent of respondents from public universities and 55.24 per cent of respondents from Islamic universities considered that inheritance should be divided equally between men and women or apportioned on the basis of need regardless of sex.


    Table 4. Attitudes to inheritance by university affiliation (N=165, Islamic Uni=105, Public Uni=60)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents' understandings on gender issues in Islam Islamic University Public University
    Equal Rights on Inheritance Literalist Men should have a double portion whereas women should have a single portion in inheritance. 13.33% 15%
    Moderate Because men have a double portion in inheritance whereas women have a single portion, other types of charity should be found for women 31.43% 25%
    Progressive Either women should inherit an equal portion to men or whoever needs more should inherit regardless of their gender. 55.24% 60%

     
  16. These findings tell us that there are still many people who believe that men should have double in the distribution of inheritance. This perhaps relate to Islamic teaching about inheritance (faroid) in Islamic universities. Why do more men than women choose moderate and progressive approaches? And why do respondents from Islamic universities advocate progressive approaches less than those from public universities? Conversely, why are there more moderate respondents to this question in Islamic universities? I think it might be related to the principles of faroid: when a dispute amongst heirs is brought to a religious court, judges are expected to make a moderate ruling. This encourages families to give other types of charity to women.
     
  17. The in-depth interviews revealed a variety of arguments about the concept of inheritance in Islam. Almost all respondents argued that the most important value in relation to inheritance was upholding justice (adl), even if views on justice differed. Some argued that the double portion for men was consistent with adl because a man is responsible for earning nafkah for his family. Others made an argument that this arrangement was unjust because in the current situation both men and women are responsible for earning nafkah. In contrast to these divergent ideas there is a moderate position; some respondents argued that two portions for male heirs and one portion for female heirs was acceptable as long as other charity was given to women.
     
  18. Among those who agreed that two portions for male heirs and one portion for female heirs was acceptable were Laila and Maman. Laila, a female respondent from a public university, reported:

      Men have a double portion in inheritance compared to women, so the heirs should negotiate and give other types of charity to women. The negotiation is in the best interests of all heir members. For example, if a female heir is poor and a male heir is rich, the inheritance should be given to the female heir with no force. But if the male heir does not want to share or give away the inheritance he possessed, it is within his rights.[18]

  19. Maman, a male respondent from an Islamic university explained that the 2:1 portion is equal because if it is combined in the family, the husband gets two portions from his family and the wife gets one portion from her family, then the result is 3 portions. So, two portions for male heirs and one portion for female heirs is just (adl).[19]
     
  20. Some respondents argued that the different distributions of inheritance between men and women in the contemporary Indonesian context do not reflect justice within Islam. They gave an additional argument that the important thing is adl (keadilan) not the portion itself. Most of them took a progressive approach, namely that either women should inherit an equal portion to men or the inheritance should be apportioned in accordance with need regardless of sex.
     
  21. Tria explained that although the Qur’an clearly states that two portions are for men and one portion is for women, it cannot be implemented in the present day. She reported:

      There are many cases in the family that a man is richer than his sister … if a woman receives a half portion compared to her brother, it will cause her to become poorer and more vulnerable. I think it is not fair, because if he is a man he gets double compared to his sister. For me, in Islam the basic value is justice and care for the needy. I imagine that the inheritance text was revealed to respond to the context of that time when women were property, therefore they did not inherit property from their parents … they are part of the inheritance itself.[20]

  22. Aisyah was in favour of a double portion for men in earlier times because there was a reason for it. But because both men and women now have the same opportunity to access recourses, inheritance also should be divided equally.[21] Abdullah had a different view about inheritance. He argued that the inheritance ayah (verse) in the Qur'an is open to reinterpretation because it is part of the Madaniyah [revealed in the Madinah]. Ayah verses in the Madaniyah mostly consist of issues that relate to human relationships (muamalah), whereas Makiyah verses [revealed in Mecca] discuss aqidah or faith. He explained:

      This is an interesting issue. For me, the inheritance text in the Qur’an is part of Madaniyah therefore it can be contextualised with the current situation … it is not a fixed verse … in reality when in the family both men and women contribute in nafkah then the number also should be changed because the ratio 2:1 reflects the reality that men were the only breadwinners at that time … also many ulamas in different Islamic schools of thought have different interpretations on inheritance distribution. It means that the inheritance text can be contextualised.[22]

  23. Two examples of respondents who took the moderate position were presented by Darma and Permata. Darma argued that the religious text can be interpreted in different ways based on circumstances within the family. He explained:

      In my understanding, there are theological reasons for allocating half the amount of inheritance. For me … we could still implement 2:1 but we have to raise an awareness about sharing property to the one who needs it the most. Secondly, my interpretation is that the parents should divide [the] inheritance equally between men and women and recommend their sons to accept a fair amount … [be] allocated to the sisters … that is what happened in my family.[23]

    Permata, a female respondent from an Islamic university argued that the Islamic system of philanthropy offers a very good ethical position on inheritance. Unfortunately this Islamic system is not implemented well in Indonesia. She explained:

      A long time ago in the time of the Prophet Muhammad, if a woman became a widow, her brother or her uncle would fulfil her basic needs, therefore although women got a single portion it was not a problem, because there was somebody helping her to fulfil her basic needs … but this system does not exist anymore. As a result, it seems that Islamic law on inheritance 2:1 is not fair.… I will tell you of my case in my family. My eldest brother yelled at all heirs to demand a double portion compared to the female heirs. But then I asked him to be responsible in providing nafkah (basic needs) to my older sister who was a widow until she got married again. My oldest brother did not agree with this idea so the inheritance was divided equally between men and women in my family based on consensus among family members.[24]

  24. In the in-depth interviews, I found that the arguments that respondents made in favour of moderate and progressive approaches were more sophisticated and convincing to me. For example, Abdullah explained that inheritance verses are part of Madaniyah ayah and therefore they are flexible and reinterpretable. In addition, although Permata chose a moderate position, in reality her family has taken a progressive approach to inheritance. This finding is in line with Jack Goody’s research which has found that in some communities Indonesian women have been able to inherit land and other property in equal proportion to their brothers, and sometimes more; however, by contrast in certain African societies women have been able to inherit houses and other property but not land, since production from the fields is reserved for male offspring.[25] It may be that such traditional Indonesian practises have shaped men’s regard and concern for women’s rights today.


    Equal Status of Women
     
  25. Women’s status with respect to men is contentious in Islam. On this issue my research reveals that there are almost equal percentages of respondents who have taken a moderate position and those who adhere to a progressive position (see Table 5). There is no significant deviation between male and female respondents and between public and Islamic university respondents. In all cases, the highest percentage take a progressive approach and the lowest percentage take a literalist approach.
     
  26. Table 5 shows that respondents who agreed with the progressive position that men and women are equal were slightly higher (52%) than those who expressed the moderate view that men and women are complementary (46%). Only 1.2 per cent of respondents (2 out of 165) believed that men have a higher status than women.


    Table 5. Attitudes to women’s status (N=165)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents’ understandings on gender issues in Islam Total
    Women’s Status Literalist Men have a higher status than women 1.2%
    Moderate Men and women are complementary 46.7%
    Progressive Men and women are equal 52.1%

     
  27. Arranging the data by sex, it can be seen in Table 6 that male and female respondents have followed a similar pattern. The most popular choice is the progressive view followed by the moderate then the literalist. Slightly more female respondents (47.37%) than male respondents (45.71%) adopted the moderate position, while the progressive position was accepted by slightly more male respondents (52.86%) than female respondents (51.53%).


    Table 6. Attitudes to women’s status by sex (N=165, M=70, F=95)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents' understandings on gender issues in Islam Male Female
    Women’s Status Literalist Men have a higher status than women 1.43% 1.05%
    Moderate Men and women are complementary 45.71% 47.37%
    Progressive Men and women are equal 52.86% 51.58%

     
  28. Table 7 shows that there is no significant difference between respondents from Islamic universities and those from public universities with regards to women’s status. Again the most popular position was progressive followed by moderate and literalist. There were slightly more moderate responses (47.62%) from Islamic universities than from public universities (45%), and more progressive responses from public universities (53.33%) compared to those from Islamic universities (51.43%).


    Table 7. Attitudes to women’s status by university affiliation (N=165, Islamic Uni=105, Public Uni=60)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents understandings on gender issues in Islam Islamic University Public University
    Women’s Status Literalist Men have a higher status than women 0.95% 1.67%
    Moderate Men and women are complementary 47.62% 45%
    Progressive Men and women are equal 51.43% 53.33%

     
  29. The comparable percentages between the moderate and progressive positions reflect the sameness-difference debate.[26] The sameness theory asserts that 'women should be seen through a prism which emphasised their similarities with men, while [the] difference theory holds that women are fundamentally different from men.’[27] This will be evident in my review of responses to the in-depth interview questions on this issue.
     
  30. In the in-depth interviews I asked respondents whether they saw women’s status in relation to men as 'equal-complementary’ or 'equal partnership’. In the broader community, there is an assumption that although men have a higher status than women, they are nonetheless complementary. In contrast, others believe that women have equal status to men in all aspects of life (equal partnership).
     
  31. The term 'equal-complementary’ (setara tapi berbeda/saling melengkapi) captures the idea that men and women are equal but different. The difference does not mean that one is higher or better than the other but it does tend to support the maintenance of traditional gender roles. In contrast, 'equal partnership’ (setara) captures the idea that men and women should have equal access to resources, equal opportunities to join in public and private activities, equal access to decision making, and derive equal benefits from decisions that have been made. According to this view, access to positions of influence should not depend on one’s sex but on individual merit.
     
  32. In general almost all respondents regarded men and women’s status as equal in the eyes of Allah, but responses varied when discussing different gender issues, such as gender roles in public and domestic spheres, equal inheritance rights and equal opportunities to lead in prayer. Some respondents tended to see men and women as 'equal-complementary’ and others saw them in equal partnership.
     
  33. For example, Maman, a male respondent from an Islamic university, argued that the relationship between women and men is not one of subordination but of complementarity and that the different gender roles assigned to men and women are not hierarchical but functional. Maman explained:

      In my opinion based on many resources, the women’s position [in relation to men] in Islam is not top down (vertical) but the position is complementary.… Men or women are not perfect human beings, if they get together they will be a perfect unity. Although they have different positions they have an equal value. I don’t agree if the domestic sphere is less valued than [the] public sphere. So for me, women are complementary to men, not subordinate.[28]

  34. One respondent, Laila, a woman from a public university, argued that the status of men and women depends on their kodrat and men seem to have higher status than women because many instructions in the Qur’an go to men not to women. She explained further below:

      For me the status between men and women depends on their tasks and their kodrat, so men have higher status than women depending on their context.… I felt that in the Qur’an Allah’s commands tend to be directed to men instead of women, for example the command for Friday prayer is compulsory for men … but if [it] is true or not I am not really sure that men are chosen as imam for women.[29]

  35. Other respondents argued that men and women are in equal partnership theologically and philosophically but their existence as human beings in the world is equal-complementary. For example, Wira, a male respondent from an Islamic university, argued that men and women have the same status and the same sacred duties because everyone is created equally and the most honorable person in the eyes of God is the most pious. Piety is gender neutral. However, he also maintained that in terms of our existence as biological human beings men and women are equal-complementary because men cannot live without women, nor women without men; they are couples (azwaj) and need each other.[30] A similar idea was also presented by Gizela, a lecturer at Islamic Studies at Islamic University:

      I am … a person who has a direct access to the religious text and I argue that substantially there is no single text legitimising the view that men and women should be treated differently. The only consideration is their piety (ketaqwaan) to God and only God knows and can measure a person’s piety.[31]

  36. When I asked further questions about the Javanese customary belief (adat) that a woman is a husband’s friend who stays in the kitchen (Javanese: konco wingking) or that a wife will go wherever her husband goes, to hell or heaven, making her a mere follower of the husband’s deeds (Javanese: surgo nunut neraka katut) no respondents agreed. Examples of disagreement presented by some respondents were: 'I do not like the Javanese belief that woman is konco wingking.… A man should go to the kitchen too. So, I do not agree with these beliefs.’[32] 'The beliefs were for a very long time ago in the dark time when women were dependent on their husbands … and for the current situation these beliefs are not relevant anymore.’[33]
     
  37. Other respondents reported that the beliefs are rarely found in current society and they are part of patriarchal culture. Hary and Rama, male respondents from a public university explained below:

      In the rural community … konco wingking means follower. And in fact the implementation of that belief is very rare. In my research with an agricultural family in Bantul, the main contributors to agricultural industry are women because most men go to the city to work.[34]

    Rama argued that Javanese beliefs such perempuan konco wingking belong to patriarchal culture. He reported:

      I think that it is an aspect of patriarchal culture or masculinism that men are smarter, more pure, and so on. This will appear differently in a different time or different culture. So, there was a time where men were more dominant in interpreting culture and created values that support their positions, including in Java.[35]

  38. It is interesting that these findings reflect an egalitarian culture in Indonesia. Traditional Indonesian communities in the main have bilateral descent or strong bilateral ties in a universal descent system. This local kinship pattern may shape contemporary values. Studies suggest that in traditional Indonesian societies the position of women has been relatively elevated, with a high status accorded to women.[36] Women held leading positions in a number of societies. Javanese women have enjoyed more freedom to venture into public space, as traders and organisers of family finances, than their sisters in Arab countries[37] and have had more rights than women in some African communities.[38] In some Arab countries women have not been allowed to go out of their homes without permission, and today some may not drive a car by themselves. Most Indonesian women have been free to drive and go everywhere by themselves.
     
  39. Although many respondents took a moderate view that men and women are complementary, the arguments they give in in-depth interviews portrayed an egalitarian view. Basically, respondents argued that theologically they believe that men and women are in equal partnership but physically they are equal-complementary.


    Polygamy
     
  40. At the first National Women’s Congress in 1928, lawful polygamy sparked debate among the congress members. Responses to survey questions on polygamy were variable with a comparable number of individuals taking moderate and progressive positions, suggesting that the issue is still contentious. Another interesting finding is that men and women tend to have different positions on polygamy. Despite being gender activists, men tended to accept polygamy while women did not.
     
  41. Table 8 shows that the most respondents (52%) adopted a progressive stance, meaning that they acknowledged the negative impacts of polygamy on women and children. On the other hand, 45 per cent of respondents considered polygamy to be acceptable if understood as a mechanism for protecting orphans and widows. Only 3 per cent of respondents regarded polygamy as acceptable on the basis that men are naturally polygamous and women are naturally monogamous.


    Table 8. Attitudes to polygamy (N=165)

    Polygamy Literalist To have more than one wife is natural because men are naturally polygamous and women are naturally monogamous. 3%
    Moderate Polygamy is acceptable only where the condition of the universal concept of justice prevail such as protecting the orphans and widows. 45%
    Progressive Polygamy is unacceptable right now because it is out of date with the present time and causes lots of problems especially for women and children. 52%

     
  42. Table 9 shows the different views of polygamy between male and female respondents. It shows that the most men (54.29%) took a moderate approach to polygamy, namely polygamy is acceptable only where the condition of the universal concept of justice prevails, such as protecting orphans and widows. In contrast, female respondents’ views were predominantly progressive (61.05%); polygamy is unacceptable in the present day and causes lots of problems especially for women and children. These results indicate a significant rejection of polygamous practice in Indonesian contemporary society. It also helps us to understand that polygamy for women is more problematic than for men.


    Table 9. Attitudes to polygamy by sex (N=165, M=70, F=95)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents’ understandings on gender issues in Islam Male Female
    Polygamy Literalist To have more than one wife is natural because men are naturally polygamous and women are naturally monogamous. 5.71% 1.05%
    Moderate Polygamy is acceptable only where the condition of the universal concept of justice prevail such as protecting the orphans and widows. 54.29% 37.89%
    Progressive Polygamy is unacceptable right now because it is out of date with modern values and causes lots of problems especially for women and children. 40% 61.5%

     
  43. Table 10 illustrates the different views of polygamy based on respondents’ university affiliation. In general there is no significant difference on polygamy between respondents affiliated with Islamic universities and those at public universities, although respondents from Islamic universities were slightly more likely to be literalist (3.81%) than those from public universities (1.67%). Similarly, Islamic universities had a higher percentage of moderate respondents than public universities. By contrast, respondents from public universities were more likely to take a progressive position (56.67%) than those from Islamic universities (49.52%). This suggests that those affiliated with public universities are more likely to reject polygamy than those at Islamic universities.


    Table 10. Attitudes to polygamy by university affiliation (N=165, Islamic Uni=105, Public Uni=60)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents’ understandings on gender issues in Islam Islamic University Public University
    Polygamy Literalist To have more than one wife is natural because men are naturally polygamous and women are naturally monogamous. 3.81% 1.67%
    Moderate Polygamy is acceptable only where the condition of the universal concept of justice prevail such as protecting the orphans and widows. 46.67% 41.67%
    Progressive Polygamy is unacceptable right now because it is out of date with modern values and causes lots of problems especially for women and children. 49.52% 56.67%

     
  44. The only gender issue for which men and women gave significantly different responses was polygamy. In this case, the debate is not so much between progressive and moderate groups than it is between men and women. My view is that women are more likely to be progressive on this issue for emotional reasons. Sharing a partner with others would be very difficult prospect for many women.
     
  45. The in-depth interviews revealed a variety of reasons for accepting polygamy. For example, Zaki argued that polygamy was acceptable and legal (not haram) as long as the husband fulfilled the requirement to be adl to all wives because it is stated in the Qur’an. Zaki explained it in this way:

      The Qur’an permits men to have more than one wife as long as he is a just husband to all wives. ….I don’t agree with Musda Mulia [a prominent feminist theologian] who prohibits (mengharamkan) polygamy. Maybe she said that because many polygamous people do not follow the spirit of the Qur’an.….I will not say that polygamy is haram because [the] Qur’an does not state that polygamy is haram. It is legal as long as it fulfils the justice requirement, for example, do not love one wife more than others.[39]

  46. Permata argued that polygamy is legal but not for her husband. She realised that polygamous practice in the modern era does not follow the Prophet Muhammad’s spirit and reason and thus makes women vulnerable. Permata explained:

      For me polygamy is legal as long as it not practised by my husband. I think polygamy causes vulnerability for women because usually the husband will ignore the first wife and in the current situation many polygamous people do not follow the Prophet Muhammad’s reasoning such as the protection of widows and children.[40]

    Mimi made a similar argument to that of Zaki and Permata; polygamy is legal and the husband should be adl to all wives although she realised that adl in love is impossible. For her, it is sufficient that the husband has equal visits and gives equal food and property to all wives. Mimi stated her argument as follows:

      I am pro-polygamy as long as he adheres to adl (justice) although I realise that adl in love is impossible. For me, it is enough if the husband has equal visits and gives equal food and property to all wives.…. For me, it’s good there is someone else who helps the wife, because sometimes I am tired … that is the husband’s right.… I am a conventional Muslim and I don’t really love my husband because I had an arranged marriage.[41]

  47. Looking at the respondents’ arguments on this issue it appears that they all agree with polygamy to the extent that it is normatively stated in the Qur’an and the polygamous husband has to fulfil the justice requirement. However, some respondents do not agree with polygamy personally such as Permata’s statement: 'For me polygamy is legal as far as it does not happen to my husband.' Mimi has a different reason, she agreed with polygamy because she does not love her husband because she was in an arranged marriage.
     
  48. Other respondents found a variety of reasons for rejecting or limiting polygamy. For instance, Sita, a female respondent from an Islamic university, disagreed with polygamy arguing that it was part of pre-Islamic culture to which Islam had to respond so it was a way of dealing with social problems not sexual problems. She asserted that in Indonesia no single case of polygamy follows the Indonesian Law. Sita explained her arguments as follows:

      Islam does not encourage polygamy. Polygamy is part of culture in the society and Islam came to respond to it. For me, I agree with Islamic leaders in Tunisia that polygamy is pre-Islamic and therefore Muslims should abandon it.… Indonesia prohibits slavery although the Qur’an allows that, so I think the same [applies] for polygamy. According to the Indonesian Marriage Law 1974 it’s actually difficult for men to practise polygamy. Historically, no single case of polygamy in Indonesia follows the Law such as the requirement for couples to come to court to get consent from the judge and then if the judge gives consent the couple will look for another women to solve their problem.… [Instead] the first wife usually gives consent for her husband to have another wife, because in many cases the first wife depends on her husband economically. If the first wife is economically independent she usually prefers to have a divorce.… First of all polygamy was one solution to deal with social problems not sexual problems.[42]

  49. Gizela, a female respondent from an Islamic university argued that in the Qur’an surah Al Baqoroh explains that nobody can be adl to all wives and it is impossible. All polygamy practises are in the best interest of men only. To protect orphans Indonesian Muslims do not need the institution of polygamy. Gizela explained as follows:

      Talking about polygamy is talking about justice [adl] … in the Qur’an surah Al Baqoroh explains that nobody can be a just person to all wives … it is impossible; no polygamy practise is done because of the interest of women, if there is choice, a woman will not share her husband with others.… So, for me in the Indonesian context polygamy should be banned by state law not religious law because it has created more injustice problems and not solved the social problems.… Polygamy is not relevant in Indonesia in the current time … because according to the Qur’an historically polygamy was practiced to protect orphans. In the present time the state can protect orphans [in other ways] not by having a sexual institution like polygamy.[43]



    Issues eliciting little variability in responses
    Equal gender roles in the home and workplace
     
  50. Gender roles in the home and workplace were not contentious in the PSWs/PSGs. Almost all respondents agreed that both men and women should have an equal place in public and domestic life. More female respondents believed that both men and women should be encouraged to have a place in both the public and domestic spheres than male respondents. More people in public universities maintained that women can work but it is not necessary to develop her career because her main responsibility should be in the domestic sphere.
     
  51. Almost all respondents (95.8%) agreed that both men and women should have an equal place in public and domestic life. Table 11 shows that only one respondent (0.6%) advocated a literalist approach namely that it is not appropriate for a husband to do domestic tasks such as washing, ironing, cooking, doing dishes and childcare and only 3.6 per cent of respondents maintained that women can work in the paid workforce but it is not necessary to develop their careers because their main responsibilities should be in the domestic sphere.


    Table 11. Attitudes to gender roles (N=165)

    Gender Roles Literalist It is not appropriate for a husband to do domestic tasks such as washing, ironing, cooking, and doing dishes and childcare. 0.6%
    Moderate A woman can work but it is not necessary to develop her career because her main responsibility should be in the domestic sphere. 3.6%
    Progressive Both men and women should be encouraged to have place in the public and domestic spheres. 95.8%

     
  52. Table 12 presents the different percentages of respondents’ understandings on gender roles in the house and workplace based on sex. Male respondents made up a higher percentage of moderate responses (5.71%) than female respondents (2.11%). Meanwhile, female respondents made up a higher percentage of progressive responses (96.84%) than male respondents (94.29%).


    Table 12. Attitudes to gender roles by sex (N=165, M=70, F=95)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents’ understandings on gender issues in Islam Male Female
    Gender Roles Literalist It is not appropriate for a husband to do domestic tasks such as washing, ironing, cooking, and doing dishes and child care. 0.0% 1.05%
    Moderate A woman can work but it is not necessary to develop her career because her main responsibility should be in the domestic sphere. 5.71% 2.11%
    Progressive Both men and women should be encouraged to have a place in both the public and domestic spheres. 94.29% 96.84%

     
  53. Table 13 shows the different percentage of respondents’ understandings on equal gender roles at home and public life based on respondents’ university affiliation. There was a slightly higher percentage of progressive responses (96.67%) from public university respondents than from Islamic universities (95.24%). There was a higher percentage of moderate responses from Islamic university respondents (4.7%) than from public university respondents (1.6%). No respondents affiliated with an Islamic university advocated a literalist approach and only 1.6 percent respondents from public universities took this position.


    Table 13. Attitudes to gender roles by university affiliation (N=165, Islamic Uni=105, Public Uni=60)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents’ understandings on gender issues in Islam Islamic University Public University
    Gender Roles Literalist It is not appropriate for a husband to do domestic tasks such as washing, ironing, cooking, and doing dishes and childcare. 0.0% 1.67%
    Moderate A woman can work but it is not necessary to develop her career because her main responsibility should be in the domestic sphere. 4.76% 1.67%
    Progressive Both men and women should be encouraged to have place in the public and domestic spheres. 95.24% 96.67%

     
  54. The reasons why the majority of respondents advocated a progressive approach could be related to their social background; all respondents are employees at universities. Also it is very common for both men and women to go to work in Indonesia, particularly for the younger generation, and there are strict religious laws in Indonesia regulating gender roles.
     
  55. Although all my respondents are employed at universities as lecturers, researchers or staff, they have different ideas about the concept of nafkah which is about providing basic needs. Some of them argue that nafkah is men’s responsibility. Others reported that nafkah is the responsibility of both men and women.
     
  56. Different reasons are given by respondents for arguing that nafkah is men’s responsibility. First, the main person responsible for nafkah is the husband/father, because it is part of his duty. If a wife or a mother earns money, then the money is considered as additional or complementary nafkah for the family. Women’s main duty is not earning money but taking care of children and doing domestic tasks. Joko, a male respondent from an Islamic university,[44] reported that nafkah is the husband's obligation and if the wife earns money, it is part of her charity (shodaqoh) to the family. Laila, a female respondent from a public university explained that nafkah is the man’s obligation because:

      Physically man has more strength to work and to deal with problems in the work place. He also has more freedom in the community than a woman. In Islam a woman has to get her husband’s consent to go out in public.… If a woman goes to paid work then the money belongs to her, it is not nafkah for her family although in fact there are many working women who spend their money for their family. So, a woman’s salary is a woman’s right and it depends on her how and for what the money will be spent.[45]

  57. Second, nafkah is the men’s responsibility because women have difficult reproductive tasks. If a woman has the same duties as a man does to earn money it would be a double burden for a woman. Sita, a female respondent from an Islamic university, reported that nafkah is a man’s obligation because:

      In the Qur’an it [nafkah] is the husband’s responsibility because in Al Baqoroh … Islam recognises the women’s reproductive tasks.… It is a very fundamental value that nafkah is for supporting reproductive tasks. If a wife earns money, it is for herself normatively.… In the society the problem is not about nafkah but the logical consequences of it. People often say that nafkah is the husband’s duty then as a consequence, he must be obeyed and have absolute authority.… This is the logic of capitalism. The Qur’an states that nafkah is a reminder that the reproductive tasks of a woman are very hard, so she does not need to earn nafkah.… Actually the Qur’an does not state whether it is an obligation (wajib) or not, it simply emphasises that earning nafkah for the husband is equal to the reproductive tasks for the wife. It does not mean that because he is earning nafkah then he automatically becomes a head of the family, for me it is not.[46]

  58. Third, nafkah is men’s responsibility because it is stipulated in the marriage contract. According to the Indonesian Marriage Law of 1974, the husband has to fulfil material and immaterial nafkah to his wife. The marriage contract is usually declared by the husband loudly in front of the government marriage officer, the witnesses and the guardian. A male respondent from public university, Hary, asserts that the husband has to fulfil his wife and his children’s needs.[47] This suggests that the ideological stance of the Indonesian government is that nafkah is the husband’s responsibility.
     
  59. In contrast, some respondents argue that both the husband and the wife have the same responsibility to be breadwinners, but the responsibility will be flexible if the wife is doing reproductive tasks that cannot be replaced by the husband. It means that if a wife is engaged in reproductive tasks such as being pregnant or breastfeeding, then the main responsibility for nafkah is on the husband’s shoulders. Some arguments that nafkah is a shared responsibility are that it alleviates the economic family burden and that it gives advantages for both the husband and the wife. For the husband, in today’s competitive times it can be difficult to find a good job, so if the wife also has a responsiblity to fulfil the family needs, then the husband’s burden will release his stress. For the wife, it erases the notion that the economical women’s contribution in the family is not only as additional or complementary income but may also be the main source of income. Therefore it will create a balanced relationship and an equal share of power in the family.
     
  60. According to Ita, a female respondent from a public university, families will get more benefits if both the husband and wife contribute to the family income, in order to cope with price increases and to be able to provide healthy food.[48] Some respondents argue that the involvement of both couples in earning nafkah is flexible.

      I think women’s kodrat is not a barrier for a woman to get involved in contributing to the family income as far as there is cooperation from her husband to be involved in reproductive and domestic tasks. For example, when the wife is breastfeeding at night the husband helps her to prepare the food.[49]

      For me, ideally both couples have the same responsibility for earning nafkah … because for me women’s kodrat such as pregnancy is negotiable and socially constructed, although in society many people believe that it is men’s responsibility and therefore, men have more opportunities and authority financially for the family. For me, this is not the ideal condition.[50]

  61. The different views about nafkah among progressive people relate to the condition of women as biologically different from men. Women’s reproductive tasks such as pregnancy and breastfeeding cannot be replaced by men. Therefore, women’s reproductive tasks need to be respected so women will not be doubly burdened by adding a nafkah responsibility. On the other hand, reproductive tasks are negotiable and can be managed. Therefore, by involving men in reproductive tasks and domestic tasks, women will avoid the double burden. In fact, usually many paid women workers have better bargaining power in the family.


    Equal Sexual Rights
     
  62. Equal sexual rights between the husband and the wife were not contentious in the PSWs/PSGs. Almost all respondents agreed that men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression. There was no significant discrepancy between male and female adherence to the progressive approach. More people in public universities thought that men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression, but the husband’s sexual needs should be prioritised before the wife’s.
     
  63. Table 14 shows that almost all respondents, 95.76 per cent, have a progressive approach to the idea of equal sexual rights between husband and wife. Respondents with a moderate approach make up only 3.64 per cent; only one respondent had a literalist approach.


    Table 14. Attitudes to equal sexual rights between husband and wife (N=165)

    Equal sexual rights between husband and wife Literalist The wife must not reject the husband’s sexual advance 0.61%
    Moderate Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression, but the husband’s sexual need should be prioritised before the wife’s. 3.64%
    Progressive Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression. 95.76%

     
  64. Table 15 presents the different percentage of respondents’ understandings on equal sexual rights between the husband and the wife based on sex. There is no significant different percentage on all approaches for both sexes in understanding the religious texts on equal sexual rights between the husband and the wife. The percentage is almost the same between male respondents (95.71%) and female respondents (95.79%). It means that both men and women agreed that both sexes have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression. No male respondent agreed that the wife must not reject the husband’s sexual advance and a very small percentage of female respondents (1.05%) agreed on this point.


    Table 15. Attitudes to equal sexual rights between husband and wife by sex (N=165, M=70, F=95)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches

    		 Respondents’ understandings on gender issues in Islam Male Female
    Equal sexual rights between husband and wife Literalist The wife must not reject the husband’s sexual advance. 0.0% 1.05%
    Moderate Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression, but the husband’s sexual need should be prioritised before the wife’s. 4.29% 3.16%
    Progressive Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression. 95.71% 95.79%

     
  65. Table 16 shows the respondents’ understandings on equal sexual rights between the husband and the wife by university affiliation. Respondents from both Islamic and public universities maintain a progressive approach, although they do so to different degrees. The progressive position is adhered to by a slightly higher percentage of Islamic university respondents (97.14%) than public university respondents (93.33%). In contrast, the moderate position is favoured by a slightly higher percentage of public university respondents (5%) than those are Islamic university respondents (2.86%). No respondents affiliated with an Islamic university took a literalist approach and only 1.67 per cent of respondents from public universities accepted this position.


    Table 16. Attitudes to equal sexual rights between husband and wife by university affiliation (N=165, Islamic Uni=105, Public Uni=60)

    Gender Issues and Type of Approaches Respondents’ understandings on gender issues in Islam Islamic University Public University
    Equal sexual rights between husband and wife Literalist The wife must not reject the husband’s sexual advance. 0.0% 1.67%
    Moderate Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression, but the husband’s sexual need should be prioritised before the wife’s. 2.86% 5.0%
    Progressive Men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression. 97.14% 93.33%

     
  66. Although most respondents agreed that men and women have equal rights to sexual pleasure and expression, the justifications they give are different. I asked for views on how to interpret the hadith that refers to the sexual relationship between the husband and the wife. The hadith mentions that if the husband wants to have sexual intercourse and the wife rejects the husband’s demand then the angel will curse the wife until in the morning. Some respondents agreed with that hadith, and others did not, giving different explanations.
     
  67. For example, Joko believes that the hadith is true,[51] but if the wife is having a period or feels unwell, she could reject sexual intercourse with her husband, because neither the wife nor the husband would enjoy sexual pleasure. If only one of them enjoys it this will hurt the other partner. Lailaalso maintained that rejection without any reasonable cause would have a negative impact for both sides.[52] Mimi added that if the husband forces the wife to have sexual intercourse, then he is a dzolim (oppressor).[53] Permata gave an additional statement:

      It is the husband’s right to be served by the wife but at the same time it is his responsibility to understand his wife’s condition such as the wife is fatigued or psychologically not ready … so for me if the husband still forced his wife to have sex with him I think it is not an equal relationship.[54]

    Zaki and Abdullah interpreted the hadith differently to other respondents. Zaki explained:

      We cannot understand this hadith literally. This hadith emphasises the importance of a harmonious relationshhip between the husband and the wife. It is not only about the husband’s need but also the wife’s needs.… If the wife asks the husband and the husband rejects without any appropriate reason then it [the curse] also happens to the husband. The messsage of this hadith is not to hurt each other.[55]

    Abadullah gave this explanation:

      We have to understand this hadith contextually.… Sexual relationships between the husband and the wife should be based on mutual willingness … and equal relationships.… One day when the Prophet Muhammad and his followers came back from the war, he asked his followers not to go directly home but to stay for a while and asked one of his followers to send a message to their wives that their husbands have almost reached home, so they can prepare for him by cutting their 'hair’. On another occasion the Prophet also said that a man should not have an ejaculation before fulfilling his wife’s sexual needs.[56]

    Only one female respondent from a public university, Laila, argued that it is a husband’s privilege to have his sexual needs satisfied by his wife. She explained:

      In terms of the sexual relationship between the husband and the wife, both couples have rights and obligations to each other. But as a wife the hadith indicates that the wife must serve her husband in any condition like it or not … because if the husband’s sexual need is delayed it will impact negatively.… In the Qur’an it states that your wife is as a garment for you, and you are as a garment for her.… It is not about a sexual relationship but it is about keeping dignity between the couples … so that verse in the Qur’an does not have any relationship with that hadith.[57]


    Conclusion
     
  68. Overall it can be concluded that respondents basically agree on some issues namely equal gender roles and equal sexual rights. But on the issues of inheritance, the status of women, and polygamy responses were more varied. There was a fairly equal balance between progressive and moderate approaches to polygamy and women’s status.
     
  69. Based on different sexes, responses to surveyed issues reveal that men and women follow similar patterns except on the question of polygamy. More women adopted a progressive view on polygamy than men who tended to take a moderate view. Women also tended to take a more progressive approach on sexual rights, and gender roles. Men were more likely to take a moderate approach overall on almost all gender issues. Literalist views were shared almost equally between male and female respondents.
     
  70. With regards to university affiliations, respondents from both Islamic and public institutions exhibited a similar pattern of responses on gender issues. On the issues of polygamy, inheritance, women’s status and gender roles, respondents from public universities were more likely to take a progressive position than those affiliated with Islamic universities. Those affiliated with Islamic universities tended to be moderate on almost gender issues except equal sexual rights. Those affiliated with public universities were more likely to take a literalist approach on inheritance, women’s status, sexual rights and gender roles.
     
  71. Many Muslim gender activists and scholars in Indonesian universities argue that theologically and philosophically men and women are in equal partnership and that biologically they are equal-complementary. By analysing respondents' arguments, it can be seen that those respondents who advocated moderate and progressive approaches were more likely to support these with feminist arguments. Moderate respondents tended to adopt a 'difference theory' position while progressives tended to argue from a 'sameness theory' position.


    Endnotes

    [1] Alimatul Qibtiyah is a PhD Student in the Centre for the Study of Contemporary Muslim Societies at University of Western Sydney, NSW Australia. The research findings in this paper are based on field research and data collection in Yogyakarta for six months in 2010. Therefore, a feedback and critique from readers will be highly appreciated. I would like to thank my supervisors, Prof. Julia D. Howell and Dr. Mary Hawkins who have helped me through this arduous task. Their useful guidance and brilliant ideas as well as their spirit and support gave me confidence to write this paper. Many thanks as well to all respondents for their insightful ideas, without which this research would not have been successful.

    [2] Ulumul Qur'an, 'Membongkar Mitos-Mitos Tentang Perempuan: Feminisme Dalam Perdebatan,' in Ulumul Qur'an V.5,6 (1994b); Ulumul Qur'an, 'Wawancara Dengan Riffat Hassan: Feminisme Dan Al Qur'an,' in Ulumul Qur'an V.3 (1994a).

    [3] Jajat Burhanudin and Oman Fathurahman (eds), Tentang Perempuan Islam: Wacana Dan Gerakan, Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama & PPIM UIN Jakarta, 2004, p. 118; Kathryn Robinson, 'Islamic influences on Indonesian feminism,' in Social Analysis Forum, 'Identifying with freedom: Indonesia after Suharto,' ed. Tony Day, vol. 50, no 1 (Spring 2006):171–77; Kathryn Robinson, 'Islamic cosmopolitics, human rights and anti-violence strategies in Indonesia, in Anthropology and the New Cosmopolitanism: Feminist, Vernacular and Rooted Perspectives, ed. Pnina Werbner, ASA Monograph, Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2008, pp. 111–34.

    [4] Diah Ariani Arimbi, Reading the Writings of Contemporary Indonesian Muslim Women Writers: Representation, Identity and Religion of Muslim Women in Indonesian Fictions, Sydney: University of New South Wales, 2006.

    [5] The New Order government of former President Suharto (1968–1998) promoted an ideology of 'state ibuism': the roles of wife and mother (ibu) were mandated for women and government guidelines for those roles were implemented nationally.

    [6] Alimatul Qibtiyah, 'Self-identified feminist among gender activists and scholars at Indonesian Universities,' in ASEAS-Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, vol. 3, no. 2 (2010):151–74, p. 152.

    [7] Kementrian Pemberdayaan Perempuan Republik Indonesia, Panduan Pembentukan dan Pembinaan Pusat Studi Wanita/Pusat Studi Gender, Jakarta: Kementrian Pemberdayaan Perempuan Republik Indonesia, 2004, p. v.

    [8] Committee on Women's Studies in Asia (ed.), Changing Lives: Life Stories of Asian Pioneers in Women's Studies. New York: Feminist Press at the City University of New York, 1995, p. 2.

    [9] Saparinah Sadli, Berbeda Tetapi Setara, Jakarta: Kompas, 2010, p. 366.

    [10] Pieternella van Doorn-Harder, Women Shaping Islam: Indonesian Women Reading the Qur'an, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006, p. 12.

    [11] Some programs were based on gender stereotype such as giving sewing machines and cooking utilities to women, and having cooking competitions for women.

    [12] The historical approach considers the influences of place and time on the revelation and recording of texts, understanding them to be shaped by the social, cultural, geographical conditions. It follows the principle of the fallibility of human knowledge. See Amin Abdullah, 'Hermeneutic method,' in Short Course Southeast Asia: Islam, Gender and Reproductive Rights, Yogyakarta: Pusat Studi Wanita, 2002, pp. 1–2. The hermeneutic approach focuses on three aspects of the text: the context in which the text was written, the grammatical composition of the text, and the world-view of the text. See Amina Wadud, Qur'an and Woman: Rereading the Secret Text from a Woman's Perspective, New York: Oxford University, 1999.

    [13] Burhanudin and Fathurahman (eds), Tentang Perempuan Islam, pp. 187–207.

    [14] Burhanudin and Fathurahman (eds), Tentang Perempuan Islam, pp. 187–207.

    [15] Mark Woodward, 'Indonesia, Islam and the prospect of democracy,' in School of Advanced International Studies Review, vol. 11, no. 2 (2001): 29–37, pp. 30–31.

    [16] Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was established in Surabaya in 1926 to strengthen traditional Islam. This organisation is characterised as traditionalist due to its tolerance of localised forms of Islam. Pesantren in this classification refers to NU-affiliated pesantren.

    [17] Muhammadiyah is an Islamic organisation in Indonesia that was founded in 1912 by Ahmad Dahlan in the city of Yogyakarta, as a reformist socio-religious movement advocating ijtihad (creative interpretation of Qur'an and hadith). It is one of the two largest Islamic organisations in Indonesia with 29 million members. Although Muhammadiyah leaders and members are often actively involved in shaping the politics in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah is not a political party.

    [18] Interview with Laila, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

    [19] Interview with Maman, Yogyakarta, 5 May 2010.

    [20] Interview with Tria 20 May 2010.

    [21] Interview with Aisyah, Yogyakarta, 23 June 2010.

    [22] Interview with Abdullah, Yogyakarta, 22 May 2010.

    [23] Interview with Darma, Yogyakarta, 9 May 2010.

    [24] Interview with Permata, Yogyakarta, 22 June 2010.

    [25] Jack Goody, Production and Reproduction : A Comparative Study of the Domestic Domain, Cambridge Studies in Social Anthropology, 17, Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976.

    [26] Catharine A. MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987.

    [27] Chilla Bulbeck, Re-Orienting Western Feminisms: Women's Diversity in a Postcolonial World, Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 10.

    [28] Interview with Maman, Yogyakarta, 5 May 2010.

    [29] Interview with Liala, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

    [30] Interview with Wira, Yogyakarta, 8 May 2010.

    [31] Interview with Gizela, Yogyakarta, 25 May 2010.

    [32] Interview with Aibar, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

    [33] Interview with Nisa, Yogyakarta, 17 May 2010.

    [34] Interview with Hary, Yogyakarta, 2 June 2010.

    [35] Interview with Rama, Yogyakarta, 11 June 2010.

    [36] Jane Monnig Atkinson and Shelly Errington (eds), Power and Difference: Gender in Island Southeast Asia. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990.

    [37] Arimbi, Reading the Writings of Contemporary Indonesian Muslim Women Writers.

    [38] Goody, Production and Reproduction.

    [39] Interview with Zaki, Yogyakarta, 27 May 2010.

    [40] Interview with Permata, Yogyakarta, 22 June 2010.

    [41] Interview with Mimi, Yogyakarta, 16 June 2010.

    [42] Interview with Sita, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

    [43] Interview with Gizela, Yogyakarta, 25 May 2010.

    [44] Interview with Joko, Yogyakarta, 24 May 2010.

    [45] Interview with Laila, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

    [46] Interview with Sita, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

    [47] Interview with Hary, Yogyakarta, 2 June 2010.

    [48] Interview with Ita, Yogyakarta, 27 May 2010.

    [49] Interview with Permata, Yogyakarta, 22 June 2010.

    [50] Interview with Rama, Yogyakarta, 11 June 2010.

    [51] Interview with Joko, Yogyakarta, 24 May 2010.

    [52] Interview with Laila, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

    [53] Interview with Mimi, Yogyakarta, 16 June 2010.

    [54] Interview with Permata, Yogyakarta, 22 June 2010.

    [55] Interview with Zaki, Yogyakarta, 27 May 2010.

    [56] Interview with Abdullah, Yogyakarta, 22 May 2010.

    [57] Interview with Laila, Yogyakarta, 3 June 2010.

Main

Published with the support of Gender and Cultural Studies, School of Culture, History and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University.
URL: http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue30/qibtiyah.htm
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